Re: Disappearance
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-10 16:01:07
Carol wrote:
"I think that the "rescue" attempt (assuming that's what it was, and it
seems a fair assumption) prompted Richard to hide the boys from either
Woodville rescuers *or* Tudor kidnappers who would have no qualms about
killing them. The rumors had nothing to do with his motivation but may have
been suggested by the boys' absence from public view. On the other hand, no
one seems to have heard the rumors except the target audience (dissident
Yorkists wanting to depose Richard and reinstitute Edward V and, later, the
French). As Tey pointed out in her novel, there were no other rumors
specifically related to the boys in Richard's time--at least none reported
in the chronicles.
At any rate, I think that hiding his nephews' whereabouts preceded rather
than followed the rumors and that, except for sending out orders to punish
anyone spreading a seditious rumor or lie (content unspecified), Richard
felt it best to ignore the rumors. He could hardly clear his own reputation
by revealing his nephews' whereabouts and continue to hide them at the same
time, so he apparently chose to continue hiding them despite the rumors, in
the meantime hoping that the ultimate defeat of Henry Tudor would resolve
the problem and let him get on with the business of ruling the kingdom."
Doug here:
I think you're quite right that the rumors had nothing to do with Richard's,
eventually, hiding of his nephews' whereabouts. I'm still trying to decide
whether the rumors represented someone's intentions, however.
How about this for a timeline and, very rough, guesses (Ok, ok, wild
speculations!)at some reasons behind what we *do* know about the boys'
disappearance:
1. June to September 1483 - the two boys are in the Tower, basically as
residents. A watch is kept over them when they leave their apartments, but
not much else. This is also the period when EW is involved in efforts to
gather support to return E(V) to the throne, gets involved with MB and
possibly agrees to let her daughter marry HT in return for his, and his
mother's, support in that effort.
2. When an attempt is made to grab the boys, they're immediately placed in a
sort of "lockdown", and confined to their apartments. That confimement is
noticed by the person(s) working for Buck/MB/Morton and word is sent to -
someone. The only thing I can deduce about any possible informant is that
he/she probably *wasn't* a resident of the Tower, wasn't well-acquainted
with anyone who lived in the Tower community or didn't know them well enough
to mention the boys' disappearance without themselves being taken note of,
*but* still was someone with access to, at least, the "public" areas. Was
any work being done on the Tower at that time? Could the possible informant
have been a day-laborer? Oh, well...
3. At any rate, the boys' "disappearance", although only for a short time as
we have records of the boys *still* being seen in the Tower until Easter
1484, is then used to "confirm" a rumor targetted, as you pointed out, at
dissident Yorkists. Whether or not said rumor was just someone (Morton?)
taking advantage of circumstances or reflected what someone (guess who?) had
planned to have happened is something I still can't determine (I know, what
a shock!).
4. After the rebellion was put down, the boys were still under tighter guard
(that's the being seen "less and less" part), but remained in the Tower
until just before or after their mother and sisters left sanctuary in
Westminster. I agree with you that, even before the rebellion, Richard had
planned to move the boys elsewhere but may have delayed moving them while EW
remained in sanctuary. If I remember correctly, EW left sanctuary *before*
Easter of 1484, and it was after Easter that, I believe, the boys joined
their mother and sisters at Gipping Hall (that's their "disappearance").
5. Then, sometime during the late summer, or early autumn at the latest,
Edward is sent to a secure manor in the English countryside and Richard
overseas. Because of the weather conditions that can develop, I can't see
Richard being sent overseas any later than earlier autumn, as it would too
dangerous.
6. Thus, I believe, EW *knew* her sons were alive, at least until Bosworth,
although she most likely never knew *exactly* where the boys were. Whether
that was because Richard didn't trust her to not get involved with *another*
attempt to reinstate E(V) or whether it was because he, and quite possibly
she, felt the fewer people who knew, the safer the boys were, I can't say.
It may very well have been a bit of both
Anyway, all the above is just my interpretation, and speculation, but maybe
someone can get *something* from it. As this conversation has moved away
from the original subject, I retitled it, hope noone minds.
Doug
"I think that the "rescue" attempt (assuming that's what it was, and it
seems a fair assumption) prompted Richard to hide the boys from either
Woodville rescuers *or* Tudor kidnappers who would have no qualms about
killing them. The rumors had nothing to do with his motivation but may have
been suggested by the boys' absence from public view. On the other hand, no
one seems to have heard the rumors except the target audience (dissident
Yorkists wanting to depose Richard and reinstitute Edward V and, later, the
French). As Tey pointed out in her novel, there were no other rumors
specifically related to the boys in Richard's time--at least none reported
in the chronicles.
At any rate, I think that hiding his nephews' whereabouts preceded rather
than followed the rumors and that, except for sending out orders to punish
anyone spreading a seditious rumor or lie (content unspecified), Richard
felt it best to ignore the rumors. He could hardly clear his own reputation
by revealing his nephews' whereabouts and continue to hide them at the same
time, so he apparently chose to continue hiding them despite the rumors, in
the meantime hoping that the ultimate defeat of Henry Tudor would resolve
the problem and let him get on with the business of ruling the kingdom."
Doug here:
I think you're quite right that the rumors had nothing to do with Richard's,
eventually, hiding of his nephews' whereabouts. I'm still trying to decide
whether the rumors represented someone's intentions, however.
How about this for a timeline and, very rough, guesses (Ok, ok, wild
speculations!)at some reasons behind what we *do* know about the boys'
disappearance:
1. June to September 1483 - the two boys are in the Tower, basically as
residents. A watch is kept over them when they leave their apartments, but
not much else. This is also the period when EW is involved in efforts to
gather support to return E(V) to the throne, gets involved with MB and
possibly agrees to let her daughter marry HT in return for his, and his
mother's, support in that effort.
2. When an attempt is made to grab the boys, they're immediately placed in a
sort of "lockdown", and confined to their apartments. That confimement is
noticed by the person(s) working for Buck/MB/Morton and word is sent to -
someone. The only thing I can deduce about any possible informant is that
he/she probably *wasn't* a resident of the Tower, wasn't well-acquainted
with anyone who lived in the Tower community or didn't know them well enough
to mention the boys' disappearance without themselves being taken note of,
*but* still was someone with access to, at least, the "public" areas. Was
any work being done on the Tower at that time? Could the possible informant
have been a day-laborer? Oh, well...
3. At any rate, the boys' "disappearance", although only for a short time as
we have records of the boys *still* being seen in the Tower until Easter
1484, is then used to "confirm" a rumor targetted, as you pointed out, at
dissident Yorkists. Whether or not said rumor was just someone (Morton?)
taking advantage of circumstances or reflected what someone (guess who?) had
planned to have happened is something I still can't determine (I know, what
a shock!).
4. After the rebellion was put down, the boys were still under tighter guard
(that's the being seen "less and less" part), but remained in the Tower
until just before or after their mother and sisters left sanctuary in
Westminster. I agree with you that, even before the rebellion, Richard had
planned to move the boys elsewhere but may have delayed moving them while EW
remained in sanctuary. If I remember correctly, EW left sanctuary *before*
Easter of 1484, and it was after Easter that, I believe, the boys joined
their mother and sisters at Gipping Hall (that's their "disappearance").
5. Then, sometime during the late summer, or early autumn at the latest,
Edward is sent to a secure manor in the English countryside and Richard
overseas. Because of the weather conditions that can develop, I can't see
Richard being sent overseas any later than earlier autumn, as it would too
dangerous.
6. Thus, I believe, EW *knew* her sons were alive, at least until Bosworth,
although she most likely never knew *exactly* where the boys were. Whether
that was because Richard didn't trust her to not get involved with *another*
attempt to reinstate E(V) or whether it was because he, and quite possibly
she, felt the fewer people who knew, the safer the boys were, I can't say.
It may very well have been a bit of both
Anyway, all the above is just my interpretation, and speculation, but maybe
someone can get *something* from it. As this conversation has moved away
from the original subject, I retitled it, hope noone minds.
Doug
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-10 16:12:07
I've just read Bertram Fields book & am about 2/3 of the way through
Annette Carson's book. One or the other discusses the probability that
both boys were still alive in September 1483, but whichever one it was, as
far as I recall, is not willing to commit beyond September that there's
firm evidence that the boys were still alive. What have I missed that
supports a date as late as Easter 1484 for their still being seen in the
Tower precinct?
A J
On Thu, May 9, 2013 at 11:01 AM, Douglas Eugene Stamate <
destama@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
>
> Carol wrote:
>
> "I think that the "rescue" attempt (assuming that's what it was, and it
> seems a fair assumption) prompted Richard to hide the boys from either
> Woodville rescuers *or* Tudor kidnappers who would have no qualms about
> killing them. The rumors had nothing to do with his motivation but may
> have
> been suggested by the boys' absence from public view. On the other hand,
> no
> one seems to have heard the rumors except the target audience (dissident
> Yorkists wanting to depose Richard and reinstitute Edward V and, later,
> the
> French). As Tey pointed out in her novel, there were no other rumors
> specifically related to the boys in Richard's time--at least none reported
> in the chronicles.
> At any rate, I think that hiding his nephews' whereabouts preceded rather
> than followed the rumors and that, except for sending out orders to punish
> anyone spreading a seditious rumor or lie (content unspecified), Richard
> felt it best to ignore the rumors. He could hardly clear his own
> reputation
> by revealing his nephews' whereabouts and continue to hide them at the
> same
> time, so he apparently chose to continue hiding them despite the rumors,
> in
> the meantime hoping that the ultimate defeat of Henry Tudor would resolve
> the problem and let him get on with the business of ruling the kingdom."
>
> Doug here:
> I think you're quite right that the rumors had nothing to do with
> Richard's,
> eventually, hiding of his nephews' whereabouts. I'm still trying to decide
> whether the rumors represented someone's intentions, however.
> How about this for a timeline and, very rough, guesses (Ok, ok, wild
> speculations!)at some reasons behind what we *do* know about the boys'
> disappearance:
> 1. June to September 1483 - the two boys are in the Tower, basically as
> residents. A watch is kept over them when they leave their apartments, but
> not much else. This is also the period when EW is involved in efforts to
> gather support to return E(V) to the throne, gets involved with MB and
> possibly agrees to let her daughter marry HT in return for his, and his
> mother's, support in that effort.
> 2. When an attempt is made to grab the boys, they're immediately placed in
> a
> sort of "lockdown", and confined to their apartments. That confimement is
> noticed by the person(s) working for Buck/MB/Morton and word is sent to -
> someone. The only thing I can deduce about any possible informant is that
> he/she probably *wasn't* a resident of the Tower, wasn't well-acquainted
> with anyone who lived in the Tower community or didn't know them well
> enough
> to mention the boys' disappearance without themselves being taken note of,
> *but* still was someone with access to, at least, the "public" areas. Was
> any work being done on the Tower at that time? Could the possible
> informant
> have been a day-laborer? Oh, well...
> 3. At any rate, the boys' "disappearance", although only for a short time
> as
> we have records of the boys *still* being seen in the Tower until Easter
> 1484, is then used to "confirm" a rumor targetted, as you pointed out, at
> dissident Yorkists. Whether or not said rumor was just someone (Morton?)
> taking advantage of circumstances or reflected what someone (guess who?)
> had
> planned to have happened is something I still can't determine (I know,
> what
> a shock!).
> 4. After the rebellion was put down, the boys were still under tighter
> guard
> (that's the being seen "less and less" part), but remained in the Tower
> until just before or after their mother and sisters left sanctuary in
> Westminster. I agree with you that, even before the rebellion, Richard had
> planned to move the boys elsewhere but may have delayed moving them while
> EW
> remained in sanctuary. If I remember correctly, EW left sanctuary *before*
> Easter of 1484, and it was after Easter that, I believe, the boys joined
> their mother and sisters at Gipping Hall (that's their "disappearance").
> 5. Then, sometime during the late summer, or early autumn at the latest,
> Edward is sent to a secure manor in the English countryside and Richard
> overseas. Because of the weather conditions that can develop, I can't see
> Richard being sent overseas any later than earlier autumn, as it would too
> dangerous.
> 6. Thus, I believe, EW *knew* her sons were alive, at least until
> Bosworth,
> although she most likely never knew *exactly* where the boys were. Whether
> that was because Richard didn't trust her to not get involved with
> *another*
> attempt to reinstate E(V) or whether it was because he, and quite possibly
> she, felt the fewer people who knew, the safer the boys were, I can't say.
> It may very well have been a bit of both
> Anyway, all the above is just my interpretation, and speculation, but
> maybe
> someone can get *something* from it. As this conversation has moved away
> from the original subject, I retitled it, hope noone minds.
> Doug
>
>
>
Annette Carson's book. One or the other discusses the probability that
both boys were still alive in September 1483, but whichever one it was, as
far as I recall, is not willing to commit beyond September that there's
firm evidence that the boys were still alive. What have I missed that
supports a date as late as Easter 1484 for their still being seen in the
Tower precinct?
A J
On Thu, May 9, 2013 at 11:01 AM, Douglas Eugene Stamate <
destama@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
>
> Carol wrote:
>
> "I think that the "rescue" attempt (assuming that's what it was, and it
> seems a fair assumption) prompted Richard to hide the boys from either
> Woodville rescuers *or* Tudor kidnappers who would have no qualms about
> killing them. The rumors had nothing to do with his motivation but may
> have
> been suggested by the boys' absence from public view. On the other hand,
> no
> one seems to have heard the rumors except the target audience (dissident
> Yorkists wanting to depose Richard and reinstitute Edward V and, later,
> the
> French). As Tey pointed out in her novel, there were no other rumors
> specifically related to the boys in Richard's time--at least none reported
> in the chronicles.
> At any rate, I think that hiding his nephews' whereabouts preceded rather
> than followed the rumors and that, except for sending out orders to punish
> anyone spreading a seditious rumor or lie (content unspecified), Richard
> felt it best to ignore the rumors. He could hardly clear his own
> reputation
> by revealing his nephews' whereabouts and continue to hide them at the
> same
> time, so he apparently chose to continue hiding them despite the rumors,
> in
> the meantime hoping that the ultimate defeat of Henry Tudor would resolve
> the problem and let him get on with the business of ruling the kingdom."
>
> Doug here:
> I think you're quite right that the rumors had nothing to do with
> Richard's,
> eventually, hiding of his nephews' whereabouts. I'm still trying to decide
> whether the rumors represented someone's intentions, however.
> How about this for a timeline and, very rough, guesses (Ok, ok, wild
> speculations!)at some reasons behind what we *do* know about the boys'
> disappearance:
> 1. June to September 1483 - the two boys are in the Tower, basically as
> residents. A watch is kept over them when they leave their apartments, but
> not much else. This is also the period when EW is involved in efforts to
> gather support to return E(V) to the throne, gets involved with MB and
> possibly agrees to let her daughter marry HT in return for his, and his
> mother's, support in that effort.
> 2. When an attempt is made to grab the boys, they're immediately placed in
> a
> sort of "lockdown", and confined to their apartments. That confimement is
> noticed by the person(s) working for Buck/MB/Morton and word is sent to -
> someone. The only thing I can deduce about any possible informant is that
> he/she probably *wasn't* a resident of the Tower, wasn't well-acquainted
> with anyone who lived in the Tower community or didn't know them well
> enough
> to mention the boys' disappearance without themselves being taken note of,
> *but* still was someone with access to, at least, the "public" areas. Was
> any work being done on the Tower at that time? Could the possible
> informant
> have been a day-laborer? Oh, well...
> 3. At any rate, the boys' "disappearance", although only for a short time
> as
> we have records of the boys *still* being seen in the Tower until Easter
> 1484, is then used to "confirm" a rumor targetted, as you pointed out, at
> dissident Yorkists. Whether or not said rumor was just someone (Morton?)
> taking advantage of circumstances or reflected what someone (guess who?)
> had
> planned to have happened is something I still can't determine (I know,
> what
> a shock!).
> 4. After the rebellion was put down, the boys were still under tighter
> guard
> (that's the being seen "less and less" part), but remained in the Tower
> until just before or after their mother and sisters left sanctuary in
> Westminster. I agree with you that, even before the rebellion, Richard had
> planned to move the boys elsewhere but may have delayed moving them while
> EW
> remained in sanctuary. If I remember correctly, EW left sanctuary *before*
> Easter of 1484, and it was after Easter that, I believe, the boys joined
> their mother and sisters at Gipping Hall (that's their "disappearance").
> 5. Then, sometime during the late summer, or early autumn at the latest,
> Edward is sent to a secure manor in the English countryside and Richard
> overseas. Because of the weather conditions that can develop, I can't see
> Richard being sent overseas any later than earlier autumn, as it would too
> dangerous.
> 6. Thus, I believe, EW *knew* her sons were alive, at least until
> Bosworth,
> although she most likely never knew *exactly* where the boys were. Whether
> that was because Richard didn't trust her to not get involved with
> *another*
> attempt to reinstate E(V) or whether it was because he, and quite possibly
> she, felt the fewer people who knew, the safer the boys were, I can't say.
> It may very well have been a bit of both
> Anyway, all the above is just my interpretation, and speculation, but
> maybe
> someone can get *something* from it. As this conversation has moved away
> from the original subject, I retitled it, hope noone minds.
> Doug
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-10 17:23:31
A J Hibbard wrote
"I've just read Bertram Fields book & am about 2/3 of the way through
Annette Carson's book. One or the other discusses the probability that both
boys were still alive in September 1483, but whichever one it was, as far as
I recall, is not willing to commit beyond September that there's firm
evidence that the boys were still alive. What have I missed that supports a
date as late as Easter 1484 for their still being seen in the Tower
precinct?"
Doug here:
It's in Williamson's "The Mystery of the Princes", almost the very end of
Chapter 4.
She wrote:
"The Great Chronicle of London (written sometime before 1496), for instance,
states: 'But afftyr Estyrn much whyspering was among the people yt the King
hadd putt the childyr of King Edward to deth.'"
She then goes on to explain her reasons, which I support for believing the
"Estyrn" referred to was in 1484 and not 1483.
Doug
"I've just read Bertram Fields book & am about 2/3 of the way through
Annette Carson's book. One or the other discusses the probability that both
boys were still alive in September 1483, but whichever one it was, as far as
I recall, is not willing to commit beyond September that there's firm
evidence that the boys were still alive. What have I missed that supports a
date as late as Easter 1484 for their still being seen in the Tower
precinct?"
Doug here:
It's in Williamson's "The Mystery of the Princes", almost the very end of
Chapter 4.
She wrote:
"The Great Chronicle of London (written sometime before 1496), for instance,
states: 'But afftyr Estyrn much whyspering was among the people yt the King
hadd putt the childyr of King Edward to deth.'"
She then goes on to explain her reasons, which I support for believing the
"Estyrn" referred to was in 1484 and not 1483.
Doug
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-10 17:27:49
I just read that (somewhere), too, and as I recollect it was because in
Easter 1483 the plans were still going ahead for Edward V's coronation, and
as I recall there are witnesses who saw them later in the Summer of that
year as well.
Loyaulte,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of Douglas Eugene
Stamate
Sent: Thursday, May 09, 2013 2:24 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
A J Hibbard wrote
"I've just read Bertram Fields book & am about 2/3 of the way through
Annette Carson's book. One or the other discusses the probability that both
boys were still alive in September 1483, but whichever one it was, as far as
I recall, is not willing to commit beyond September that there's firm
evidence that the boys were still alive. What have I missed that supports a
date as late as Easter 1484 for their still being seen in the Tower
precinct?"
Doug here:
It's in Williamson's "The Mystery of the Princes", almost the very end of
Chapter 4.
She wrote:
"The Great Chronicle of London (written sometime before 1496), for instance,
states: 'But afftyr Estyrn much whyspering was among the people yt the King
hadd putt the childyr of King Edward to deth.'"
She then goes on to explain her reasons, which I support for believing the
"Estyrn" referred to was in 1484 and not 1483.
Doug
Easter 1483 the plans were still going ahead for Edward V's coronation, and
as I recall there are witnesses who saw them later in the Summer of that
year as well.
Loyaulte,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of Douglas Eugene
Stamate
Sent: Thursday, May 09, 2013 2:24 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
A J Hibbard wrote
"I've just read Bertram Fields book & am about 2/3 of the way through
Annette Carson's book. One or the other discusses the probability that both
boys were still alive in September 1483, but whichever one it was, as far as
I recall, is not willing to commit beyond September that there's firm
evidence that the boys were still alive. What have I missed that supports a
date as late as Easter 1484 for their still being seen in the Tower
precinct?"
Doug here:
It's in Williamson's "The Mystery of the Princes", almost the very end of
Chapter 4.
She wrote:
"The Great Chronicle of London (written sometime before 1496), for instance,
states: 'But afftyr Estyrn much whyspering was among the people yt the King
hadd putt the childyr of King Edward to deth.'"
She then goes on to explain her reasons, which I support for believing the
"Estyrn" referred to was in 1484 and not 1483.
Doug
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-10 17:33:22
Okay, thanks - one more item to add to my chase-down list.
A J
On Fri, May 10, 2013 at 11:27 AM, Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@...
> wrote:
> **
>
>
> I just read that (somewhere), too, and as I recollect it was because in
> Easter 1483 the plans were still going ahead for Edward V's coronation, and
> as I recall there are witnesses who saw them later in the Summer of that
> year as well.
>
> Loyaulte,
>
> Johanne
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> Johanne L. Tournier
>
> Email - jltournier60@...
>
> or jltournier@...
>
> "With God, all things are possible."
>
> - Jesus of Nazareth
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> From:
> [mailto:] On Behalf Of Douglas
> Eugene
> Stamate
> Sent: Thursday, May 09, 2013 2:24 PM
> To:
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
>
> A J Hibbard wrote
>
> "I've just read Bertram Fields book & am about 2/3 of the way through
> Annette Carson's book. One or the other discusses the probability that
> both
> boys were still alive in September 1483, but whichever one it was, as far
> as
>
> I recall, is not willing to commit beyond September that there's firm
> evidence that the boys were still alive. What have I missed that supports
> a
> date as late as Easter 1484 for their still being seen in the Tower
> precinct?"
>
> Doug here:
> It's in Williamson's "The Mystery of the Princes", almost the very end of
> Chapter 4.
> She wrote:
> "The Great Chronicle of London (written sometime before 1496), for
> instance,
>
> states: 'But afftyr Estyrn much whyspering was among the people yt the
> King
> hadd putt the childyr of King Edward to deth.'"
> She then goes on to explain her reasons, which I support for believing the
> "Estyrn" referred to was in 1484 and not 1483.
> Doug
>
>
>
>
>
A J
On Fri, May 10, 2013 at 11:27 AM, Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@...
> wrote:
> **
>
>
> I just read that (somewhere), too, and as I recollect it was because in
> Easter 1483 the plans were still going ahead for Edward V's coronation, and
> as I recall there are witnesses who saw them later in the Summer of that
> year as well.
>
> Loyaulte,
>
> Johanne
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> Johanne L. Tournier
>
> Email - jltournier60@...
>
> or jltournier@...
>
> "With God, all things are possible."
>
> - Jesus of Nazareth
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> From:
> [mailto:] On Behalf Of Douglas
> Eugene
> Stamate
> Sent: Thursday, May 09, 2013 2:24 PM
> To:
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
>
> A J Hibbard wrote
>
> "I've just read Bertram Fields book & am about 2/3 of the way through
> Annette Carson's book. One or the other discusses the probability that
> both
> boys were still alive in September 1483, but whichever one it was, as far
> as
>
> I recall, is not willing to commit beyond September that there's firm
> evidence that the boys were still alive. What have I missed that supports
> a
> date as late as Easter 1484 for their still being seen in the Tower
> precinct?"
>
> Doug here:
> It's in Williamson's "The Mystery of the Princes", almost the very end of
> Chapter 4.
> She wrote:
> "The Great Chronicle of London (written sometime before 1496), for
> instance,
>
> states: 'But afftyr Estyrn much whyspering was among the people yt the
> King
> hadd putt the childyr of King Edward to deth.'"
> She then goes on to explain her reasons, which I support for believing the
> "Estyrn" referred to was in 1484 and not 1483.
> Doug
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-10 18:26:59
I'm wondering if EW knew exactly where her sons were until after Bosworth. I'm wondering if, at that point, all her sources for information on them dried up of a necessity (if the guardians weren't killed outright at Bosworth). Because once the Tydder took over it would have been too risky to even attempt getting word to EW about either son.
Did EW participate in any way in the Simnel rebellion? When, exactly, was it that the Tydder shoved her into a nunnery for being too friendly-like with Richard, and was Henry dealing with anything to do with the endless pretenders and rebellions at that time?
I ran across someone who stated flat out that EW did participate in the Simnel rebellion, but I'd never heard that before, and you'd think Henry would have nunnified her specifically for that if she'd done it.
Then again, to admit in writing that the mother-in-law was fighting to put her son on the throne would have drawn attention to Tudor's lack of legitimate right to be there, that a true York prince was running about, and gee, Uncle Richard *had* still been acting as their Protector after he was crowned, and...oh, we can't have that.
Anyway, is there any record of EW supporting the rebellions against Henry?
~Weds
--- In , "Douglas Eugene Stamate" <destama@...> wrote:
<snipped for brevity: it's times like this I wish the forum had a regular discussion board with specific divisions and threads, like www.fountainpennetwork.com>
.
.
.
> 6. Thus, I believe, EW *knew* her sons were alive, at least until Bosworth, although she most likely never knew *exactly* where the boys were. Whether that was because Richard didn't trust her to not get involved with *another* attempt to reinstate E(V) or whether it was because he, and quite possibly she, felt the fewer people who knew, the safer the boys were, I can't say. It may very well have been a bit of both.
Did EW participate in any way in the Simnel rebellion? When, exactly, was it that the Tydder shoved her into a nunnery for being too friendly-like with Richard, and was Henry dealing with anything to do with the endless pretenders and rebellions at that time?
I ran across someone who stated flat out that EW did participate in the Simnel rebellion, but I'd never heard that before, and you'd think Henry would have nunnified her specifically for that if she'd done it.
Then again, to admit in writing that the mother-in-law was fighting to put her son on the throne would have drawn attention to Tudor's lack of legitimate right to be there, that a true York prince was running about, and gee, Uncle Richard *had* still been acting as their Protector after he was crowned, and...oh, we can't have that.
Anyway, is there any record of EW supporting the rebellions against Henry?
~Weds
--- In , "Douglas Eugene Stamate" <destama@...> wrote:
<snipped for brevity: it's times like this I wish the forum had a regular discussion board with specific divisions and threads, like www.fountainpennetwork.com>
.
.
.
> 6. Thus, I believe, EW *knew* her sons were alive, at least until Bosworth, although she most likely never knew *exactly* where the boys were. Whether that was because Richard didn't trust her to not get involved with *another* attempt to reinstate E(V) or whether it was because he, and quite possibly she, felt the fewer people who knew, the safer the boys were, I can't say. It may very well have been a bit of both.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-11 16:29:36
Johanne Tournier wrote:
>
> I just read that (somewhere), too, and as I recollect it was because in> Easter 1483 the plans were still going ahead for Edward V's coronation, and
> as I recall there are witnesses who saw them later in the Summer of that
> year as well.
Carol responds:
Actually, the plans for E5's coronation weren't even afoot yet. Traditionalists to the contrary, the Great Chronicle passage *has* to refer to Easter 1484 (April 18) since Easter 1483 was March 30, at which time Edward IV was still alive, his elder son was still in Ludlow, and his younger son was with both parents at whichever palace they were then living in.
Carol
>
> I just read that (somewhere), too, and as I recollect it was because in> Easter 1483 the plans were still going ahead for Edward V's coronation, and
> as I recall there are witnesses who saw them later in the Summer of that
> year as well.
Carol responds:
Actually, the plans for E5's coronation weren't even afoot yet. Traditionalists to the contrary, the Great Chronicle passage *has* to refer to Easter 1484 (April 18) since Easter 1483 was March 30, at which time Edward IV was still alive, his elder son was still in Ludlow, and his younger son was with both parents at whichever palace they were then living in.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-11 17:14:49
Hi, Carol -
I only repeated what I recalled reading (one of those cases where I can't
remember where I read it, which happens so often these days. That said, I'm
fairly sure that what I reported was fairly close to what the source said. I
wonder if it was Hancock's book . . .
TTFN J
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of justcarol67
Sent: Saturday, May 11, 2013 12:30 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Johanne Tournier wrote:
>
> I just read that (somewhere), too, and as I recollect it was because in>
Easter 1483 the plans were still going ahead for Edward V's coronation, and
> as I recall there are witnesses who saw them later in the Summer of that
> year as well.
Carol responds:
Actually, the plans for E5's coronation weren't even afoot yet.
Traditionalists to the contrary, the Great Chronicle passage *has* to refer
to Easter 1484 (April 18) since Easter 1483 was March 30, at which time
Edward IV was still alive, his elder son was still in Ludlow, and his
younger son was with both parents at whichever palace they were then living
in.
Carol
I only repeated what I recalled reading (one of those cases where I can't
remember where I read it, which happens so often these days. That said, I'm
fairly sure that what I reported was fairly close to what the source said. I
wonder if it was Hancock's book . . .
TTFN J
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of justcarol67
Sent: Saturday, May 11, 2013 12:30 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Johanne Tournier wrote:
>
> I just read that (somewhere), too, and as I recollect it was because in>
Easter 1483 the plans were still going ahead for Edward V's coronation, and
> as I recall there are witnesses who saw them later in the Summer of that
> year as well.
Carol responds:
Actually, the plans for E5's coronation weren't even afoot yet.
Traditionalists to the contrary, the Great Chronicle passage *has* to refer
to Easter 1484 (April 18) since Easter 1483 was March 30, at which time
Edward IV was still alive, his elder son was still in Ludlow, and his
younger son was with both parents at whichever palace they were then living
in.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-11 19:44:28
--- In , Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@...> wrote:
>
> Hi, Carol -
>
> I only repeated what I recalled reading (one of those cases where I can't
> remember where I read it, which happens so often these days. That said, I'm
> fairly sure that what I reported was fairly close to what the source said. I
> wonder if it was Hancock's book . . .
Carol responds:
I think it was actually my post: http://groups.yahoo.com/group//message/35451
At the time I wrote it, I hadn't looked up the date for Easter 1483, but the April 18 date for Easter 1484 was fresh in my head. Since Edward died April 9, I was thinking that the preparations for E 5's crowning would be going on at Easter. In fact, as I indicated in the other post, they could not have begun yet since E 4 was still alive. My point was that the traditionalist historians usually dismiss the idea that the Great Chronicle refers to Easter 1484, yet given the early date of Easter in 1483 (March 30), the reference *has* to be to Easter 1484. (Another thought I had that I didn't express in the earlier post was that one reason why the boys might not have been seen much if at all during the winter (setting aside keeping them out of sight to deter attempts to rescue them) might have been the English winters, perhaps especially bitter then since it was still the Little Ice Age.)
At any rate, I was arguing with the traditionalist chroniclers (and silently correcting my own earlier post), not disagreeing with you.
Carol
>
> Hi, Carol -
>
> I only repeated what I recalled reading (one of those cases where I can't
> remember where I read it, which happens so often these days. That said, I'm
> fairly sure that what I reported was fairly close to what the source said. I
> wonder if it was Hancock's book . . .
Carol responds:
I think it was actually my post: http://groups.yahoo.com/group//message/35451
At the time I wrote it, I hadn't looked up the date for Easter 1483, but the April 18 date for Easter 1484 was fresh in my head. Since Edward died April 9, I was thinking that the preparations for E 5's crowning would be going on at Easter. In fact, as I indicated in the other post, they could not have begun yet since E 4 was still alive. My point was that the traditionalist historians usually dismiss the idea that the Great Chronicle refers to Easter 1484, yet given the early date of Easter in 1483 (March 30), the reference *has* to be to Easter 1484. (Another thought I had that I didn't express in the earlier post was that one reason why the boys might not have been seen much if at all during the winter (setting aside keeping them out of sight to deter attempts to rescue them) might have been the English winters, perhaps especially bitter then since it was still the Little Ice Age.)
At any rate, I was arguing with the traditionalist chroniclers (and silently correcting my own earlier post), not disagreeing with you.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-11 19:56:26
If that is the case, it gives new meaning to the phrase, "What goes around,
comes around," doesn't it, Carol?? Well, if that's the case, it would also
explain why I haven't been able to find it in one of the books I've been
reading. I'll take a quick look and see if I find anything elsewhere. If
not, I'll just fo-get about it! J
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of justcarol67
Sent: Saturday, May 11, 2013 3:44 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Disappearance
--- In
<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> , Johanne Tournier
<jltournier60@...> wrote:
>
> Hi, Carol -
>
> I only repeated what I recalled reading (one of those cases where I can't
> remember where I read it, which happens so often these days. That said,
I'm
> fairly sure that what I reported was fairly close to what the source said.
I
> wonder if it was Hancock's book . . .
Carol responds:
I think it was actually my post:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group//message/35451
At the time I wrote it, I hadn't looked up the date for Easter 1483, but the
April 18 date for Easter 1484 was fresh in my head. Since Edward died April
9, I was thinking that the preparations for E 5's crowning would be going on
at Easter. In fact, as I indicated in the other post, they could not have
begun yet since E 4 was still alive. My point was that the traditionalist
historians usually dismiss the idea that the Great Chronicle refers to
Easter 1484, yet given the early date of Easter in 1483 (March 30), the
reference *has* to be to Easter 1484. (Another thought I had that I didn't
express in the earlier post was that one reason why the boys might not have
been seen much if at all during the winter (setting aside keeping them out
of sight to deter attempts to rescue them) might have been the English
winters, perhaps especially bitter then since it was still the Little Ice
Age.)
At any rate, I was arguing with the traditionalist chroniclers (and silently
correcting my own earlier post), not disagreeing with you.
Carol
comes around," doesn't it, Carol?? Well, if that's the case, it would also
explain why I haven't been able to find it in one of the books I've been
reading. I'll take a quick look and see if I find anything elsewhere. If
not, I'll just fo-get about it! J
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of justcarol67
Sent: Saturday, May 11, 2013 3:44 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Disappearance
--- In
<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> , Johanne Tournier
<jltournier60@...> wrote:
>
> Hi, Carol -
>
> I only repeated what I recalled reading (one of those cases where I can't
> remember where I read it, which happens so often these days. That said,
I'm
> fairly sure that what I reported was fairly close to what the source said.
I
> wonder if it was Hancock's book . . .
Carol responds:
I think it was actually my post:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group//message/35451
At the time I wrote it, I hadn't looked up the date for Easter 1483, but the
April 18 date for Easter 1484 was fresh in my head. Since Edward died April
9, I was thinking that the preparations for E 5's crowning would be going on
at Easter. In fact, as I indicated in the other post, they could not have
begun yet since E 4 was still alive. My point was that the traditionalist
historians usually dismiss the idea that the Great Chronicle refers to
Easter 1484, yet given the early date of Easter in 1483 (March 30), the
reference *has* to be to Easter 1484. (Another thought I had that I didn't
express in the earlier post was that one reason why the boys might not have
been seen much if at all during the winter (setting aside keeping them out
of sight to deter attempts to rescue them) might have been the English
winters, perhaps especially bitter then since it was still the Little Ice
Age.)
At any rate, I was arguing with the traditionalist chroniclers (and silently
correcting my own earlier post), not disagreeing with you.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-11 22:44:19
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Saturday, May 11, 2013 7:44 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> (Another thought I had that I didn't express in the earlier post was that
> one reason why the boys might not have been seen much if at all during the
> winter (setting aside keeping them out of sight to deter attempts to
> rescue them) might have been the English winters, perhaps especially
> bitter then since it was still the Little Ice Age.)
Having worked in an office on the Isle of Dogs I can certainly say that
proximity to the Thames makes any extremes of weather especially unpleasant,
because the damp makes hot weather muggy and clinging, and cold weather
bitter and penetrating. The Tower is of course right on the water, and that
close to the river, it wouldn't need to be very cold in absolute terms to be
unpleasant enough for them to prefer to stay indoors by the fire playing
chess.
To:
Sent: Saturday, May 11, 2013 7:44 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> (Another thought I had that I didn't express in the earlier post was that
> one reason why the boys might not have been seen much if at all during the
> winter (setting aside keeping them out of sight to deter attempts to
> rescue them) might have been the English winters, perhaps especially
> bitter then since it was still the Little Ice Age.)
Having worked in an office on the Isle of Dogs I can certainly say that
proximity to the Thames makes any extremes of weather especially unpleasant,
because the damp makes hot weather muggy and clinging, and cold weather
bitter and penetrating. The Tower is of course right on the water, and that
close to the river, it wouldn't need to be very cold in absolute terms to be
unpleasant enough for them to prefer to stay indoors by the fire playing
chess.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-12 02:21:26
Johanne Tournier wrote:
>
> If that is the case, it gives new meaning to the phrase, "What goes around, comes around," doesn't it, Carol?? Well, if that's the case, it would also explain why I haven't been able to find it in one of the books I've been reading. I'll take a quick look and see if I find anything elsewhere. If not, I'll just fo-get about it! J
Carol responds:
Hi, Johanne. I wonder if you're inadvertently mixing up two different references in the Great Chronicle, one to the boys shooting and playing in the Tower (which must have occurred sometime between June 16, 1483, when young Richard was released from sanctuary, and October 31, 1483, the end of the "mayor's year" referred to in the chronicle) and the "whispering" that the boys were dead, which occurred in around Easter of 1484 according to the same chronicle. As I said earlier, it can't refer to Easter 1483 since Edward IV was still alive at that time. (Kendall speculates that the whispering arose at that time because that's when Edward of Middleham died and his death might have seemed like divine retribution to the medieval mind. But why, if the boys had not been see since September 1483--when, according to the Croyland Chronicler, they were still in the Tower--the rumors did not arise earlier (aside from the rumors planted to divert B's rebellion) is not clear.
At any rate, despite the late date of the (London) rumor, traditionalist historians struggle to make these two statements fit the "fact" that the princes (or at least the older one) had disappeared from view by the time Mancini left London in June 1483. Alison Weir, for example, says that the reference to the boys shooting and playing "must relate to the period immediately after 16th June and before the second week in July *when Mancini says the boys had ceased to appear at the windows altogether*." Mancini, however, doesn't specify a time and may not have heard the tearful men expressing fears that Edward was dead until after he returned to the continent.
Even Weir dates the rumor mentioned in the Great Chronicle to 1484, but unlike Kendall, she doesn't try to figure out why there would be such a big gap between the supposed disappearance in July and the rumor the following April. (According to her, Tyrell killed the boys on Richard's orders in early September and *Richard* spread the rumor of their deaths in October, but why it would take six months for those rumors to reach London when the boys had been missing all that time she doesn't attempt to explain.)
Anyway, we have the attempted "rescue" in late July, by which time Mancini was already on the continent, Tyrell in London in late August, a reference to the boys as still in the Tower on September 8 (the day of Prince Edward's investiture) by the Croyland chronicler, the shooting and playing reference (which could date to any time between June 16 and October 31), the rumor spread before Buckingham's rebellion in November, the rumor in France at about the same time, and the rumor in London in April 1484, which seems to coincide with Edward of Middleham's death. The next rumors we hear, about a year later, of have nothing to do with the "Princes" and relate to EoY.
Anyway, all sources, even Weir, agree that the "after Easter" whispering dates to 1484. The problem is how to fit that rumor with the "shooting and playing" and the apparent disappearance.
On a side note, some sources purport to give a specific date for "Edward V's" death. For example,
July 29, 1483 http://simple.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edward_V_of_England
September 3, 1483 (Weir)
(possibly) July 6, 1483
http://www.princeton.edu/~achaney/tmve/wiki100k/docs/Edward_V_of_England.html
July 6, 1483 (no indication of uncertainty)
http://www.geni.com/people/Edward-V-of-England/6000000001544606896
I'm sure there are other examples, including some stating that the deaths of both "princes" predate Richard's accession or coronation. How good it must feel to be so well informed while the rest of us flounder in uncertainty. {Note sarcasm.)
None of these purported death (or disappearance) dates fits at all well with rumors surfacing around April 1484 or with Croyland's remark that the boys were in the Tower (alive, of course) on September 8 (after Tyrell had returned to York). Where Buckingham was is unclear.
Carol
>
> If that is the case, it gives new meaning to the phrase, "What goes around, comes around," doesn't it, Carol?? Well, if that's the case, it would also explain why I haven't been able to find it in one of the books I've been reading. I'll take a quick look and see if I find anything elsewhere. If not, I'll just fo-get about it! J
Carol responds:
Hi, Johanne. I wonder if you're inadvertently mixing up two different references in the Great Chronicle, one to the boys shooting and playing in the Tower (which must have occurred sometime between June 16, 1483, when young Richard was released from sanctuary, and October 31, 1483, the end of the "mayor's year" referred to in the chronicle) and the "whispering" that the boys were dead, which occurred in around Easter of 1484 according to the same chronicle. As I said earlier, it can't refer to Easter 1483 since Edward IV was still alive at that time. (Kendall speculates that the whispering arose at that time because that's when Edward of Middleham died and his death might have seemed like divine retribution to the medieval mind. But why, if the boys had not been see since September 1483--when, according to the Croyland Chronicler, they were still in the Tower--the rumors did not arise earlier (aside from the rumors planted to divert B's rebellion) is not clear.
At any rate, despite the late date of the (London) rumor, traditionalist historians struggle to make these two statements fit the "fact" that the princes (or at least the older one) had disappeared from view by the time Mancini left London in June 1483. Alison Weir, for example, says that the reference to the boys shooting and playing "must relate to the period immediately after 16th June and before the second week in July *when Mancini says the boys had ceased to appear at the windows altogether*." Mancini, however, doesn't specify a time and may not have heard the tearful men expressing fears that Edward was dead until after he returned to the continent.
Even Weir dates the rumor mentioned in the Great Chronicle to 1484, but unlike Kendall, she doesn't try to figure out why there would be such a big gap between the supposed disappearance in July and the rumor the following April. (According to her, Tyrell killed the boys on Richard's orders in early September and *Richard* spread the rumor of their deaths in October, but why it would take six months for those rumors to reach London when the boys had been missing all that time she doesn't attempt to explain.)
Anyway, we have the attempted "rescue" in late July, by which time Mancini was already on the continent, Tyrell in London in late August, a reference to the boys as still in the Tower on September 8 (the day of Prince Edward's investiture) by the Croyland chronicler, the shooting and playing reference (which could date to any time between June 16 and October 31), the rumor spread before Buckingham's rebellion in November, the rumor in France at about the same time, and the rumor in London in April 1484, which seems to coincide with Edward of Middleham's death. The next rumors we hear, about a year later, of have nothing to do with the "Princes" and relate to EoY.
Anyway, all sources, even Weir, agree that the "after Easter" whispering dates to 1484. The problem is how to fit that rumor with the "shooting and playing" and the apparent disappearance.
On a side note, some sources purport to give a specific date for "Edward V's" death. For example,
July 29, 1483 http://simple.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edward_V_of_England
September 3, 1483 (Weir)
(possibly) July 6, 1483
http://www.princeton.edu/~achaney/tmve/wiki100k/docs/Edward_V_of_England.html
July 6, 1483 (no indication of uncertainty)
http://www.geni.com/people/Edward-V-of-England/6000000001544606896
I'm sure there are other examples, including some stating that the deaths of both "princes" predate Richard's accession or coronation. How good it must feel to be so well informed while the rest of us flounder in uncertainty. {Note sarcasm.)
None of these purported death (or disappearance) dates fits at all well with rumors surfacing around April 1484 or with Croyland's remark that the boys were in the Tower (alive, of course) on September 8 (after Tyrell had returned to York). Where Buckingham was is unclear.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-12 06:55:04
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 12, 2013 2:20 AM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> Anyway, all sources, even Weir, agree that the "after Easter" whispering
> dates to 1484. The problem is how to fit that rumor with the "shooting and
> playing" and the apparent disappearance.
If all the statements about when they were seen and when the rumours started
are true, it sounds to me like they were moved out of London in summer 1483
and everybody assumed they'd just been taken somewhere more congenial to get
away from the muggy heat, and it was only after they didn't appear the
following spring that anybody started to wonder.
When did Edward's daughters start appearing at court? If they appeared at
sevices or celebrations that Easter maybe people wondered why their brothers
weren't with them.
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 12, 2013 2:20 AM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> Anyway, all sources, even Weir, agree that the "after Easter" whispering
> dates to 1484. The problem is how to fit that rumor with the "shooting and
> playing" and the apparent disappearance.
If all the statements about when they were seen and when the rumours started
are true, it sounds to me like they were moved out of London in summer 1483
and everybody assumed they'd just been taken somewhere more congenial to get
away from the muggy heat, and it was only after they didn't appear the
following spring that anybody started to wonder.
When did Edward's daughters start appearing at court? If they appeared at
sevices or celebrations that Easter maybe people wondered why their brothers
weren't with them.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-12 12:12:17
Something occurred to me this morning which I'd never thought of before,
which is that perhaps Richard couldn't produce the boys for the same reason
Henry couldn't declare them dead, i.e. because he didn't actually know where
they were - and that this might have been because they had absconded under
their own steam, possibly from Gipping Hall.
You might thing that sounds far-fetched - but 163 years later the
14-year-old future James II/VII did just that. He got the people who were
meant to be guarding him to play hide-and-seek with him until they got used
to not seeing him for a couple of hours at a time, and then one day he just
put on girl's clothes and walked out, leaving them cheerfully looking for
him in cupboards.
The two ex-princes would probably have heard the story of Aunt Anne and the
Cook-Shop, after all - and they must have had plenty of jewelled brooches
and fancy books and boots that were theirs and which they could take with
them and sell in exchange for passage to wherever they wanted to go.
which is that perhaps Richard couldn't produce the boys for the same reason
Henry couldn't declare them dead, i.e. because he didn't actually know where
they were - and that this might have been because they had absconded under
their own steam, possibly from Gipping Hall.
You might thing that sounds far-fetched - but 163 years later the
14-year-old future James II/VII did just that. He got the people who were
meant to be guarding him to play hide-and-seek with him until they got used
to not seeing him for a couple of hours at a time, and then one day he just
put on girl's clothes and walked out, leaving them cheerfully looking for
him in cupboards.
The two ex-princes would probably have heard the story of Aunt Anne and the
Cook-Shop, after all - and they must have had plenty of jewelled brooches
and fancy books and boots that were theirs and which they could take with
them and sell in exchange for passage to wherever they wanted to go.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-12 12:24:16
An intriguing possibility, Claire. But where might they have gone? To whom? If they'd taken themselves to Burgundy, surely Richard would have been told? I can't imagine two princes would be content to live obscure lives, as apprentices or whatever. And which noble might be prepared to take them in and keep them hidden? A Woodville? Thank you for such a decent puzzler, it will keep my grey cells busy for a while. And, I'm sure, a lot of other Forum brains as well.
From: Claire M Jordan
Sent: Sunday, May 12, 2013 11:54 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Something occurred to me this morning which I'd never thought of before,
which is that perhaps Richard couldn't produce the boys for the same reason
Henry couldn't declare them dead, i.e. because he didn't actually know where
they were - and that this might have been because they had absconded under
their own steam, possibly from Gipping Hall.
You might thing that sounds far-fetched - but 163 years later the
14-year-old future James II/VII did just that. He got the people who were
meant to be guarding him to play hide-and-seek with him until they got used
to not seeing him for a couple of hours at a time, and then one day he just
put on girl's clothes and walked out, leaving them cheerfully looking for
him in cupboards.
The two ex-princes would probably have heard the story of Aunt Anne and the
Cook-Shop, after all - and they must have had plenty of jewelled brooches
and fancy books and boots that were theirs and which they could take with
them and sell in exchange for passage to wherever they wanted to go.
From: Claire M Jordan
Sent: Sunday, May 12, 2013 11:54 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Something occurred to me this morning which I'd never thought of before,
which is that perhaps Richard couldn't produce the boys for the same reason
Henry couldn't declare them dead, i.e. because he didn't actually know where
they were - and that this might have been because they had absconded under
their own steam, possibly from Gipping Hall.
You might thing that sounds far-fetched - but 163 years later the
14-year-old future James II/VII did just that. He got the people who were
meant to be guarding him to play hide-and-seek with him until they got used
to not seeing him for a couple of hours at a time, and then one day he just
put on girl's clothes and walked out, leaving them cheerfully looking for
him in cupboards.
The two ex-princes would probably have heard the story of Aunt Anne and the
Cook-Shop, after all - and they must have had plenty of jewelled brooches
and fancy books and boots that were theirs and which they could take with
them and sell in exchange for passage to wherever they wanted to go.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-12 12:33:51
Hi, Carol -
No, you are imparting a far more sophisticated (though mistaken) level of
reasoning to me than was in my mind when I wrote earlier. I was simply
indicating that I recall reading recently - and I don't believe it was your
email - a discussion, I think in one of the books on my kindle - of whether
the rumour of the boys being missing, which was said to have circulated
around "Easter (last?)" referred to Easter of 1483 or 1484. The conclusion
the author reached, for the reason that I stated, was that it applied to
Easter 1484.
I know (or at least keep separate in my mind) that the anecdote about the
boys being seen playing at butts in the Tower yard refers to the period
roughly during the Summer of 1483, and I was not referring to that episode.
However, I have skimmed back through Hancock's book, *RIII and the Murder in
the Tower* and I haven't come across the discussion, up to this point. I
will follow this up if I succeed in finding the reference, but other than
that, I am quite prepared to defer to your greater degree of research on the
matter, that Edward IV actually died shortly after Easter, which I did not
realize.
Thass all for now. <smiley>
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of justcarol67
Sent: Saturday, May 11, 2013 10:21 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Johanne Tournier wrote:
>
> If that is the case, it gives new meaning to the phrase, "What goes
around, comes around," doesn't it, Carol?? Well, if that's the case, it
would also explain why I haven't been able to find it in one of the books
I've been reading. I'll take a quick look and see if I find anything
elsewhere. If not, I'll just fo-get about it! J
Carol responds:
Hi, Johanne. I wonder if you're inadvertently mixing up two different
references in the Great Chronicle, one to the boys shooting and playing in
the Tower (which must have occurred sometime between June 16, 1483, when
young Richard was released from sanctuary, and October 31, 1483, the end of
the "mayor's year" referred to in the chronicle) and the "whispering" that
the boys were dead, which occurred in around Easter of 1484 according to the
same chronicle. As I said earlier, it can't refer to Easter 1483 since
Edward IV was still alive at that time. (Kendall speculates that the
whispering arose at that time because that's when Edward of Middleham died
and his death might have seemed like divine retribution to the medieval
mind. But why, if the boys had not been see since September 1483--when,
according to the Croyland Chronicler, they were still in the Tower--the
rumors did not arise earlier (aside from the rumors planted to divert B's
rebellion) is not clear.
At any rate, despite the late date of the (London) rumor, traditionalist
historians struggle to make these two statements fit the "fact" that the
princes (or at least the older one) had disappeared from view by the time
Mancini left London in June 1483. Alison Weir, for example, says that the
reference to the boys shooting and playing "must relate to the period
immediately after 16th June and before the second week in July *when Mancini
says the boys had ceased to appear at the windows altogether*." Mancini,
however, doesn't specify a time and may not have heard the tearful men
expressing fears that Edward was dead until after he returned to the
continent.
Even Weir dates the rumor mentioned in the Great Chronicle to 1484, but
unlike Kendall, she doesn't try to figure out why there would be such a big
gap between the supposed disappearance in July and the rumor the following
April. (According to her, Tyrell killed the boys on Richard's orders in
early September and *Richard* spread the rumor of their deaths in October,
but why it would take six months for those rumors to reach London when the
boys had been missing all that time she doesn't attempt to explain.)
Anyway, we have the attempted "rescue" in late July, by which time Mancini
was already on the continent, Tyrell in London in late August, a reference
to the boys as still in the Tower on September 8 (the day of Prince Edward's
investiture) by the Croyland chronicler, the shooting and playing reference
(which could date to any time between June 16 and October 31), the rumor
spread before Buckingham's rebellion in November, the rumor in France at
about the same time, and the rumor in London in April 1484, which seems to
coincide with Edward of Middleham's death. The next rumors we hear, about a
year later, of have nothing to do with the "Princes" and relate to EoY.
Anyway, all sources, even Weir, agree that the "after Easter" whispering
dates to 1484. The problem is how to fit that rumor with the "shooting and
playing" and the apparent disappearance.
On a side note, some sources purport to give a specific date for "Edward
V's" death. For example,
July 29, 1483 http://simple.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edward_V_of_England
September 3, 1483 (Weir)
(possibly) July 6, 1483
http://www.princeton.edu/~achaney/tmve/wiki100k/docs/Edward_V_of_England.htm
l
July 6, 1483 (no indication of uncertainty)
http://www.geni.com/people/Edward-V-of-England/6000000001544606896
I'm sure there are other examples, including some stating that the deaths of
both "princes" predate Richard's accession or coronation. How good it must
feel to be so well informed while the rest of us flounder in uncertainty.
{Note sarcasm.)
None of these purported death (or disappearance) dates fits at all well with
rumors surfacing around April 1484 or with Croyland's remark that the boys
were in the Tower (alive, of course) on September 8 (after Tyrell had
returned to York). Where Buckingham was is unclear.
Carol
No, you are imparting a far more sophisticated (though mistaken) level of
reasoning to me than was in my mind when I wrote earlier. I was simply
indicating that I recall reading recently - and I don't believe it was your
email - a discussion, I think in one of the books on my kindle - of whether
the rumour of the boys being missing, which was said to have circulated
around "Easter (last?)" referred to Easter of 1483 or 1484. The conclusion
the author reached, for the reason that I stated, was that it applied to
Easter 1484.
I know (or at least keep separate in my mind) that the anecdote about the
boys being seen playing at butts in the Tower yard refers to the period
roughly during the Summer of 1483, and I was not referring to that episode.
However, I have skimmed back through Hancock's book, *RIII and the Murder in
the Tower* and I haven't come across the discussion, up to this point. I
will follow this up if I succeed in finding the reference, but other than
that, I am quite prepared to defer to your greater degree of research on the
matter, that Edward IV actually died shortly after Easter, which I did not
realize.
Thass all for now. <smiley>
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of justcarol67
Sent: Saturday, May 11, 2013 10:21 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Johanne Tournier wrote:
>
> If that is the case, it gives new meaning to the phrase, "What goes
around, comes around," doesn't it, Carol?? Well, if that's the case, it
would also explain why I haven't been able to find it in one of the books
I've been reading. I'll take a quick look and see if I find anything
elsewhere. If not, I'll just fo-get about it! J
Carol responds:
Hi, Johanne. I wonder if you're inadvertently mixing up two different
references in the Great Chronicle, one to the boys shooting and playing in
the Tower (which must have occurred sometime between June 16, 1483, when
young Richard was released from sanctuary, and October 31, 1483, the end of
the "mayor's year" referred to in the chronicle) and the "whispering" that
the boys were dead, which occurred in around Easter of 1484 according to the
same chronicle. As I said earlier, it can't refer to Easter 1483 since
Edward IV was still alive at that time. (Kendall speculates that the
whispering arose at that time because that's when Edward of Middleham died
and his death might have seemed like divine retribution to the medieval
mind. But why, if the boys had not been see since September 1483--when,
according to the Croyland Chronicler, they were still in the Tower--the
rumors did not arise earlier (aside from the rumors planted to divert B's
rebellion) is not clear.
At any rate, despite the late date of the (London) rumor, traditionalist
historians struggle to make these two statements fit the "fact" that the
princes (or at least the older one) had disappeared from view by the time
Mancini left London in June 1483. Alison Weir, for example, says that the
reference to the boys shooting and playing "must relate to the period
immediately after 16th June and before the second week in July *when Mancini
says the boys had ceased to appear at the windows altogether*." Mancini,
however, doesn't specify a time and may not have heard the tearful men
expressing fears that Edward was dead until after he returned to the
continent.
Even Weir dates the rumor mentioned in the Great Chronicle to 1484, but
unlike Kendall, she doesn't try to figure out why there would be such a big
gap between the supposed disappearance in July and the rumor the following
April. (According to her, Tyrell killed the boys on Richard's orders in
early September and *Richard* spread the rumor of their deaths in October,
but why it would take six months for those rumors to reach London when the
boys had been missing all that time she doesn't attempt to explain.)
Anyway, we have the attempted "rescue" in late July, by which time Mancini
was already on the continent, Tyrell in London in late August, a reference
to the boys as still in the Tower on September 8 (the day of Prince Edward's
investiture) by the Croyland chronicler, the shooting and playing reference
(which could date to any time between June 16 and October 31), the rumor
spread before Buckingham's rebellion in November, the rumor in France at
about the same time, and the rumor in London in April 1484, which seems to
coincide with Edward of Middleham's death. The next rumors we hear, about a
year later, of have nothing to do with the "Princes" and relate to EoY.
Anyway, all sources, even Weir, agree that the "after Easter" whispering
dates to 1484. The problem is how to fit that rumor with the "shooting and
playing" and the apparent disappearance.
On a side note, some sources purport to give a specific date for "Edward
V's" death. For example,
July 29, 1483 http://simple.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edward_V_of_England
September 3, 1483 (Weir)
(possibly) July 6, 1483
http://www.princeton.edu/~achaney/tmve/wiki100k/docs/Edward_V_of_England.htm
l
July 6, 1483 (no indication of uncertainty)
http://www.geni.com/people/Edward-V-of-England/6000000001544606896
I'm sure there are other examples, including some stating that the deaths of
both "princes" predate Richard's accession or coronation. How good it must
feel to be so well informed while the rest of us flounder in uncertainty.
{Note sarcasm.)
None of these purported death (or disappearance) dates fits at all well with
rumors surfacing around April 1484 or with Croyland's remark that the boys
were in the Tower (alive, of course) on September 8 (after Tyrell had
returned to York). Where Buckingham was is unclear.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-12 12:40:54
Looking on-line for when was Easter in 1483, I came across this website.
http://edwardv1483.com/index.php?p=1_15_The-Fate-of-the-Princes
From glancing at a few pages, it appears to be exactly what it claims to be
"a traditionalist view." It does quote lots of sources, however, & agrees
that Easter 1483 was March 30.
Didn't look fully for the proprietor, but it wasn't stated up front.
A J
On Sun, May 12, 2013 at 6:33 AM, Johanne Tournier
<jltournier60@...>wrote:
> **
>
>
> Hi, Carol -
>
> No, you are imparting a far more sophisticated (though mistaken) level of
> reasoning to me than was in my mind when I wrote earlier. I was simply
> indicating that I recall reading recently - and I don't believe it was your
> email - a discussion, I think in one of the books on my kindle - of whether
> the rumour of the boys being missing, which was said to have circulated
> around "Easter (last?)" referred to Easter of 1483 or 1484. The conclusion
> the author reached, for the reason that I stated, was that it applied to
> Easter 1484.
>
> I know (or at least keep separate in my mind) that the anecdote about the
> boys being seen playing at butts in the Tower yard refers to the period
> roughly during the Summer of 1483, and I was not referring to that
> episode.
>
> However, I have skimmed back through Hancock's book, *RIII and the Murder
> in
> the Tower* and I haven't come across the discussion, up to this point. I
> will follow this up if I succeed in finding the reference, but other than
> that, I am quite prepared to defer to your greater degree of research on
> the
> matter, that Edward IV actually died shortly after Easter, which I did not
> realize.
>
> Thass all for now. <smiley>
>
> Loyaulte me lie,
>
>
> Johanne
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> Johanne L. Tournier
>
> Email - jltournier60@...
>
> or jltournier@...
>
> "With God, all things are possible."
>
> - Jesus of Nazareth
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> From:
> [mailto:] On Behalf Of justcarol67
> Sent: Saturday, May 11, 2013 10:21 PM
>
> To:
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
> Johanne Tournier wrote:
> >
> > If that is the case, it gives new meaning to the phrase, "What goes
> around, comes around," doesn't it, Carol?? Well, if that's the case, it
> would also explain why I haven't been able to find it in one of the books
> I've been reading. I'll take a quick look and see if I find anything
> elsewhere. If not, I'll just fo-get about it! J
>
> Carol responds:
>
> Hi, Johanne. I wonder if you're inadvertently mixing up two different
> references in the Great Chronicle, one to the boys shooting and playing in
> the Tower (which must have occurred sometime between June 16, 1483, when
> young Richard was released from sanctuary, and October 31, 1483, the end of
> the "mayor's year" referred to in the chronicle) and the "whispering" that
> the boys were dead, which occurred in around Easter of 1484 according to
> the
> same chronicle. As I said earlier, it can't refer to Easter 1483 since
> Edward IV was still alive at that time. (Kendall speculates that the
> whispering arose at that time because that's when Edward of Middleham died
> and his death might have seemed like divine retribution to the medieval
> mind. But why, if the boys had not been see since September 1483--when,
> according to the Croyland Chronicler, they were still in the Tower--the
> rumors did not arise earlier (aside from the rumors planted to divert B's
> rebellion) is not clear.
>
> At any rate, despite the late date of the (London) rumor, traditionalist
> historians struggle to make these two statements fit the "fact" that the
> princes (or at least the older one) had disappeared from view by the time
> Mancini left London in June 1483. Alison Weir, for example, says that the
> reference to the boys shooting and playing "must relate to the period
> immediately after 16th June and before the second week in July *when
> Mancini
> says the boys had ceased to appear at the windows altogether*." Mancini,
> however, doesn't specify a time and may not have heard the tearful men
> expressing fears that Edward was dead until after he returned to the
> continent.
>
> Even Weir dates the rumor mentioned in the Great Chronicle to 1484, but
> unlike Kendall, she doesn't try to figure out why there would be such a big
> gap between the supposed disappearance in July and the rumor the following
> April. (According to her, Tyrell killed the boys on Richard's orders in
> early September and *Richard* spread the rumor of their deaths in October,
> but why it would take six months for those rumors to reach London when the
> boys had been missing all that time she doesn't attempt to explain.)
>
> Anyway, we have the attempted "rescue" in late July, by which time Mancini
> was already on the continent, Tyrell in London in late August, a reference
> to the boys as still in the Tower on September 8 (the day of Prince
> Edward's
> investiture) by the Croyland chronicler, the shooting and playing reference
> (which could date to any time between June 16 and October 31), the rumor
> spread before Buckingham's rebellion in November, the rumor in France at
> about the same time, and the rumor in London in April 1484, which seems to
> coincide with Edward of Middleham's death. The next rumors we hear, about a
> year later, of have nothing to do with the "Princes" and relate to EoY.
>
> Anyway, all sources, even Weir, agree that the "after Easter" whispering
> dates to 1484. The problem is how to fit that rumor with the "shooting and
> playing" and the apparent disappearance.
>
> On a side note, some sources purport to give a specific date for "Edward
> V's" death. For example,
>
> July 29, 1483 http://simple.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edward_V_of_England
>
> September 3, 1483 (Weir)
>
> (possibly) July 6, 1483
>
> http://www.princeton.edu/~achaney/tmve/wiki100k/docs/Edward_V_of_England.htm
> l
>
> July 6, 1483 (no indication of uncertainty)
> http://www.geni.com/people/Edward-V-of-England/6000000001544606896
>
> I'm sure there are other examples, including some stating that the deaths
> of
> both "princes" predate Richard's accession or coronation. How good it must
> feel to be so well informed while the rest of us flounder in uncertainty.
> {Note sarcasm.)
>
> None of these purported death (or disappearance) dates fits at all well
> with
> rumors surfacing around April 1484 or with Croyland's remark that the boys
> were in the Tower (alive, of course) on September 8 (after Tyrell had
> returned to York). Where Buckingham was is unclear.
>
> Carol
>
>
>
>
>
http://edwardv1483.com/index.php?p=1_15_The-Fate-of-the-Princes
From glancing at a few pages, it appears to be exactly what it claims to be
"a traditionalist view." It does quote lots of sources, however, & agrees
that Easter 1483 was March 30.
Didn't look fully for the proprietor, but it wasn't stated up front.
A J
On Sun, May 12, 2013 at 6:33 AM, Johanne Tournier
<jltournier60@...>wrote:
> **
>
>
> Hi, Carol -
>
> No, you are imparting a far more sophisticated (though mistaken) level of
> reasoning to me than was in my mind when I wrote earlier. I was simply
> indicating that I recall reading recently - and I don't believe it was your
> email - a discussion, I think in one of the books on my kindle - of whether
> the rumour of the boys being missing, which was said to have circulated
> around "Easter (last?)" referred to Easter of 1483 or 1484. The conclusion
> the author reached, for the reason that I stated, was that it applied to
> Easter 1484.
>
> I know (or at least keep separate in my mind) that the anecdote about the
> boys being seen playing at butts in the Tower yard refers to the period
> roughly during the Summer of 1483, and I was not referring to that
> episode.
>
> However, I have skimmed back through Hancock's book, *RIII and the Murder
> in
> the Tower* and I haven't come across the discussion, up to this point. I
> will follow this up if I succeed in finding the reference, but other than
> that, I am quite prepared to defer to your greater degree of research on
> the
> matter, that Edward IV actually died shortly after Easter, which I did not
> realize.
>
> Thass all for now. <smiley>
>
> Loyaulte me lie,
>
>
> Johanne
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> Johanne L. Tournier
>
> Email - jltournier60@...
>
> or jltournier@...
>
> "With God, all things are possible."
>
> - Jesus of Nazareth
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> From:
> [mailto:] On Behalf Of justcarol67
> Sent: Saturday, May 11, 2013 10:21 PM
>
> To:
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
> Johanne Tournier wrote:
> >
> > If that is the case, it gives new meaning to the phrase, "What goes
> around, comes around," doesn't it, Carol?? Well, if that's the case, it
> would also explain why I haven't been able to find it in one of the books
> I've been reading. I'll take a quick look and see if I find anything
> elsewhere. If not, I'll just fo-get about it! J
>
> Carol responds:
>
> Hi, Johanne. I wonder if you're inadvertently mixing up two different
> references in the Great Chronicle, one to the boys shooting and playing in
> the Tower (which must have occurred sometime between June 16, 1483, when
> young Richard was released from sanctuary, and October 31, 1483, the end of
> the "mayor's year" referred to in the chronicle) and the "whispering" that
> the boys were dead, which occurred in around Easter of 1484 according to
> the
> same chronicle. As I said earlier, it can't refer to Easter 1483 since
> Edward IV was still alive at that time. (Kendall speculates that the
> whispering arose at that time because that's when Edward of Middleham died
> and his death might have seemed like divine retribution to the medieval
> mind. But why, if the boys had not been see since September 1483--when,
> according to the Croyland Chronicler, they were still in the Tower--the
> rumors did not arise earlier (aside from the rumors planted to divert B's
> rebellion) is not clear.
>
> At any rate, despite the late date of the (London) rumor, traditionalist
> historians struggle to make these two statements fit the "fact" that the
> princes (or at least the older one) had disappeared from view by the time
> Mancini left London in June 1483. Alison Weir, for example, says that the
> reference to the boys shooting and playing "must relate to the period
> immediately after 16th June and before the second week in July *when
> Mancini
> says the boys had ceased to appear at the windows altogether*." Mancini,
> however, doesn't specify a time and may not have heard the tearful men
> expressing fears that Edward was dead until after he returned to the
> continent.
>
> Even Weir dates the rumor mentioned in the Great Chronicle to 1484, but
> unlike Kendall, she doesn't try to figure out why there would be such a big
> gap between the supposed disappearance in July and the rumor the following
> April. (According to her, Tyrell killed the boys on Richard's orders in
> early September and *Richard* spread the rumor of their deaths in October,
> but why it would take six months for those rumors to reach London when the
> boys had been missing all that time she doesn't attempt to explain.)
>
> Anyway, we have the attempted "rescue" in late July, by which time Mancini
> was already on the continent, Tyrell in London in late August, a reference
> to the boys as still in the Tower on September 8 (the day of Prince
> Edward's
> investiture) by the Croyland chronicler, the shooting and playing reference
> (which could date to any time between June 16 and October 31), the rumor
> spread before Buckingham's rebellion in November, the rumor in France at
> about the same time, and the rumor in London in April 1484, which seems to
> coincide with Edward of Middleham's death. The next rumors we hear, about a
> year later, of have nothing to do with the "Princes" and relate to EoY.
>
> Anyway, all sources, even Weir, agree that the "after Easter" whispering
> dates to 1484. The problem is how to fit that rumor with the "shooting and
> playing" and the apparent disappearance.
>
> On a side note, some sources purport to give a specific date for "Edward
> V's" death. For example,
>
> July 29, 1483 http://simple.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edward_V_of_England
>
> September 3, 1483 (Weir)
>
> (possibly) July 6, 1483
>
> http://www.princeton.edu/~achaney/tmve/wiki100k/docs/Edward_V_of_England.htm
> l
>
> July 6, 1483 (no indication of uncertainty)
> http://www.geni.com/people/Edward-V-of-England/6000000001544606896
>
> I'm sure there are other examples, including some stating that the deaths
> of
> both "princes" predate Richard's accession or coronation. How good it must
> feel to be so well informed while the rest of us flounder in uncertainty.
> {Note sarcasm.)
>
> None of these purported death (or disappearance) dates fits at all well
> with
> rumors surfacing around April 1484 or with Croyland's remark that the boys
> were in the Tower (alive, of course) on September 8 (after Tyrell had
> returned to York). Where Buckingham was is unclear.
>
> Carol
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-12 12:43:31
I trust M/s Weir cited some evidence that James Tyrrell killed the Princes in early September 1483?
--- In , "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...> wrote:
>
>
> Johanne Tournier wrote:
> >
> > If that is the case, it gives new meaning to the phrase, "What goes around, comes around," doesn't it, Carol?? Well, if that's the case, it would also explain why I haven't been able to find it in one of the books I've been reading. I'll take a quick look and see if I find anything elsewhere. If not, I'll just fo-get about it! J
>
> Carol responds:
>
> Hi, Johanne. I wonder if you're inadvertently mixing up two different references in the Great Chronicle, one to the boys shooting and playing in the Tower (which must have occurred sometime between June 16, 1483, when young Richard was released from sanctuary, and October 31, 1483, the end of the "mayor's year" referred to in the chronicle) and the "whispering" that the boys were dead, which occurred in around Easter of 1484 according to the same chronicle. As I said earlier, it can't refer to Easter 1483 since Edward IV was still alive at that time. (Kendall speculates that the whispering arose at that time because that's when Edward of Middleham died and his death might have seemed like divine retribution to the medieval mind. But why, if the boys had not been see since September 1483--when, according to the Croyland Chronicler, they were still in the Tower--the rumors did not arise earlier (aside from the rumors planted to divert B's rebellion) is not clear.
>
> At any rate, despite the late date of the (London) rumor, traditionalist historians struggle to make these two statements fit the "fact" that the princes (or at least the older one) had disappeared from view by the time Mancini left London in June 1483. Alison Weir, for example, says that the reference to the boys shooting and playing "must relate to the period immediately after 16th June and before the second week in July *when Mancini says the boys had ceased to appear at the windows altogether*." Mancini, however, doesn't specify a time and may not have heard the tearful men expressing fears that Edward was dead until after he returned to the continent.
>
> Even Weir dates the rumor mentioned in the Great Chronicle to 1484, but unlike Kendall, she doesn't try to figure out why there would be such a big gap between the supposed disappearance in July and the rumor the following April. (According to her, Tyrell killed the boys on Richard's orders in early September and *Richard* spread the rumor of their deaths in October, but why it would take six months for those rumors to reach London when the boys had been missing all that time she doesn't attempt to explain.)
>
> Anyway, we have the attempted "rescue" in late July, by which time Mancini was already on the continent, Tyrell in London in late August, a reference to the boys as still in the Tower on September 8 (the day of Prince Edward's investiture) by the Croyland chronicler, the shooting and playing reference (which could date to any time between June 16 and October 31), the rumor spread before Buckingham's rebellion in November, the rumor in France at about the same time, and the rumor in London in April 1484, which seems to coincide with Edward of Middleham's death. The next rumors we hear, about a year later, of have nothing to do with the "Princes" and relate to EoY.
>
> Anyway, all sources, even Weir, agree that the "after Easter" whispering dates to 1484. The problem is how to fit that rumor with the "shooting and playing" and the apparent disappearance.
>
> On a side note, some sources purport to give a specific date for "Edward V's" death. For example,
>
> July 29, 1483 http://simple.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edward_V_of_England
>
> September 3, 1483 (Weir)
>
> (possibly) July 6, 1483
> http://www.princeton.edu/~achaney/tmve/wiki100k/docs/Edward_V_of_England.html
>
> July 6, 1483 (no indication of uncertainty)
> http://www.geni.com/people/Edward-V-of-England/6000000001544606896
>
> I'm sure there are other examples, including some stating that the deaths of both "princes" predate Richard's accession or coronation. How good it must feel to be so well informed while the rest of us flounder in uncertainty. {Note sarcasm.)
>
> None of these purported death (or disappearance) dates fits at all well with rumors surfacing around April 1484 or with Croyland's remark that the boys were in the Tower (alive, of course) on September 8 (after Tyrell had returned to York). Where Buckingham was is unclear.
>
> Carol
>
--- In , "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...> wrote:
>
>
> Johanne Tournier wrote:
> >
> > If that is the case, it gives new meaning to the phrase, "What goes around, comes around," doesn't it, Carol?? Well, if that's the case, it would also explain why I haven't been able to find it in one of the books I've been reading. I'll take a quick look and see if I find anything elsewhere. If not, I'll just fo-get about it! J
>
> Carol responds:
>
> Hi, Johanne. I wonder if you're inadvertently mixing up two different references in the Great Chronicle, one to the boys shooting and playing in the Tower (which must have occurred sometime between June 16, 1483, when young Richard was released from sanctuary, and October 31, 1483, the end of the "mayor's year" referred to in the chronicle) and the "whispering" that the boys were dead, which occurred in around Easter of 1484 according to the same chronicle. As I said earlier, it can't refer to Easter 1483 since Edward IV was still alive at that time. (Kendall speculates that the whispering arose at that time because that's when Edward of Middleham died and his death might have seemed like divine retribution to the medieval mind. But why, if the boys had not been see since September 1483--when, according to the Croyland Chronicler, they were still in the Tower--the rumors did not arise earlier (aside from the rumors planted to divert B's rebellion) is not clear.
>
> At any rate, despite the late date of the (London) rumor, traditionalist historians struggle to make these two statements fit the "fact" that the princes (or at least the older one) had disappeared from view by the time Mancini left London in June 1483. Alison Weir, for example, says that the reference to the boys shooting and playing "must relate to the period immediately after 16th June and before the second week in July *when Mancini says the boys had ceased to appear at the windows altogether*." Mancini, however, doesn't specify a time and may not have heard the tearful men expressing fears that Edward was dead until after he returned to the continent.
>
> Even Weir dates the rumor mentioned in the Great Chronicle to 1484, but unlike Kendall, she doesn't try to figure out why there would be such a big gap between the supposed disappearance in July and the rumor the following April. (According to her, Tyrell killed the boys on Richard's orders in early September and *Richard* spread the rumor of their deaths in October, but why it would take six months for those rumors to reach London when the boys had been missing all that time she doesn't attempt to explain.)
>
> Anyway, we have the attempted "rescue" in late July, by which time Mancini was already on the continent, Tyrell in London in late August, a reference to the boys as still in the Tower on September 8 (the day of Prince Edward's investiture) by the Croyland chronicler, the shooting and playing reference (which could date to any time between June 16 and October 31), the rumor spread before Buckingham's rebellion in November, the rumor in France at about the same time, and the rumor in London in April 1484, which seems to coincide with Edward of Middleham's death. The next rumors we hear, about a year later, of have nothing to do with the "Princes" and relate to EoY.
>
> Anyway, all sources, even Weir, agree that the "after Easter" whispering dates to 1484. The problem is how to fit that rumor with the "shooting and playing" and the apparent disappearance.
>
> On a side note, some sources purport to give a specific date for "Edward V's" death. For example,
>
> July 29, 1483 http://simple.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edward_V_of_England
>
> September 3, 1483 (Weir)
>
> (possibly) July 6, 1483
> http://www.princeton.edu/~achaney/tmve/wiki100k/docs/Edward_V_of_England.html
>
> July 6, 1483 (no indication of uncertainty)
> http://www.geni.com/people/Edward-V-of-England/6000000001544606896
>
> I'm sure there are other examples, including some stating that the deaths of both "princes" predate Richard's accession or coronation. How good it must feel to be so well informed while the rest of us flounder in uncertainty. {Note sarcasm.)
>
> None of these purported death (or disappearance) dates fits at all well with rumors surfacing around April 1484 or with Croyland's remark that the boys were in the Tower (alive, of course) on September 8 (after Tyrell had returned to York). Where Buckingham was is unclear.
>
> Carol
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-12 14:19:11
From: SandraMachin
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 12, 2013 12:24 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> An intriguing possibility, Claire. But where might they have gone? To
> whom? If they'd taken themselves to Burgundy, surely Richard would have
> been told? I can't imagine two princes would be content to live obscure
> lives, as apprentices or whatever.
Yes, but they, unlike Henry Tudor, had presumably been fully educated by the
best tutors and masters at arms, and had skills to sell, and goods to sell
for enough money to set themselves up. I don't think we know enough about
their characters to know whether they regarded being removed from the
succession as a disaster, or as an opportunity to do something else they'd
always wanted to do. Either or both of them might have always had a burning
desire to jon the church, or to become a sea-captain, or a physician, or a
sculptor, and now suddenly they could do it.
If Warbeck really was the younger boy, that might mean that they both
escaped to the continent and then Edward either died or preferred to keep
out of the way and do something else, whilst young Richard decided after a
few years that he *did* want to be king, or at least to lever Henry off the
throne.
I'm not really promoting this idea - because of the apparent absence of
Brampton from Bosworth my preferred option is that Brampton took both boys
abroad on Richard's orders - but I think it is at least possible that the
boys just absconded. We tend I think to view them just as pawns being moved
about the board, but Edward at least was old enough to have a well-formed
personal agenda: we just don't know what it was.
> And which noble might be prepared to take them in and keep them hidden? A
> Woodville?
Yes. Or anybody who was specifically loyal to Edward IV or personally fond
of the boys and didn't care too much about the legitimacy of kings. They
might not even have been planning an uprising - the boys might just have
felt they were potentially in danger either from Richard or from one of the
other factions, and that they would be better off out of it until things had
settled down and they were a bit older. Then when they saw Henry on the
throne - and with a not very firm grip on it - young Richard thought "Better
York's bastard than Lancaster's" and decided to have a pop at him.
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 12, 2013 12:24 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> An intriguing possibility, Claire. But where might they have gone? To
> whom? If they'd taken themselves to Burgundy, surely Richard would have
> been told? I can't imagine two princes would be content to live obscure
> lives, as apprentices or whatever.
Yes, but they, unlike Henry Tudor, had presumably been fully educated by the
best tutors and masters at arms, and had skills to sell, and goods to sell
for enough money to set themselves up. I don't think we know enough about
their characters to know whether they regarded being removed from the
succession as a disaster, or as an opportunity to do something else they'd
always wanted to do. Either or both of them might have always had a burning
desire to jon the church, or to become a sea-captain, or a physician, or a
sculptor, and now suddenly they could do it.
If Warbeck really was the younger boy, that might mean that they both
escaped to the continent and then Edward either died or preferred to keep
out of the way and do something else, whilst young Richard decided after a
few years that he *did* want to be king, or at least to lever Henry off the
throne.
I'm not really promoting this idea - because of the apparent absence of
Brampton from Bosworth my preferred option is that Brampton took both boys
abroad on Richard's orders - but I think it is at least possible that the
boys just absconded. We tend I think to view them just as pawns being moved
about the board, but Edward at least was old enough to have a well-formed
personal agenda: we just don't know what it was.
> And which noble might be prepared to take them in and keep them hidden? A
> Woodville?
Yes. Or anybody who was specifically loyal to Edward IV or personally fond
of the boys and didn't care too much about the legitimacy of kings. They
might not even have been planning an uprising - the boys might just have
felt they were potentially in danger either from Richard or from one of the
other factions, and that they would be better off out of it until things had
settled down and they were a bit older. Then when they saw Henry on the
throne - and with a not very firm grip on it - young Richard thought "Better
York's bastard than Lancaster's" and decided to have a pop at him.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-12 14:37:29
Evidence? Weir?
----- Original Message -----
From: ricard1an
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 12, 2013 12:43 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
I trust M/s Weir cited some evidence that James Tyrrell killed the Princes in early September 1483?
--- In , "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...> wrote:
>
>
> Johanne Tournier wrote:
> >
> > If that is the case, it gives new meaning to the phrase, "What goes around, comes around," doesn't it, Carol?? Well, if that's the case, it would also explain why I haven't been able to find it in one of the books I've been reading. I'll take a quick look and see if I find anything elsewhere. If not, I'll just fo-get about it! J
>
> Carol responds:
>
> Hi, Johanne. I wonder if you're inadvertently mixing up two different references in the Great Chronicle, one to the boys shooting and playing in the Tower (which must have occurred sometime between June 16, 1483, when young Richard was released from sanctuary, and October 31, 1483, the end of the "mayor's year" referred to in the chronicle) and the "whispering" that the boys were dead, which occurred in around Easter of 1484 according to the same chronicle. As I said earlier, it can't refer to Easter 1483 since Edward IV was still alive at that time. (Kendall speculates that the whispering arose at that time because that's when Edward of Middleham died and his death might have seemed like divine retribution to the medieval mind. But why, if the boys had not been see since September 1483--when, according to the Croyland Chronicler, they were still in the Tower--the rumors did not arise earlier (aside from the rumors planted to divert B's rebellion) is not clear.
>
> At any rate, despite the late date of the (London) rumor, traditionalist historians struggle to make these two statements fit the "fact" that the princes (or at least the older one) had disappeared from view by the time Mancini left London in June 1483. Alison Weir, for example, says that the reference to the boys shooting and playing "must relate to the period immediately after 16th June and before the second week in July *when Mancini says the boys had ceased to appear at the windows altogether*." Mancini, however, doesn't specify a time and may not have heard the tearful men expressing fears that Edward was dead until after he returned to the continent.
>
> Even Weir dates the rumor mentioned in the Great Chronicle to 1484, but unlike Kendall, she doesn't try to figure out why there would be such a big gap between the supposed disappearance in July and the rumor the following April. (According to her, Tyrell killed the boys on Richard's orders in early September and *Richard* spread the rumor of their deaths in October, but why it would take six months for those rumors to reach London when the boys had been missing all that time she doesn't attempt to explain.)
>
> Anyway, we have the attempted "rescue" in late July, by which time Mancini was already on the continent, Tyrell in London in late August, a reference to the boys as still in the Tower on September 8 (the day of Prince Edward's investiture) by the Croyland chronicler, the shooting and playing reference (which could date to any time between June 16 and October 31), the rumor spread before Buckingham's rebellion in November, the rumor in France at about the same time, and the rumor in London in April 1484, which seems to coincide with Edward of Middleham's death. The next rumors we hear, about a year later, of have nothing to do with the "Princes" and relate to EoY.
>
> Anyway, all sources, even Weir, agree that the "after Easter" whispering dates to 1484. The problem is how to fit that rumor with the "shooting and playing" and the apparent disappearance.
>
> On a side note, some sources purport to give a specific date for "Edward V's" death. For example,
>
> July 29, 1483 http://simple.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edward_V_of_England
>
> September 3, 1483 (Weir)
>
> (possibly) July 6, 1483
> http://www.princeton.edu/~achaney/tmve/wiki100k/docs/Edward_V_of_England.html
>
> July 6, 1483 (no indication of uncertainty)
> http://www.geni.com/people/Edward-V-of-England/6000000001544606896
>
> I'm sure there are other examples, including some stating that the deaths of both "princes" predate Richard's accession or coronation. How good it must feel to be so well informed while the rest of us flounder in uncertainty. {Note sarcasm.)
>
> None of these purported death (or disappearance) dates fits at all well with rumors surfacing around April 1484 or with Croyland's remark that the boys were in the Tower (alive, of course) on September 8 (after Tyrell had returned to York). Where Buckingham was is unclear.
>
> Carol
>
----- Original Message -----
From: ricard1an
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 12, 2013 12:43 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
I trust M/s Weir cited some evidence that James Tyrrell killed the Princes in early September 1483?
--- In , "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...> wrote:
>
>
> Johanne Tournier wrote:
> >
> > If that is the case, it gives new meaning to the phrase, "What goes around, comes around," doesn't it, Carol?? Well, if that's the case, it would also explain why I haven't been able to find it in one of the books I've been reading. I'll take a quick look and see if I find anything elsewhere. If not, I'll just fo-get about it! J
>
> Carol responds:
>
> Hi, Johanne. I wonder if you're inadvertently mixing up two different references in the Great Chronicle, one to the boys shooting and playing in the Tower (which must have occurred sometime between June 16, 1483, when young Richard was released from sanctuary, and October 31, 1483, the end of the "mayor's year" referred to in the chronicle) and the "whispering" that the boys were dead, which occurred in around Easter of 1484 according to the same chronicle. As I said earlier, it can't refer to Easter 1483 since Edward IV was still alive at that time. (Kendall speculates that the whispering arose at that time because that's when Edward of Middleham died and his death might have seemed like divine retribution to the medieval mind. But why, if the boys had not been see since September 1483--when, according to the Croyland Chronicler, they were still in the Tower--the rumors did not arise earlier (aside from the rumors planted to divert B's rebellion) is not clear.
>
> At any rate, despite the late date of the (London) rumor, traditionalist historians struggle to make these two statements fit the "fact" that the princes (or at least the older one) had disappeared from view by the time Mancini left London in June 1483. Alison Weir, for example, says that the reference to the boys shooting and playing "must relate to the period immediately after 16th June and before the second week in July *when Mancini says the boys had ceased to appear at the windows altogether*." Mancini, however, doesn't specify a time and may not have heard the tearful men expressing fears that Edward was dead until after he returned to the continent.
>
> Even Weir dates the rumor mentioned in the Great Chronicle to 1484, but unlike Kendall, she doesn't try to figure out why there would be such a big gap between the supposed disappearance in July and the rumor the following April. (According to her, Tyrell killed the boys on Richard's orders in early September and *Richard* spread the rumor of their deaths in October, but why it would take six months for those rumors to reach London when the boys had been missing all that time she doesn't attempt to explain.)
>
> Anyway, we have the attempted "rescue" in late July, by which time Mancini was already on the continent, Tyrell in London in late August, a reference to the boys as still in the Tower on September 8 (the day of Prince Edward's investiture) by the Croyland chronicler, the shooting and playing reference (which could date to any time between June 16 and October 31), the rumor spread before Buckingham's rebellion in November, the rumor in France at about the same time, and the rumor in London in April 1484, which seems to coincide with Edward of Middleham's death. The next rumors we hear, about a year later, of have nothing to do with the "Princes" and relate to EoY.
>
> Anyway, all sources, even Weir, agree that the "after Easter" whispering dates to 1484. The problem is how to fit that rumor with the "shooting and playing" and the apparent disappearance.
>
> On a side note, some sources purport to give a specific date for "Edward V's" death. For example,
>
> July 29, 1483 http://simple.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edward_V_of_England
>
> September 3, 1483 (Weir)
>
> (possibly) July 6, 1483
> http://www.princeton.edu/~achaney/tmve/wiki100k/docs/Edward_V_of_England.html
>
> July 6, 1483 (no indication of uncertainty)
> http://www.geni.com/people/Edward-V-of-England/6000000001544606896
>
> I'm sure there are other examples, including some stating that the deaths of both "princes" predate Richard's accession or coronation. How good it must feel to be so well informed while the rest of us flounder in uncertainty. {Note sarcasm.)
>
> None of these purported death (or disappearance) dates fits at all well with rumors surfacing around April 1484 or with Croyland's remark that the boys were in the Tower (alive, of course) on September 8 (after Tyrell had returned to York). Where Buckingham was is unclear.
>
> Carol
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-12 15:18:11
So many fascinating possibilities, Claire. As there are with everything surrounding Richard III. It drives me mad sometimes. I really want to know, but no one can tell me. Or any of us, come to that. A few handy diaries would be just the ticket. Or a nice big cobwebbed chest in that old dark corner, containing countless interesting and immensely informative documents from 1483-1485. Including signed confessions from the real culprits. Oh, pipe dreams.
I'm writing this as I think of it.Do you think the boys may---a hesitant may---have been shown proof of their father's pre-contract? Binding evidence that could not be discounted? Surely Richard was shown something that really convinced him beyond all doubt, even if we no longer know exactly what it was? Might he not have seen to it that Edward V, at least, was shown the same evidence and therefore enlightened him to exactly why he would not have the throne? The boy was old enough and certainly should have been taken into full account. Well, it seems to me, he should, but I'm viewing it from the present, not back then. If Richard regarded his nephews as illegitimate, which clearly he did, then the boys' introduction to the true facts might not have warranted consideration. But their illegitimacy would surely not mean he withheld held his affection from them? They remained his nephews, whichever side of the blanket they were from. Richard seems the sort of man who would honour his responsibilities to all his brother's children, not just his nieces, and explain things to them. I know Edward V was all but a Woodville, but the truth would not have hurt. We all think Richard kept them safe and intended them to grow into men, so better to have them fully acquainted with the absolute, undeniable facts, rather than listening to trumped up stuff from Woodvilles and passing Lancastrians with axes to grind. But if---shock! horror!---Richard intended to do away with them anyway, clearly he wouldn't bother telling them anything. I don't believe that last point at all, but prefer the Richard we feel sure he was, or am I crediting him with modern attitudes that would not have had any place in a man of the 15th century?
Sandra
From: Claire M Jordan
Sent: Sunday, May 12, 2013 1:58 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
From: SandraMachin
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Sunday, May 12, 2013 12:24 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> An intriguing possibility, Claire. But where might they have gone? To
> whom? If they'd taken themselves to Burgundy, surely Richard would have
> been told? I can't imagine two princes would be content to live obscure
> lives, as apprentices or whatever.
Yes, but they, unlike Henry Tudor, had presumably been fully educated by the
best tutors and masters at arms, and had skills to sell, and goods to sell
for enough money to set themselves up. I don't think we know enough about
their characters to know whether they regarded being removed from the
succession as a disaster, or as an opportunity to do something else they'd
always wanted to do. Either or both of them might have always had a burning
desire to jon the church, or to become a sea-captain, or a physician, or a
sculptor, and now suddenly they could do it.
If Warbeck really was the younger boy, that might mean that they both
escaped to the continent and then Edward either died or preferred to keep
out of the way and do something else, whilst young Richard decided after a
few years that he *did* want to be king, or at least to lever Henry off the
throne.
I'm not really promoting this idea - because of the apparent absence of
Brampton from Bosworth my preferred option is that Brampton took both boys
abroad on Richard's orders - but I think it is at least possible that the
boys just absconded. We tend I think to view them just as pawns being moved
about the board, but Edward at least was old enough to have a well-formed
personal agenda: we just don't know what it was.
> And which noble might be prepared to take them in and keep them hidden? A
> Woodville?
Yes. Or anybody who was specifically loyal to Edward IV or personally fond
of the boys and didn't care too much about the legitimacy of kings. They
might not even have been planning an uprising - the boys might just have
felt they were potentially in danger either from Richard or from one of the
other factions, and that they would be better off out of it until things had
settled down and they were a bit older. Then when they saw Henry on the
throne - and with a not very firm grip on it - young Richard thought "Better
York's bastard than Lancaster's" and decided to have a pop at him.
I'm writing this as I think of it.Do you think the boys may---a hesitant may---have been shown proof of their father's pre-contract? Binding evidence that could not be discounted? Surely Richard was shown something that really convinced him beyond all doubt, even if we no longer know exactly what it was? Might he not have seen to it that Edward V, at least, was shown the same evidence and therefore enlightened him to exactly why he would not have the throne? The boy was old enough and certainly should have been taken into full account. Well, it seems to me, he should, but I'm viewing it from the present, not back then. If Richard regarded his nephews as illegitimate, which clearly he did, then the boys' introduction to the true facts might not have warranted consideration. But their illegitimacy would surely not mean he withheld held his affection from them? They remained his nephews, whichever side of the blanket they were from. Richard seems the sort of man who would honour his responsibilities to all his brother's children, not just his nieces, and explain things to them. I know Edward V was all but a Woodville, but the truth would not have hurt. We all think Richard kept them safe and intended them to grow into men, so better to have them fully acquainted with the absolute, undeniable facts, rather than listening to trumped up stuff from Woodvilles and passing Lancastrians with axes to grind. But if---shock! horror!---Richard intended to do away with them anyway, clearly he wouldn't bother telling them anything. I don't believe that last point at all, but prefer the Richard we feel sure he was, or am I crediting him with modern attitudes that would not have had any place in a man of the 15th century?
Sandra
From: Claire M Jordan
Sent: Sunday, May 12, 2013 1:58 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
From: SandraMachin
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Sunday, May 12, 2013 12:24 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> An intriguing possibility, Claire. But where might they have gone? To
> whom? If they'd taken themselves to Burgundy, surely Richard would have
> been told? I can't imagine two princes would be content to live obscure
> lives, as apprentices or whatever.
Yes, but they, unlike Henry Tudor, had presumably been fully educated by the
best tutors and masters at arms, and had skills to sell, and goods to sell
for enough money to set themselves up. I don't think we know enough about
their characters to know whether they regarded being removed from the
succession as a disaster, or as an opportunity to do something else they'd
always wanted to do. Either or both of them might have always had a burning
desire to jon the church, or to become a sea-captain, or a physician, or a
sculptor, and now suddenly they could do it.
If Warbeck really was the younger boy, that might mean that they both
escaped to the continent and then Edward either died or preferred to keep
out of the way and do something else, whilst young Richard decided after a
few years that he *did* want to be king, or at least to lever Henry off the
throne.
I'm not really promoting this idea - because of the apparent absence of
Brampton from Bosworth my preferred option is that Brampton took both boys
abroad on Richard's orders - but I think it is at least possible that the
boys just absconded. We tend I think to view them just as pawns being moved
about the board, but Edward at least was old enough to have a well-formed
personal agenda: we just don't know what it was.
> And which noble might be prepared to take them in and keep them hidden? A
> Woodville?
Yes. Or anybody who was specifically loyal to Edward IV or personally fond
of the boys and didn't care too much about the legitimacy of kings. They
might not even have been planning an uprising - the boys might just have
felt they were potentially in danger either from Richard or from one of the
other factions, and that they would be better off out of it until things had
settled down and they were a bit older. Then when they saw Henry on the
throne - and with a not very firm grip on it - young Richard thought "Better
York's bastard than Lancaster's" and decided to have a pop at him.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-12 16:21:50
Claire M Jordan wrote"
//snip//
"Yes. Or anybody who was specifically loyal to Edward IV or personally fond
of the boys and didn't care too much about the legitimacy of kings. They
might not even have been planning an uprising - the boys might just have
felt they were potentially in danger either from Richard or from one of the
other factions, and that they would be better off out of it until things had
settled down and they were a bit older. Then when they saw Henry on the
throne - and with a not very firm grip on it - young Richard thought "Better
York's bastard than Lancaster's" and decided to have a pop at him."
Doug here:
Certainly it's a possibility, especially as what we actually *know* about
the two boys is so limited. A really good novelist could have a lot of fun
with it.
//snip//
"Yes. Or anybody who was specifically loyal to Edward IV or personally fond
of the boys and didn't care too much about the legitimacy of kings. They
might not even have been planning an uprising - the boys might just have
felt they were potentially in danger either from Richard or from one of the
other factions, and that they would be better off out of it until things had
settled down and they were a bit older. Then when they saw Henry on the
throne - and with a not very firm grip on it - young Richard thought "Better
York's bastard than Lancaster's" and decided to have a pop at him."
Doug here:
Certainly it's a possibility, especially as what we actually *know* about
the two boys is so limited. A really good novelist could have a lot of fun
with it.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-12 17:20:07
From: SandraMachin
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 12, 2013 3:18 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> So many fascinating possibilities, Claire. As there are with everything
> surrounding Richard III. It drives me mad sometimes. I really want to
> know, but no one can tell me. Or any of us, come to that. A few handy
> diaries would be just the ticket. Or a nice big cobwebbed chest in that
> old dark corner, containing countless interesting and immensely
> informative documents from 1483-1485. Including signed confessions from
> the real culprits. Oh, pipe dreams.
Mmm - but it may not be too much to hope that the odd letter might turn up,
tucked into the binding of an old Bible or similar.
> I'm writing this as I think of it.Do you think the boys may---a hesitant
> may---have been shown proof of their father's pre-contract? Binding
> evidence that could not be discounted? Surely Richard was shown something
> that really convinced him beyond all doubt, even if we no longer know
> exactly what it was? Might he not have seen to it that Edward V, at least,
> was shown the same evidence and therefore enlightened him to exactly why
> he would not have the throne?
I don't know whether there *was* binding evidence, or whether Parliament
just decided the pre-contract story was true on balance of probability, but
I would certainly think that, yes, at least the older boy would have been
told about/shown whatever evidence had convinced Parliament. And the boys
presumably knew the story of how their parents met, so they would know that
marrying someone in secret to get her into bed was in character for their
father.
> Well, it seems to me, he should, but I'm viewing it from the present, not
> back then. If Richard regarded his nephews as illegitimate, which clearly
> he did, then the boys' introduction to the true facts might not have
> warranted consideration. But their illegitimacy would surely not mean he
> withheld held his affection from them?
Surely not - he referred to young John as "our dear bastard" and showered
him with honour, so clearly he didn't regard bastards as lesser beings - it
was all just about rights of inheritance.
> They remained his nephews, whichever side of the blanket they were from.
> Richard seems the sort of man who would honour his responsibilities to all
> his brother's children, not just his nieces, and explain things to them.
He instructed his neices' future husbands to take good care of them "as my
kinswomen", so clearly he still regarded them as his brother's children and
his close kin.
> I don't believe that last point at all, but prefer the Richard we feel
> sure he was, or am I crediting him with modern attitudes that would not
> have had any place in a man of the 15th century?
Well - the fact that rumours that he might have done in his nephews were
seen as shocking shows it wouldn't have been a normal thing to do, so even
on that basis we can say he prtobably wouldn't have done it. And Richard
seems to be, if not quite modern, at least two or three hundred years ahead
of his time. He invented an idea of military discipline and not molesting
civilians which wasn't reinvented until Tom Fairfax. He showed a very
modern concern for common soldiers as well as the nobility. His concern for
the rights of the poor again seems to belong to the 17th or 18th C. He
had - for the time - an advanced interest in the rights of women.
Altogether I think it's reasonable to expect fairly modern thinking from him
in many if perhaps not *all* situations.
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 12, 2013 3:18 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> So many fascinating possibilities, Claire. As there are with everything
> surrounding Richard III. It drives me mad sometimes. I really want to
> know, but no one can tell me. Or any of us, come to that. A few handy
> diaries would be just the ticket. Or a nice big cobwebbed chest in that
> old dark corner, containing countless interesting and immensely
> informative documents from 1483-1485. Including signed confessions from
> the real culprits. Oh, pipe dreams.
Mmm - but it may not be too much to hope that the odd letter might turn up,
tucked into the binding of an old Bible or similar.
> I'm writing this as I think of it.Do you think the boys may---a hesitant
> may---have been shown proof of their father's pre-contract? Binding
> evidence that could not be discounted? Surely Richard was shown something
> that really convinced him beyond all doubt, even if we no longer know
> exactly what it was? Might he not have seen to it that Edward V, at least,
> was shown the same evidence and therefore enlightened him to exactly why
> he would not have the throne?
I don't know whether there *was* binding evidence, or whether Parliament
just decided the pre-contract story was true on balance of probability, but
I would certainly think that, yes, at least the older boy would have been
told about/shown whatever evidence had convinced Parliament. And the boys
presumably knew the story of how their parents met, so they would know that
marrying someone in secret to get her into bed was in character for their
father.
> Well, it seems to me, he should, but I'm viewing it from the present, not
> back then. If Richard regarded his nephews as illegitimate, which clearly
> he did, then the boys' introduction to the true facts might not have
> warranted consideration. But their illegitimacy would surely not mean he
> withheld held his affection from them?
Surely not - he referred to young John as "our dear bastard" and showered
him with honour, so clearly he didn't regard bastards as lesser beings - it
was all just about rights of inheritance.
> They remained his nephews, whichever side of the blanket they were from.
> Richard seems the sort of man who would honour his responsibilities to all
> his brother's children, not just his nieces, and explain things to them.
He instructed his neices' future husbands to take good care of them "as my
kinswomen", so clearly he still regarded them as his brother's children and
his close kin.
> I don't believe that last point at all, but prefer the Richard we feel
> sure he was, or am I crediting him with modern attitudes that would not
> have had any place in a man of the 15th century?
Well - the fact that rumours that he might have done in his nephews were
seen as shocking shows it wouldn't have been a normal thing to do, so even
on that basis we can say he prtobably wouldn't have done it. And Richard
seems to be, if not quite modern, at least two or three hundred years ahead
of his time. He invented an idea of military discipline and not molesting
civilians which wasn't reinvented until Tom Fairfax. He showed a very
modern concern for common soldiers as well as the nobility. His concern for
the rights of the poor again seems to belong to the 17th or 18th C. He
had - for the time - an advanced interest in the rights of women.
Altogether I think it's reasonable to expect fairly modern thinking from him
in many if perhaps not *all* situations.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-12 17:25:25
"ricard1an" <maryfriend@...> wrote:
>
> I trust M/s Weir cited some evidence that James Tyrrell killed the Princes in early September 1483?
Carol responds:
Her "evidence" is More, but More is "wrong" about the date and Croyland is "wrong" that the "Princes" were alive on September 8 because they "must" have been killed while Tyrell was in town. "The likeliest date that he was in London was 3rd September, {therefore] that was the night when the murders almost certainly took place" (157).
More's account, including Tyrell's imaginary confession, plus Richard's supposed motive, plus Tyrell's trip to London related to the investiture of EoM as Prince of Wales, plus the necessity for Tyrell to return to York before September 8, plus the bones found under the staircase equals murder on the night of September 3. She thinks she has a solid case. Needless to say, she's mistaken.
It's entirely possible, however, that James Tyrell delivered a message to Brackenbury from Richard related to the safety of the boys and they may have been moved deeper into the Tower for security reasons at that point, especially if Richard knew that a rebellion was afoot (though obviously he didn't know at that point that Buckingham was or would become involved).
Carol
>
> I trust M/s Weir cited some evidence that James Tyrrell killed the Princes in early September 1483?
Carol responds:
Her "evidence" is More, but More is "wrong" about the date and Croyland is "wrong" that the "Princes" were alive on September 8 because they "must" have been killed while Tyrell was in town. "The likeliest date that he was in London was 3rd September, {therefore] that was the night when the murders almost certainly took place" (157).
More's account, including Tyrell's imaginary confession, plus Richard's supposed motive, plus Tyrell's trip to London related to the investiture of EoM as Prince of Wales, plus the necessity for Tyrell to return to York before September 8, plus the bones found under the staircase equals murder on the night of September 3. She thinks she has a solid case. Needless to say, she's mistaken.
It's entirely possible, however, that James Tyrell delivered a message to Brackenbury from Richard related to the safety of the boys and they may have been moved deeper into the Tower for security reasons at that point, especially if Richard knew that a rebellion was afoot (though obviously he didn't know at that point that Buckingham was or would become involved).
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-12 18:02:07
"Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> If all the statements about when they were seen and when the rumours started are true, it sounds to me like they were moved out of London in summer 1483 and everybody assumed they'd just been taken somewhere more congenial to get away from the muggy heat, and it was only after they didn't appear the following spring that anybody started to wonder.
>
> When did Edward's daughters start appearing at court? If they appeared at sevices or celebrations that Easter maybe people wondered why their brothers weren't with them.
Carol responds:
The Croyland chronicler has the boys in the Tower on the date of Prince Edward's investiture (September 8) and doesn't mention them again except with regard to the rumor spread in October or November to divert away from their attempts at rescue toward supporting Tudor (as they never would have done otherwise). The Great Chronicle has them shooting and playing in the Tower between June 16, when Richard was taken from sanctuary, and October 28, the end of mayor Shaa's "mayoral year." But the whispering (setting aside those deliberately spread rumors in the southern counties) doesn't seem to occur until the following April.
Rather than removing them from the muggy heat (which would presumably be near its end by September), they might have disappeared from sight during the winter, when they would be unlikely to be "shotying and playing" in the Tower garden. I suspect that the townspeople expected to see them emerge with the warmer weather and when they didn't, the townspeople began to whisper. But the whispers clearly didn't indicate any general discontent among the people of London and may have been less widespread than the chronicler indicates.
EW and her daughters came out of sanctuary on March 1, 1484, but since Edward had never been with them and Richard had left sanctuary the previous June, I'm not sure that their emergence had anything to do with the whispers, especially since according to the Great Chronicle, they didn't begin until more than a month and a half later (after Easter, that is, after April 18). It's unclear where EW went though her younger daughters must have been with her. EoY was certainly with Richard and Anne at Christmas and Cecily may have been with her. I don't have a date for her marriage to Ralph Scrope. The next round of rumors, related to Anne's death and Richard's supposed intentions to marry EoY, didn't begin until the spring of 1485.
I would think, personally, that EoY's conspicuous appearance during Richard's Christmas celebrations would suggest to everyone who saw her that she didn't think her uncle had harmed, much less killed, her younger brothers, just as EW's willinghess to come out of sanctuary and trust her daughters to his keeping indicates the same thing. (A man who murdered children would think nothing of violating an oath.) But obviously, the Tudor chroniclers and historians influenced by them see things differently.
Carol
> If all the statements about when they were seen and when the rumours started are true, it sounds to me like they were moved out of London in summer 1483 and everybody assumed they'd just been taken somewhere more congenial to get away from the muggy heat, and it was only after they didn't appear the following spring that anybody started to wonder.
>
> When did Edward's daughters start appearing at court? If they appeared at sevices or celebrations that Easter maybe people wondered why their brothers weren't with them.
Carol responds:
The Croyland chronicler has the boys in the Tower on the date of Prince Edward's investiture (September 8) and doesn't mention them again except with regard to the rumor spread in October or November to divert away from their attempts at rescue toward supporting Tudor (as they never would have done otherwise). The Great Chronicle has them shooting and playing in the Tower between June 16, when Richard was taken from sanctuary, and October 28, the end of mayor Shaa's "mayoral year." But the whispering (setting aside those deliberately spread rumors in the southern counties) doesn't seem to occur until the following April.
Rather than removing them from the muggy heat (which would presumably be near its end by September), they might have disappeared from sight during the winter, when they would be unlikely to be "shotying and playing" in the Tower garden. I suspect that the townspeople expected to see them emerge with the warmer weather and when they didn't, the townspeople began to whisper. But the whispers clearly didn't indicate any general discontent among the people of London and may have been less widespread than the chronicler indicates.
EW and her daughters came out of sanctuary on March 1, 1484, but since Edward had never been with them and Richard had left sanctuary the previous June, I'm not sure that their emergence had anything to do with the whispers, especially since according to the Great Chronicle, they didn't begin until more than a month and a half later (after Easter, that is, after April 18). It's unclear where EW went though her younger daughters must have been with her. EoY was certainly with Richard and Anne at Christmas and Cecily may have been with her. I don't have a date for her marriage to Ralph Scrope. The next round of rumors, related to Anne's death and Richard's supposed intentions to marry EoY, didn't begin until the spring of 1485.
I would think, personally, that EoY's conspicuous appearance during Richard's Christmas celebrations would suggest to everyone who saw her that she didn't think her uncle had harmed, much less killed, her younger brothers, just as EW's willinghess to come out of sanctuary and trust her daughters to his keeping indicates the same thing. (A man who murdered children would think nothing of violating an oath.) But obviously, the Tudor chroniclers and historians influenced by them see things differently.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-12 18:07:58
Entirely possible being the operative words, apparently they don't appear in M/s Weir's dictionary. I wonder if she ever tried to look for evidence of an actual confession from James Tyrrel!!
--- In , "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...> wrote:
>
>
> "ricard1an" <maryfriend@> wrote:
> >
> > I trust M/s Weir cited some evidence that James Tyrrell killed the Princes in early September 1483?
>
> Carol responds:
>
> Her "evidence" is More, but More is "wrong" about the date and Croyland is "wrong" that the "Princes" were alive on September 8 because they "must" have been killed while Tyrell was in town. "The likeliest date that he was in London was 3rd September, {therefore] that was the night when the murders almost certainly took place" (157).
>
> More's account, including Tyrell's imaginary confession, plus Richard's supposed motive, plus Tyrell's trip to London related to the investiture of EoM as Prince of Wales, plus the necessity for Tyrell to return to York before September 8, plus the bones found under the staircase equals murder on the night of September 3. She thinks she has a solid case. Needless to say, she's mistaken.
>
> It's entirely possible, however, that James Tyrell delivered a message to Brackenbury from Richard related to the safety of the boys and they may have been moved deeper into the Tower for security reasons at that point, especially if Richard knew that a rebellion was afoot (though obviously he didn't know at that point that Buckingham was or would become involved).
>
> Carol
>
--- In , "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...> wrote:
>
>
> "ricard1an" <maryfriend@> wrote:
> >
> > I trust M/s Weir cited some evidence that James Tyrrell killed the Princes in early September 1483?
>
> Carol responds:
>
> Her "evidence" is More, but More is "wrong" about the date and Croyland is "wrong" that the "Princes" were alive on September 8 because they "must" have been killed while Tyrell was in town. "The likeliest date that he was in London was 3rd September, {therefore] that was the night when the murders almost certainly took place" (157).
>
> More's account, including Tyrell's imaginary confession, plus Richard's supposed motive, plus Tyrell's trip to London related to the investiture of EoM as Prince of Wales, plus the necessity for Tyrell to return to York before September 8, plus the bones found under the staircase equals murder on the night of September 3. She thinks she has a solid case. Needless to say, she's mistaken.
>
> It's entirely possible, however, that James Tyrell delivered a message to Brackenbury from Richard related to the safety of the boys and they may have been moved deeper into the Tower for security reasons at that point, especially if Richard knew that a rebellion was afoot (though obviously he didn't know at that point that Buckingham was or would become involved).
>
> Carol
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-12 18:28:44
LOL, guys!
Far be it from me to try to haul water for Ms. Weir, an author for whom I
have little regard. But as it happens, in looking for the source of the
"Easter 1483" vs. "Easter 1484" discussion, I picked up *The Maligned King,*
and there I found the following:
". . . in the Crowland Chronicle we have the last reliable sighting of the
princes. Having outlined Richard's post-coronation progress from London, the
chronicler records his arrival in York in September and the lavish
ceremonies which accompanied the investiture of his son Edward as Prince of
Wales.
"'In the meantime and while these things were happening,' he continues, 'the
two sons of King Edward remained in the Tower of London with a specially
appointed guard,' a fact which he was in a position to know from personal
observation.
"The Crowland chronicler's words are not chosen by accident, and the
translation into English is exact; he was a doctor of law and almost
certainly a government administrator, so he knew to use words accurately. .
. . We know the king spent three weeks there [in York], with the investiture
taking place on 8 September, so this is a clear indication that at least on
this last-mentioned date the chronicler knew that the princes were still
resident in the Tower.
"We also have confirmation in two sources that September was the month in
which the rumour arose that they were dead. From Polydore Vergil we hear as
in Crowland, that they were alive in the Tower when Richard reached York.
The story he heard was that Richard sent Tyrell from York to murder them,
then within a few days 'permyttyd the rumor of ther death to go abrode'.
Vergil's concord with the Crowland chronicler suggests that people who had a
close interest in the whereabouts of the princes (and the means to find out)
remembered their disappearance occurring after the lavish investiture
celebrations.
"The Crowland chronicler, who was in London at the time, expresses no belief
in their murder, but agrees that a rumour of their death was spread in
September (see chapter 11). Logically, therefore, this is when they
disappeared." (pgs. 146-47)
Thus from Ms. Carson's line of reasoning from Vergil and the Chronicler, it
would appear that the death or disappearance of the Princes occurred
sometime after the investiture of Richard's son Edward as Prince of Wales on
8 September 1483.
Does anyone know off-hand how that chronology fits with Buckingham's being
in London? Was that during the earlier part of Richard's progress (i.e.
before Richard arrived at York) or afterward?
Also btw, the only reason I can think that Richard would have allowed
rumours of the boys' death to be spread is if in fact he had smuggled them
out of the country. If they were dead, and he was responsible, I am sure
that he would have displayed the bodies, which would have been in his
interest. If on the other hand, the dirty deed was committed by Buckingham,
I think it would have been in Buckingham's interest to create as much
uncertainty about what had happened as possible, and then blame Richard,
which would naturally have tended to cause people to desert Richard's cause.
(Assuming, of course, that people would have been shocked at child murder at
that time, which it appears they were.)
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of Stephen Lark
Sent: Sunday, May 12, 2013 10:38 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Evidence? Weir?
----- Original Message -----
From: ricard1an
To:
<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Sunday, May 12, 2013 12:43 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
I trust M/s Weir cited some evidence that James Tyrrell killed the Princes
in early September 1483?
Far be it from me to try to haul water for Ms. Weir, an author for whom I
have little regard. But as it happens, in looking for the source of the
"Easter 1483" vs. "Easter 1484" discussion, I picked up *The Maligned King,*
and there I found the following:
". . . in the Crowland Chronicle we have the last reliable sighting of the
princes. Having outlined Richard's post-coronation progress from London, the
chronicler records his arrival in York in September and the lavish
ceremonies which accompanied the investiture of his son Edward as Prince of
Wales.
"'In the meantime and while these things were happening,' he continues, 'the
two sons of King Edward remained in the Tower of London with a specially
appointed guard,' a fact which he was in a position to know from personal
observation.
"The Crowland chronicler's words are not chosen by accident, and the
translation into English is exact; he was a doctor of law and almost
certainly a government administrator, so he knew to use words accurately. .
. . We know the king spent three weeks there [in York], with the investiture
taking place on 8 September, so this is a clear indication that at least on
this last-mentioned date the chronicler knew that the princes were still
resident in the Tower.
"We also have confirmation in two sources that September was the month in
which the rumour arose that they were dead. From Polydore Vergil we hear as
in Crowland, that they were alive in the Tower when Richard reached York.
The story he heard was that Richard sent Tyrell from York to murder them,
then within a few days 'permyttyd the rumor of ther death to go abrode'.
Vergil's concord with the Crowland chronicler suggests that people who had a
close interest in the whereabouts of the princes (and the means to find out)
remembered their disappearance occurring after the lavish investiture
celebrations.
"The Crowland chronicler, who was in London at the time, expresses no belief
in their murder, but agrees that a rumour of their death was spread in
September (see chapter 11). Logically, therefore, this is when they
disappeared." (pgs. 146-47)
Thus from Ms. Carson's line of reasoning from Vergil and the Chronicler, it
would appear that the death or disappearance of the Princes occurred
sometime after the investiture of Richard's son Edward as Prince of Wales on
8 September 1483.
Does anyone know off-hand how that chronology fits with Buckingham's being
in London? Was that during the earlier part of Richard's progress (i.e.
before Richard arrived at York) or afterward?
Also btw, the only reason I can think that Richard would have allowed
rumours of the boys' death to be spread is if in fact he had smuggled them
out of the country. If they were dead, and he was responsible, I am sure
that he would have displayed the bodies, which would have been in his
interest. If on the other hand, the dirty deed was committed by Buckingham,
I think it would have been in Buckingham's interest to create as much
uncertainty about what had happened as possible, and then blame Richard,
which would naturally have tended to cause people to desert Richard's cause.
(Assuming, of course, that people would have been shocked at child murder at
that time, which it appears they were.)
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of Stephen Lark
Sent: Sunday, May 12, 2013 10:38 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Evidence? Weir?
----- Original Message -----
From: ricard1an
To:
<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Sunday, May 12, 2013 12:43 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
I trust M/s Weir cited some evidence that James Tyrrell killed the Princes
in early September 1483?
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-12 18:42:46
"Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> Yes, but they, unlike Henry Tudor, had presumably been fully educated by the best tutors and masters at arms, and had skills to sell, and goods to sell for enough money to set themselves up. [snip]
Carol responds:
Except for the "shotying and playing" reference, we don't have any indication that either of them had an education similar to Richard's, which involved knightly training. The younger one seemed to have spent most of his time with his mother and sisters (whose education, to judge from EoY, does not seem to have been particularly rigorous). The older one was tutored by the scholarly (but perhaps vain and ambitious) Anthony Woodville and seems, from the little we know about him, to have been of a similar temperament and taste to that uncle.
I can't see either of them escaping and offering their skills for sale. (Actually, I imagine Richard continuing to shoot and play and Edward sulking!) However, since Tyrell was Master of Henchmen as well as Master of the Horse, he could have taken them almost anywhere disguised as pages. How far from the coast is Gipping, and how easy would it be to cross the channel to Guisnes, where Tyrell was in charge under Richard from January to August 1485 (and reappointed by Henry Tudor in 1486)? From there, it would be easy enough to get to Burgundy via the Low Countries--and very easy to get to Flanders (Perkin Warbeck was supposedly Flemish).
Speaking of a knightly education (and Henry's lack of it), does anyone know if the education of noblemen changed after Tudor took over? Henry VIII learned to joust as a boy or young man, but I don't think he was expected to apply those skills in battle, only in tournaments. (I could be wrong; I'm no authority on the Tudors.)
Carol
> Yes, but they, unlike Henry Tudor, had presumably been fully educated by the best tutors and masters at arms, and had skills to sell, and goods to sell for enough money to set themselves up. [snip]
Carol responds:
Except for the "shotying and playing" reference, we don't have any indication that either of them had an education similar to Richard's, which involved knightly training. The younger one seemed to have spent most of his time with his mother and sisters (whose education, to judge from EoY, does not seem to have been particularly rigorous). The older one was tutored by the scholarly (but perhaps vain and ambitious) Anthony Woodville and seems, from the little we know about him, to have been of a similar temperament and taste to that uncle.
I can't see either of them escaping and offering their skills for sale. (Actually, I imagine Richard continuing to shoot and play and Edward sulking!) However, since Tyrell was Master of Henchmen as well as Master of the Horse, he could have taken them almost anywhere disguised as pages. How far from the coast is Gipping, and how easy would it be to cross the channel to Guisnes, where Tyrell was in charge under Richard from January to August 1485 (and reappointed by Henry Tudor in 1486)? From there, it would be easy enough to get to Burgundy via the Low Countries--and very easy to get to Flanders (Perkin Warbeck was supposedly Flemish).
Speaking of a knightly education (and Henry's lack of it), does anyone know if the education of noblemen changed after Tudor took over? Henry VIII learned to joust as a boy or young man, but I don't think he was expected to apply those skills in battle, only in tournaments. (I could be wrong; I'm no authority on the Tudors.)
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-12 19:18:51
Speaking of "the Great Chronicle of London" does anyone have access to this
book, to see what it actually says?
A J
On Sun, May 12, 2013 at 12:42 PM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
>
> "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
>
> > Yes, but they, unlike Henry Tudor, had presumably been fully educated by
> the best tutors and masters at arms, and had skills to sell, and goods to
> sell for enough money to set themselves up. [snip]
>
> Carol responds:
>
> Except for the "shotying and playing" reference, we don't have any
> indication that either of them had an education similar to Richard's, which
> involved knightly training. The younger one seemed to have spent most of
> his time with his mother and sisters (whose education, to judge from EoY,
> does not seem to have been particularly rigorous). The older one was
> tutored by the scholarly (but perhaps vain and ambitious) Anthony Woodville
> and seems, from the little we know about him, to have been of a similar
> temperament and taste to that uncle.
>
> I can't see either of them escaping and offering their skills for sale.
> (Actually, I imagine Richard continuing to shoot and play and Edward
> sulking!) However, since Tyrell was Master of Henchmen as well as Master of
> the Horse, he could have taken them almost anywhere disguised as pages. How
> far from the coast is Gipping, and how easy would it be to cross the
> channel to Guisnes, where Tyrell was in charge under Richard from January
> to August 1485 (and reappointed by Henry Tudor in 1486)? From there, it
> would be easy enough to get to Burgundy via the Low Countries--and very
> easy to get to Flanders (Perkin Warbeck was supposedly Flemish).
>
> Speaking of a knightly education (and Henry's lack of it), does anyone
> know if the education of noblemen changed after Tudor took over? Henry VIII
> learned to joust as a boy or young man, but I don't think he was expected
> to apply those skills in battle, only in tournaments. (I could be wrong;
> I'm no authority on the Tudors.)
>
> Carol
>
>
>
book, to see what it actually says?
A J
On Sun, May 12, 2013 at 12:42 PM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
>
> "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
>
> > Yes, but they, unlike Henry Tudor, had presumably been fully educated by
> the best tutors and masters at arms, and had skills to sell, and goods to
> sell for enough money to set themselves up. [snip]
>
> Carol responds:
>
> Except for the "shotying and playing" reference, we don't have any
> indication that either of them had an education similar to Richard's, which
> involved knightly training. The younger one seemed to have spent most of
> his time with his mother and sisters (whose education, to judge from EoY,
> does not seem to have been particularly rigorous). The older one was
> tutored by the scholarly (but perhaps vain and ambitious) Anthony Woodville
> and seems, from the little we know about him, to have been of a similar
> temperament and taste to that uncle.
>
> I can't see either of them escaping and offering their skills for sale.
> (Actually, I imagine Richard continuing to shoot and play and Edward
> sulking!) However, since Tyrell was Master of Henchmen as well as Master of
> the Horse, he could have taken them almost anywhere disguised as pages. How
> far from the coast is Gipping, and how easy would it be to cross the
> channel to Guisnes, where Tyrell was in charge under Richard from January
> to August 1485 (and reappointed by Henry Tudor in 1486)? From there, it
> would be easy enough to get to Burgundy via the Low Countries--and very
> easy to get to Flanders (Perkin Warbeck was supposedly Flemish).
>
> Speaking of a knightly education (and Henry's lack of it), does anyone
> know if the education of noblemen changed after Tudor took over? Henry VIII
> learned to joust as a boy or young man, but I don't think he was expected
> to apply those skills in battle, only in tournaments. (I could be wrong;
> I'm no authority on the Tudors.)
>
> Carol
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-12 19:29:23
AJ is this of any help..
.http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/27027
--- In , A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...> wrote:
>
> Speaking of "the Great Chronicle of London" does anyone have access to this
> book, to see what it actually says?
>
> A J
>
>
> On Sun, May 12, 2013 at 12:42 PM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@...> wrote:
>
> > **
> >
> >
> >
> > "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> >
> > > Yes, but they, unlike Henry Tudor, had presumably been fully educated by
> > the best tutors and masters at arms, and had skills to sell, and goods to
> > sell for enough money to set themselves up. [snip]
> >
> > Carol responds:
> >
> > Except for the "shotying and playing" reference, we don't have any
> > indication that either of them had an education similar to Richard's, which
> > involved knightly training. The younger one seemed to have spent most of
> > his time with his mother and sisters (whose education, to judge from EoY,
> > does not seem to have been particularly rigorous). The older one was
> > tutored by the scholarly (but perhaps vain and ambitious) Anthony Woodville
> > and seems, from the little we know about him, to have been of a similar
> > temperament and taste to that uncle.
> >
> > I can't see either of them escaping and offering their skills for sale.
> > (Actually, I imagine Richard continuing to shoot and play and Edward
> > sulking!) However, since Tyrell was Master of Henchmen as well as Master of
> > the Horse, he could have taken them almost anywhere disguised as pages. How
> > far from the coast is Gipping, and how easy would it be to cross the
> > channel to Guisnes, where Tyrell was in charge under Richard from January
> > to August 1485 (and reappointed by Henry Tudor in 1486)? From there, it
> > would be easy enough to get to Burgundy via the Low Countries--and very
> > easy to get to Flanders (Perkin Warbeck was supposedly Flemish).
> >
> > Speaking of a knightly education (and Henry's lack of it), does anyone
> > know if the education of noblemen changed after Tudor took over? Henry VIII
> > learned to joust as a boy or young man, but I don't think he was expected
> > to apply those skills in battle, only in tournaments. (I could be wrong;
> > I'm no authority on the Tudors.)
> >
> > Carol
> >
> >
> >
>
>
>
>
.http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/27027
--- In , A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...> wrote:
>
> Speaking of "the Great Chronicle of London" does anyone have access to this
> book, to see what it actually says?
>
> A J
>
>
> On Sun, May 12, 2013 at 12:42 PM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@...> wrote:
>
> > **
> >
> >
> >
> > "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> >
> > > Yes, but they, unlike Henry Tudor, had presumably been fully educated by
> > the best tutors and masters at arms, and had skills to sell, and goods to
> > sell for enough money to set themselves up. [snip]
> >
> > Carol responds:
> >
> > Except for the "shotying and playing" reference, we don't have any
> > indication that either of them had an education similar to Richard's, which
> > involved knightly training. The younger one seemed to have spent most of
> > his time with his mother and sisters (whose education, to judge from EoY,
> > does not seem to have been particularly rigorous). The older one was
> > tutored by the scholarly (but perhaps vain and ambitious) Anthony Woodville
> > and seems, from the little we know about him, to have been of a similar
> > temperament and taste to that uncle.
> >
> > I can't see either of them escaping and offering their skills for sale.
> > (Actually, I imagine Richard continuing to shoot and play and Edward
> > sulking!) However, since Tyrell was Master of Henchmen as well as Master of
> > the Horse, he could have taken them almost anywhere disguised as pages. How
> > far from the coast is Gipping, and how easy would it be to cross the
> > channel to Guisnes, where Tyrell was in charge under Richard from January
> > to August 1485 (and reappointed by Henry Tudor in 1486)? From there, it
> > would be easy enough to get to Burgundy via the Low Countries--and very
> > easy to get to Flanders (Perkin Warbeck was supposedly Flemish).
> >
> > Speaking of a knightly education (and Henry's lack of it), does anyone
> > know if the education of noblemen changed after Tudor took over? Henry VIII
> > learned to joust as a boy or young man, but I don't think he was expected
> > to apply those skills in battle, only in tournaments. (I could be wrong;
> > I'm no authority on the Tudors.)
> >
> > Carol
> >
> >
> >
>
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-12 19:53:15
Thanks for the suggestion, but I don't think it is. We also might know the
Great Chronicle as one of Fabyan's works. There was a newer edition in
1938 by A H Thomas & I D Thornley. I haven't been able to find it on-line,
& all the available copies of the 1938 edition are going for < $700 (500
copies only produced, all numbered). It's possible that the earlier
edition from the 1500's by Fabyan is available as part of EBBO, but I can
never remember how to log on to my university library system from home,
shall have to wait until tomorrow. For the few number of lines that might
be relevant to Richard's reign, the asking price for the above is way out
of proportion (I'm not a rare book collector, although it sure seems that
way sometimes!).
A J
On Sun, May 12, 2013 at 1:29 PM, EileenB
<cherryripe.eileenb@...>wrote:
> **
>
>
> AJ is this of any help..
> .http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/27027
>
>
> --- In , A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
> wrote:
> >
> > Speaking of "the Great Chronicle of London" does anyone have access to
> this
> > book, to see what it actually says?
> >
> > A J
> >
> >
> > On Sun, May 12, 2013 at 12:42 PM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@...> wrote:
> >
> > > **
>
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> > >
> > > > Yes, but they, unlike Henry Tudor, had presumably been fully
> educated by
> > > the best tutors and masters at arms, and had skills to sell, and goods
> to
> > > sell for enough money to set themselves up. [snip]
> > >
> > > Carol responds:
> > >
> > > Except for the "shotying and playing" reference, we don't have any
> > > indication that either of them had an education similar to Richard's,
> which
> > > involved knightly training. The younger one seemed to have spent most
> of
> > > his time with his mother and sisters (whose education, to judge from
> EoY,
> > > does not seem to have been particularly rigorous). The older one was
> > > tutored by the scholarly (but perhaps vain and ambitious) Anthony
> Woodville
> > > and seems, from the little we know about him, to have been of a similar
> > > temperament and taste to that uncle.
> > >
> > > I can't see either of them escaping and offering their skills for sale.
> > > (Actually, I imagine Richard continuing to shoot and play and Edward
> > > sulking!) However, since Tyrell was Master of Henchmen as well as
> Master of
> > > the Horse, he could have taken them almost anywhere disguised as
> pages. How
> > > far from the coast is Gipping, and how easy would it be to cross the
> > > channel to Guisnes, where Tyrell was in charge under Richard from
> January
> > > to August 1485 (and reappointed by Henry Tudor in 1486)? From there, it
> > > would be easy enough to get to Burgundy via the Low Countries--and very
> > > easy to get to Flanders (Perkin Warbeck was supposedly Flemish).
> > >
> > > Speaking of a knightly education (and Henry's lack of it), does anyone
> > > know if the education of noblemen changed after Tudor took over? Henry
> VIII
> > > learned to joust as a boy or young man, but I don't think he was
> expected
> > > to apply those skills in battle, only in tournaments. (I could be
> wrong;
> > > I'm no authority on the Tudors.)
> > >
> > > Carol
> > >
> > >
> > >
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
>
>
Great Chronicle as one of Fabyan's works. There was a newer edition in
1938 by A H Thomas & I D Thornley. I haven't been able to find it on-line,
& all the available copies of the 1938 edition are going for < $700 (500
copies only produced, all numbered). It's possible that the earlier
edition from the 1500's by Fabyan is available as part of EBBO, but I can
never remember how to log on to my university library system from home,
shall have to wait until tomorrow. For the few number of lines that might
be relevant to Richard's reign, the asking price for the above is way out
of proportion (I'm not a rare book collector, although it sure seems that
way sometimes!).
A J
On Sun, May 12, 2013 at 1:29 PM, EileenB
<cherryripe.eileenb@...>wrote:
> **
>
>
> AJ is this of any help..
> .http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/27027
>
>
> --- In , A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
> wrote:
> >
> > Speaking of "the Great Chronicle of London" does anyone have access to
> this
> > book, to see what it actually says?
> >
> > A J
> >
> >
> > On Sun, May 12, 2013 at 12:42 PM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@...> wrote:
> >
> > > **
>
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> > >
> > > > Yes, but they, unlike Henry Tudor, had presumably been fully
> educated by
> > > the best tutors and masters at arms, and had skills to sell, and goods
> to
> > > sell for enough money to set themselves up. [snip]
> > >
> > > Carol responds:
> > >
> > > Except for the "shotying and playing" reference, we don't have any
> > > indication that either of them had an education similar to Richard's,
> which
> > > involved knightly training. The younger one seemed to have spent most
> of
> > > his time with his mother and sisters (whose education, to judge from
> EoY,
> > > does not seem to have been particularly rigorous). The older one was
> > > tutored by the scholarly (but perhaps vain and ambitious) Anthony
> Woodville
> > > and seems, from the little we know about him, to have been of a similar
> > > temperament and taste to that uncle.
> > >
> > > I can't see either of them escaping and offering their skills for sale.
> > > (Actually, I imagine Richard continuing to shoot and play and Edward
> > > sulking!) However, since Tyrell was Master of Henchmen as well as
> Master of
> > > the Horse, he could have taken them almost anywhere disguised as
> pages. How
> > > far from the coast is Gipping, and how easy would it be to cross the
> > > channel to Guisnes, where Tyrell was in charge under Richard from
> January
> > > to August 1485 (and reappointed by Henry Tudor in 1486)? From there, it
> > > would be easy enough to get to Burgundy via the Low Countries--and very
> > > easy to get to Flanders (Perkin Warbeck was supposedly Flemish).
> > >
> > > Speaking of a knightly education (and Henry's lack of it), does anyone
> > > know if the education of noblemen changed after Tudor took over? Henry
> VIII
> > > learned to joust as a boy or young man, but I don't think he was
> expected
> > > to apply those skills in battle, only in tournaments. (I could be
> wrong;
> > > I'm no authority on the Tudors.)
> > >
> > > Carol
> > >
> > >
> > >
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-12 19:54:43
Doh....never minds..:0)..eileen
--- In , A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...> wrote:
>
> Thanks for the suggestion, but I don't think it is. We also might know the
> Great Chronicle as one of Fabyan's works. There was a newer edition in
> 1938 by A H Thomas & I D Thornley. I haven't been able to find it on-line,
> & all the available copies of the 1938 edition are going for < $700 (500
> copies only produced, all numbered). It's possible that the earlier
> edition from the 1500's by Fabyan is available as part of EBBO, but I can
> never remember how to log on to my university library system from home,
> shall have to wait until tomorrow. For the few number of lines that might
> be relevant to Richard's reign, the asking price for the above is way out
> of proportion (I'm not a rare book collector, although it sure seems that
> way sometimes!).
>
> A J
>
>
> On Sun, May 12, 2013 at 1:29 PM, EileenB
> <cherryripe.eileenb@...>wrote:
>
> > **
> >
> >
> > AJ is this of any help..
> > .http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/27027
> >
> >
> > --- In , A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@>
> > wrote:
> > >
> > > Speaking of "the Great Chronicle of London" does anyone have access to
> > this
> > > book, to see what it actually says?
> > >
> > > A J
> > >
> > >
> > > On Sun, May 12, 2013 at 12:42 PM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@> wrote:
> > >
> > > > **
> >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > > "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> > > >
> > > > > Yes, but they, unlike Henry Tudor, had presumably been fully
> > educated by
> > > > the best tutors and masters at arms, and had skills to sell, and goods
> > to
> > > > sell for enough money to set themselves up. [snip]
> > > >
> > > > Carol responds:
> > > >
> > > > Except for the "shotying and playing" reference, we don't have any
> > > > indication that either of them had an education similar to Richard's,
> > which
> > > > involved knightly training. The younger one seemed to have spent most
> > of
> > > > his time with his mother and sisters (whose education, to judge from
> > EoY,
> > > > does not seem to have been particularly rigorous). The older one was
> > > > tutored by the scholarly (but perhaps vain and ambitious) Anthony
> > Woodville
> > > > and seems, from the little we know about him, to have been of a similar
> > > > temperament and taste to that uncle.
> > > >
> > > > I can't see either of them escaping and offering their skills for sale.
> > > > (Actually, I imagine Richard continuing to shoot and play and Edward
> > > > sulking!) However, since Tyrell was Master of Henchmen as well as
> > Master of
> > > > the Horse, he could have taken them almost anywhere disguised as
> > pages. How
> > > > far from the coast is Gipping, and how easy would it be to cross the
> > > > channel to Guisnes, where Tyrell was in charge under Richard from
> > January
> > > > to August 1485 (and reappointed by Henry Tudor in 1486)? From there, it
> > > > would be easy enough to get to Burgundy via the Low Countries--and very
> > > > easy to get to Flanders (Perkin Warbeck was supposedly Flemish).
> > > >
> > > > Speaking of a knightly education (and Henry's lack of it), does anyone
> > > > know if the education of noblemen changed after Tudor took over? Henry
> > VIII
> > > > learned to joust as a boy or young man, but I don't think he was
> > expected
> > > > to apply those skills in battle, only in tournaments. (I could be
> > wrong;
> > > > I'm no authority on the Tudors.)
> > > >
> > > > Carol
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> >
> >
> >
>
>
>
>
--- In , A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...> wrote:
>
> Thanks for the suggestion, but I don't think it is. We also might know the
> Great Chronicle as one of Fabyan's works. There was a newer edition in
> 1938 by A H Thomas & I D Thornley. I haven't been able to find it on-line,
> & all the available copies of the 1938 edition are going for < $700 (500
> copies only produced, all numbered). It's possible that the earlier
> edition from the 1500's by Fabyan is available as part of EBBO, but I can
> never remember how to log on to my university library system from home,
> shall have to wait until tomorrow. For the few number of lines that might
> be relevant to Richard's reign, the asking price for the above is way out
> of proportion (I'm not a rare book collector, although it sure seems that
> way sometimes!).
>
> A J
>
>
> On Sun, May 12, 2013 at 1:29 PM, EileenB
> <cherryripe.eileenb@...>wrote:
>
> > **
> >
> >
> > AJ is this of any help..
> > .http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/27027
> >
> >
> > --- In , A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@>
> > wrote:
> > >
> > > Speaking of "the Great Chronicle of London" does anyone have access to
> > this
> > > book, to see what it actually says?
> > >
> > > A J
> > >
> > >
> > > On Sun, May 12, 2013 at 12:42 PM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@> wrote:
> > >
> > > > **
> >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > > "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> > > >
> > > > > Yes, but they, unlike Henry Tudor, had presumably been fully
> > educated by
> > > > the best tutors and masters at arms, and had skills to sell, and goods
> > to
> > > > sell for enough money to set themselves up. [snip]
> > > >
> > > > Carol responds:
> > > >
> > > > Except for the "shotying and playing" reference, we don't have any
> > > > indication that either of them had an education similar to Richard's,
> > which
> > > > involved knightly training. The younger one seemed to have spent most
> > of
> > > > his time with his mother and sisters (whose education, to judge from
> > EoY,
> > > > does not seem to have been particularly rigorous). The older one was
> > > > tutored by the scholarly (but perhaps vain and ambitious) Anthony
> > Woodville
> > > > and seems, from the little we know about him, to have been of a similar
> > > > temperament and taste to that uncle.
> > > >
> > > > I can't see either of them escaping and offering their skills for sale.
> > > > (Actually, I imagine Richard continuing to shoot and play and Edward
> > > > sulking!) However, since Tyrell was Master of Henchmen as well as
> > Master of
> > > > the Horse, he could have taken them almost anywhere disguised as
> > pages. How
> > > > far from the coast is Gipping, and how easy would it be to cross the
> > > > channel to Guisnes, where Tyrell was in charge under Richard from
> > January
> > > > to August 1485 (and reappointed by Henry Tudor in 1486)? From there, it
> > > > would be easy enough to get to Burgundy via the Low Countries--and very
> > > > easy to get to Flanders (Perkin Warbeck was supposedly Flemish).
> > > >
> > > > Speaking of a knightly education (and Henry's lack of it), does anyone
> > > > know if the education of noblemen changed after Tudor took over? Henry
> > VIII
> > > > learned to joust as a boy or young man, but I don't think he was
> > expected
> > > > to apply those skills in battle, only in tournaments. (I could be
> > wrong;
> > > > I'm no authority on the Tudors.)
> > > >
> > > > Carol
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> >
> >
> >
>
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-12 20:02:47
Now don't do that to yourself - we all have "doh" moments. It took me
quite a bit of surfing to figure out what I posted in the last e-mail!
A J
On Sun, May 12, 2013 at 1:54 PM, EileenB
<cherryripe.eileenb@...>wrote:
> **
>
>
> Doh....never minds..:0)..eileen
>
>
> --- In , A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
> wrote:
> >
> > Thanks for the suggestion, but I don't think it is. We also might know
> the
> > Great Chronicle as one of Fabyan's works. There was a newer edition in
> > 1938 by A H Thomas & I D Thornley. I haven't been able to find it
> on-line,
> > & all the available copies of the 1938 edition are going for < $700 (500
> > copies only produced, all numbered). It's possible that the earlier
> > edition from the 1500's by Fabyan is available as part of EBBO, but I can
> > never remember how to log on to my university library system from home,
> > shall have to wait until tomorrow. For the few number of lines that might
> > be relevant to Richard's reign, the asking price for the above is way out
> > of proportion (I'm not a rare book collector, although it sure seems that
> > way sometimes!).
> >
> > A J
> >
> >
> > On Sun, May 12, 2013 at 1:29 PM, EileenB
> > <cherryripe.eileenb@...>wrote:
> >
> > > **
>
> > >
> > >
> > > AJ is this of any help..
> > > .http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/27027
> > >
> > >
> > > --- In , A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@
> >
> > > wrote:
> > > >
> > > > Speaking of "the Great Chronicle of London" does anyone have access
> to
> > > this
> > > > book, to see what it actually says?
> > > >
> > > > A J
> > > >
> > > >
> > > > On Sun, May 12, 2013 at 12:42 PM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@> wrote:
> > > >
> > > > > **
> > >
> > > > >
> > > > >
> > > > >
> > > > > "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> > > > >
> > > > > > Yes, but they, unlike Henry Tudor, had presumably been fully
> > > educated by
> > > > > the best tutors and masters at arms, and had skills to sell, and
> goods
> > > to
> > > > > sell for enough money to set themselves up. [snip]
> > > > >
> > > > > Carol responds:
> > > > >
> > > > > Except for the "shotying and playing" reference, we don't have any
> > > > > indication that either of them had an education similar to
> Richard's,
> > > which
> > > > > involved knightly training. The younger one seemed to have spent
> most
> > > of
> > > > > his time with his mother and sisters (whose education, to judge
> from
> > > EoY,
> > > > > does not seem to have been particularly rigorous). The older one
> was
> > > > > tutored by the scholarly (but perhaps vain and ambitious) Anthony
> > > Woodville
> > > > > and seems, from the little we know about him, to have been of a
> similar
> > > > > temperament and taste to that uncle.
> > > > >
> > > > > I can't see either of them escaping and offering their skills for
> sale.
> > > > > (Actually, I imagine Richard continuing to shoot and play and
> Edward
> > > > > sulking!) However, since Tyrell was Master of Henchmen as well as
> > > Master of
> > > > > the Horse, he could have taken them almost anywhere disguised as
> > > pages. How
> > > > > far from the coast is Gipping, and how easy would it be to cross
> the
> > > > > channel to Guisnes, where Tyrell was in charge under Richard from
> > > January
> > > > > to August 1485 (and reappointed by Henry Tudor in 1486)? From
> there, it
> > > > > would be easy enough to get to Burgundy via the Low Countries--and
> very
> > > > > easy to get to Flanders (Perkin Warbeck was supposedly Flemish).
> > > > >
> > > > > Speaking of a knightly education (and Henry's lack of it), does
> anyone
> > > > > know if the education of noblemen changed after Tudor took over?
> Henry
> > > VIII
> > > > > learned to joust as a boy or young man, but I don't think he was
> > > expected
> > > > > to apply those skills in battle, only in tournaments. (I could be
> > > wrong;
> > > > > I'm no authority on the Tudors.)
> > > > >
> > > > > Carol
> > > > >
> > > > >
> > > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
>
>
quite a bit of surfing to figure out what I posted in the last e-mail!
A J
On Sun, May 12, 2013 at 1:54 PM, EileenB
<cherryripe.eileenb@...>wrote:
> **
>
>
> Doh....never minds..:0)..eileen
>
>
> --- In , A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
> wrote:
> >
> > Thanks for the suggestion, but I don't think it is. We also might know
> the
> > Great Chronicle as one of Fabyan's works. There was a newer edition in
> > 1938 by A H Thomas & I D Thornley. I haven't been able to find it
> on-line,
> > & all the available copies of the 1938 edition are going for < $700 (500
> > copies only produced, all numbered). It's possible that the earlier
> > edition from the 1500's by Fabyan is available as part of EBBO, but I can
> > never remember how to log on to my university library system from home,
> > shall have to wait until tomorrow. For the few number of lines that might
> > be relevant to Richard's reign, the asking price for the above is way out
> > of proportion (I'm not a rare book collector, although it sure seems that
> > way sometimes!).
> >
> > A J
> >
> >
> > On Sun, May 12, 2013 at 1:29 PM, EileenB
> > <cherryripe.eileenb@...>wrote:
> >
> > > **
>
> > >
> > >
> > > AJ is this of any help..
> > > .http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/27027
> > >
> > >
> > > --- In , A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@
> >
> > > wrote:
> > > >
> > > > Speaking of "the Great Chronicle of London" does anyone have access
> to
> > > this
> > > > book, to see what it actually says?
> > > >
> > > > A J
> > > >
> > > >
> > > > On Sun, May 12, 2013 at 12:42 PM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@> wrote:
> > > >
> > > > > **
> > >
> > > > >
> > > > >
> > > > >
> > > > > "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> > > > >
> > > > > > Yes, but they, unlike Henry Tudor, had presumably been fully
> > > educated by
> > > > > the best tutors and masters at arms, and had skills to sell, and
> goods
> > > to
> > > > > sell for enough money to set themselves up. [snip]
> > > > >
> > > > > Carol responds:
> > > > >
> > > > > Except for the "shotying and playing" reference, we don't have any
> > > > > indication that either of them had an education similar to
> Richard's,
> > > which
> > > > > involved knightly training. The younger one seemed to have spent
> most
> > > of
> > > > > his time with his mother and sisters (whose education, to judge
> from
> > > EoY,
> > > > > does not seem to have been particularly rigorous). The older one
> was
> > > > > tutored by the scholarly (but perhaps vain and ambitious) Anthony
> > > Woodville
> > > > > and seems, from the little we know about him, to have been of a
> similar
> > > > > temperament and taste to that uncle.
> > > > >
> > > > > I can't see either of them escaping and offering their skills for
> sale.
> > > > > (Actually, I imagine Richard continuing to shoot and play and
> Edward
> > > > > sulking!) However, since Tyrell was Master of Henchmen as well as
> > > Master of
> > > > > the Horse, he could have taken them almost anywhere disguised as
> > > pages. How
> > > > > far from the coast is Gipping, and how easy would it be to cross
> the
> > > > > channel to Guisnes, where Tyrell was in charge under Richard from
> > > January
> > > > > to August 1485 (and reappointed by Henry Tudor in 1486)? From
> there, it
> > > > > would be easy enough to get to Burgundy via the Low Countries--and
> very
> > > > > easy to get to Flanders (Perkin Warbeck was supposedly Flemish).
> > > > >
> > > > > Speaking of a knightly education (and Henry's lack of it), does
> anyone
> > > > > know if the education of noblemen changed after Tudor took over?
> Henry
> > > VIII
> > > > > learned to joust as a boy or young man, but I don't think he was
> > > expected
> > > > > to apply those skills in battle, only in tournaments. (I could be
> > > wrong;
> > > > > I'm no authority on the Tudors.)
> > > > >
> > > > > Carol
> > > > >
> > > > >
> > > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-12 20:36:42
You asked when Buckingham was in London in relation to Richard's progress. Kendall has Buckingham "apparently" remaining behind in London (perhaps to make arrangements for Morton's transport with him to Brecon?) when Richard left Windsor to begin his progress.
Richard saw Buckingham for the last time in Gloucester (this is before the King's arrival in York) when the Duke was "riding home to Brecon by the main road." This is the last time they saw each other. (Anybody have a date for this?)
On August 20, Richard was in Nottingham. He entered York either on Saturday, August 30 or the day before.
From what I can tell (someone correct me if these dates don't line up, as I don't have access to "The Itinerary of RIII"), Richard and Anne parted a bit after mid-September, after their stay at Sheriff Hutton. Richard didn't learn of Buckingham's betrayal until October 11 when Richard reached Lincoln, though he did know of the rebellion itself before then.
We really need solid dates, don't we?
Would it be of any value (or even possible) to trace the movements of Richard's officials having access to the Tower once Richard had left London/Windsor? I'm also looking sideways at Margaret Beaufort who apparently was also in London after Richard had left (per Kendall). Her husband, however, was on progress with Richard. Did she have access to the princes?
Who would have had official access to the princes after they were declared bastards, and do we know where they were when Richard was on his progress?
~Weds
--- In , Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@...> wrote:
.
.
.
> Thus from Ms. Carson's line of reasoning from Vergil and the Chronicler, it would appear that the death or disappearance of the Princes occurred sometime after the investiture of Richard's son Edward as Prince of Wales on 8 September 1483.
>
> Does anyone know off-hand how that chronology fits with Buckingham's being in London? Was that during the earlier part of Richard's progress (i.e. before Richard arrived at York) or afterward?
Richard saw Buckingham for the last time in Gloucester (this is before the King's arrival in York) when the Duke was "riding home to Brecon by the main road." This is the last time they saw each other. (Anybody have a date for this?)
On August 20, Richard was in Nottingham. He entered York either on Saturday, August 30 or the day before.
From what I can tell (someone correct me if these dates don't line up, as I don't have access to "The Itinerary of RIII"), Richard and Anne parted a bit after mid-September, after their stay at Sheriff Hutton. Richard didn't learn of Buckingham's betrayal until October 11 when Richard reached Lincoln, though he did know of the rebellion itself before then.
We really need solid dates, don't we?
Would it be of any value (or even possible) to trace the movements of Richard's officials having access to the Tower once Richard had left London/Windsor? I'm also looking sideways at Margaret Beaufort who apparently was also in London after Richard had left (per Kendall). Her husband, however, was on progress with Richard. Did she have access to the princes?
Who would have had official access to the princes after they were declared bastards, and do we know where they were when Richard was on his progress?
~Weds
--- In , Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@...> wrote:
.
.
.
> Thus from Ms. Carson's line of reasoning from Vergil and the Chronicler, it would appear that the death or disappearance of the Princes occurred sometime after the investiture of Richard's son Edward as Prince of Wales on 8 September 1483.
>
> Does anyone know off-hand how that chronology fits with Buckingham's being in London? Was that during the earlier part of Richard's progress (i.e. before Richard arrived at York) or afterward?
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-12 23:01:23
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 12, 2013 6:42 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> Except for the "shotying and playing" reference, we don't have any
> indication that either of them had an education similar to Richard's,
> which involved knightly training. The younger one seemed to have spent
> most of his time with his mother and sisters (whose education, to judge
> from EoY, does not seem to have been particularly rigorous). The older one
> was tutored by the scholarly (but perhaps vain and ambitious) Anthony
> Woodville and seems, from the little we know about him, to have been of a
> similar temperament and taste to that uncle.
Yes - and Anthony Woodville was a famous jouster! So if the boy modelled
himself on his uncle he'd probably have learned to ride well and to fight,
at least within the limits of the sort of fighting that was done as a sport.
> I can't see either of them escaping and offering their skills for sale.
> (Actually, I imagine Richard continuing to shoot and play and Edward
> sulking!)
Very likely.
> However, since Tyrell was Master of Henchmen as well as Master of the
> Horse, he could have taken them almost anywhere disguised as pages. How
> far from the coast is Gipping,
About 20 miles - and there's a string of ports along that coast.
> and how easy would it be to cross the channel to Guisnes, where Tyrell was
> in charge under Richard from January to August 1485
From there you would land at The Hague or Bruges, and then go along the
coast - it's about 65 miles from Bruges to Guisnes.
> (Perkin Warbeck was supposedly Flemish).
I'm a tiny bit Flemish myself - some of my distant ancestors were (probably)
Walloons called Jourdaine.
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 12, 2013 6:42 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> Except for the "shotying and playing" reference, we don't have any
> indication that either of them had an education similar to Richard's,
> which involved knightly training. The younger one seemed to have spent
> most of his time with his mother and sisters (whose education, to judge
> from EoY, does not seem to have been particularly rigorous). The older one
> was tutored by the scholarly (but perhaps vain and ambitious) Anthony
> Woodville and seems, from the little we know about him, to have been of a
> similar temperament and taste to that uncle.
Yes - and Anthony Woodville was a famous jouster! So if the boy modelled
himself on his uncle he'd probably have learned to ride well and to fight,
at least within the limits of the sort of fighting that was done as a sport.
> I can't see either of them escaping and offering their skills for sale.
> (Actually, I imagine Richard continuing to shoot and play and Edward
> sulking!)
Very likely.
> However, since Tyrell was Master of Henchmen as well as Master of the
> Horse, he could have taken them almost anywhere disguised as pages. How
> far from the coast is Gipping,
About 20 miles - and there's a string of ports along that coast.
> and how easy would it be to cross the channel to Guisnes, where Tyrell was
> in charge under Richard from January to August 1485
From there you would land at The Hague or Bruges, and then go along the
coast - it's about 65 miles from Bruges to Guisnes.
> (Perkin Warbeck was supposedly Flemish).
I'm a tiny bit Flemish myself - some of my distant ancestors were (probably)
Walloons called Jourdaine.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-12 23:02:00
From: wednesday_mc
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 12, 2013 8:36 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> Richard saw Buckingham for the last time in Gloucester (this is before the
> King's arrival in York) when the Duke was "riding home to Brecon by the
> main road." This is the last time they saw each other. (Anybody have a
> date for this?)
To within four days, if that helps. The girders' intinerary has Richard
arriving in Gloucester on 4th August (Ricardian 54 p. 22) and in Warwick on
or by 8th August (Ricardian 53 p. 18).
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 12, 2013 8:36 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> Richard saw Buckingham for the last time in Gloucester (this is before the
> King's arrival in York) when the Duke was "riding home to Brecon by the
> main road." This is the last time they saw each other. (Anybody have a
> date for this?)
To within four days, if that helps. The girders' intinerary has Richard
arriving in Gloucester on 4th August (Ricardian 54 p. 22) and in Warwick on
or by 8th August (Ricardian 53 p. 18).
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-13 10:36:55
Getting off the casting stuff, please.... and back to Richard's history
with Weds.
I recall that it is on record that Richard and Buckingham argued at
Gloucester. But I can't find where. The duke then went to Brecon where
his "prisoner" Morton was waiting to turn him even further against his
cousin.
Who you ask had access to the sons of Edward at the Tower?
Without a royal warrant I imagine not even their other uncle Buckingham,
via Brackenbury who was in charge of the Tower and all its numerous
personnel.
Nothing that happened inside the Tower could have happened without
Brackenbury knowing. What did he do in 1485? Pulled together as many men
as he could, as fast as he could, and galloped to join his king at
Bosworth, where he lay down his life for him. Just the sort of thing
someone outraged by a child killer would do, eh?
But that is by the by. Nobody would get past Brackenbury to the boys
without a royal warrant.
And I mean no-one. Not Buckingham, certainly not Margaret Beaufort, who
was supposedly under house arrest with her husband, who had, in my mind
unbelievably, been made Constable by Richard. However, with Stanley
returned to royal favour, why was his wife, one of the Anne's ladies in
waiting, also returned to favour, joining the progress so that Richard
could keep his eye on her?
And herein lies our problem.
This intensely loyal man would have done nothing without knowing it was
what Richard wanted.
So we come straight back to the big question, what did Richard want
doing with his nephews?
And I still come down to removing them from the Tower to somewhere safe
and secure.
Why for example did Richard stay at Sheriff Hutton during his progress?
Why there in particular? Why not Middleham or Barnard Castle, his two
favourite residences? Or in the castle at York? Perhaps because the
daughters of Edward IV were going to be moved to live there at some
stage in the future, which of course they were, to be with their
brothers perhaps, who Richard and Anne were settling in there?
After that stay the king and queen moved on to Nottingham, then Lincoln,
while their son went back to Middleham and the fresh air and safety of
the moors!
Then the mist descends again for all of us trying to see what happened
to our leading characters and why.
Paul
On 12/05/2013 20:36, wednesday_mc wrote:
> You asked when Buckingham was in London in relation to Richard's progress. Kendall has Buckingham "apparently" remaining behind in London (perhaps to make arrangements for Morton's transport with him to Brecon?) when Richard left Windsor to begin his progress.
>
> Richard saw Buckingham for the last time in Gloucester (this is before the King's arrival in York) when the Duke was "riding home to Brecon by the main road." This is the last time they saw each other. (Anybody have a date for this?)
>
> On August 20, Richard was in Nottingham. He entered York either on Saturday, August 30 or the day before.
>
> >From what I can tell (someone correct me if these dates don't line up, as I don't have access to "The Itinerary of RIII"), Richard and Anne parted a bit after mid-September, after their stay at Sheriff Hutton. Richard didn't learn of Buckingham's betrayal until October 11 when Richard reached Lincoln, though he did know of the rebellion itself before then.
>
> We really need solid dates, don't we?
>
> Would it be of any value (or even possible) to trace the movements of Richard's officials having access to the Tower once Richard had left London/Windsor? I'm also looking sideways at Margaret Beaufort who apparently was also in London after Richard had left (per Kendall). Her husband, however, was on progress with Richard. Did she have access to the princes?
>
> Who would have had official access to the princes after they were declared bastards, and do we know where they were when Richard was on his progress?
>
> ~Weds
>
> --- In , Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@...> wrote:
> .
> .
> .
>> Thus from Ms. Carson's line of reasoning from Vergil and the Chronicler, it would appear that the death or disappearance of the Princes occurred sometime after the investiture of Richard's son Edward as Prince of Wales on 8 September 1483.
>>
>> Does anyone know off-hand how that chronology fits with Buckingham's being in London? Was that during the earlier part of Richard's progress (i.e. before Richard arrived at York) or afterward?
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
--
Richard Liveth Yet!
with Weds.
I recall that it is on record that Richard and Buckingham argued at
Gloucester. But I can't find where. The duke then went to Brecon where
his "prisoner" Morton was waiting to turn him even further against his
cousin.
Who you ask had access to the sons of Edward at the Tower?
Without a royal warrant I imagine not even their other uncle Buckingham,
via Brackenbury who was in charge of the Tower and all its numerous
personnel.
Nothing that happened inside the Tower could have happened without
Brackenbury knowing. What did he do in 1485? Pulled together as many men
as he could, as fast as he could, and galloped to join his king at
Bosworth, where he lay down his life for him. Just the sort of thing
someone outraged by a child killer would do, eh?
But that is by the by. Nobody would get past Brackenbury to the boys
without a royal warrant.
And I mean no-one. Not Buckingham, certainly not Margaret Beaufort, who
was supposedly under house arrest with her husband, who had, in my mind
unbelievably, been made Constable by Richard. However, with Stanley
returned to royal favour, why was his wife, one of the Anne's ladies in
waiting, also returned to favour, joining the progress so that Richard
could keep his eye on her?
And herein lies our problem.
This intensely loyal man would have done nothing without knowing it was
what Richard wanted.
So we come straight back to the big question, what did Richard want
doing with his nephews?
And I still come down to removing them from the Tower to somewhere safe
and secure.
Why for example did Richard stay at Sheriff Hutton during his progress?
Why there in particular? Why not Middleham or Barnard Castle, his two
favourite residences? Or in the castle at York? Perhaps because the
daughters of Edward IV were going to be moved to live there at some
stage in the future, which of course they were, to be with their
brothers perhaps, who Richard and Anne were settling in there?
After that stay the king and queen moved on to Nottingham, then Lincoln,
while their son went back to Middleham and the fresh air and safety of
the moors!
Then the mist descends again for all of us trying to see what happened
to our leading characters and why.
Paul
On 12/05/2013 20:36, wednesday_mc wrote:
> You asked when Buckingham was in London in relation to Richard's progress. Kendall has Buckingham "apparently" remaining behind in London (perhaps to make arrangements for Morton's transport with him to Brecon?) when Richard left Windsor to begin his progress.
>
> Richard saw Buckingham for the last time in Gloucester (this is before the King's arrival in York) when the Duke was "riding home to Brecon by the main road." This is the last time they saw each other. (Anybody have a date for this?)
>
> On August 20, Richard was in Nottingham. He entered York either on Saturday, August 30 or the day before.
>
> >From what I can tell (someone correct me if these dates don't line up, as I don't have access to "The Itinerary of RIII"), Richard and Anne parted a bit after mid-September, after their stay at Sheriff Hutton. Richard didn't learn of Buckingham's betrayal until October 11 when Richard reached Lincoln, though he did know of the rebellion itself before then.
>
> We really need solid dates, don't we?
>
> Would it be of any value (or even possible) to trace the movements of Richard's officials having access to the Tower once Richard had left London/Windsor? I'm also looking sideways at Margaret Beaufort who apparently was also in London after Richard had left (per Kendall). Her husband, however, was on progress with Richard. Did she have access to the princes?
>
> Who would have had official access to the princes after they were declared bastards, and do we know where they were when Richard was on his progress?
>
> ~Weds
>
> --- In , Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@...> wrote:
> .
> .
> .
>> Thus from Ms. Carson's line of reasoning from Vergil and the Chronicler, it would appear that the death or disappearance of the Princes occurred sometime after the investiture of Richard's son Edward as Prince of Wales on 8 September 1483.
>>
>> Does anyone know off-hand how that chronology fits with Buckingham's being in London? Was that during the earlier part of Richard's progress (i.e. before Richard arrived at York) or afterward?
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
--
Richard Liveth Yet!
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-13 13:08:28
Well, I agree with you. However, were there people who could have gained
access but been "invisible" - like servants or priests or? Although that
leads us back to the other unanswerable point - someone would have known if
the boys were suddenly found dead, and we haven't come up with a convincing
reason to cover that up.
A J
On Mon, May 13, 2013 at 4:36 AM, Paul Trevor Bale <paul.bale@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
> Getting off the casting stuff, please.... and back to Richard's history
> with Weds.
>
> I recall that it is on record that Richard and Buckingham argued at
> Gloucester. But I can't find where. The duke then went to Brecon where
> his "prisoner" Morton was waiting to turn him even further against his
> cousin.
>
> Who you ask had access to the sons of Edward at the Tower?
> Without a royal warrant I imagine not even their other uncle Buckingham,
> via Brackenbury who was in charge of the Tower and all its numerous
> personnel.
> Nothing that happened inside the Tower could have happened without
> Brackenbury knowing. What did he do in 1485? Pulled together as many men
> as he could, as fast as he could, and galloped to join his king at
> Bosworth, where he lay down his life for him. Just the sort of thing
> someone outraged by a child killer would do, eh?
>
> But that is by the by. Nobody would get past Brackenbury to the boys
> without a royal warrant.
>
> And I mean no-one. Not Buckingham, certainly not Margaret Beaufort, who
> was supposedly under house arrest with her husband, who had, in my mind
> unbelievably, been made Constable by Richard. However, with Stanley
> returned to royal favour, why was his wife, one of the Anne's ladies in
> waiting, also returned to favour, joining the progress so that Richard
> could keep his eye on her?
>
> And herein lies our problem.
> This intensely loyal man would have done nothing without knowing it was
> what Richard wanted.
> So we come straight back to the big question, what did Richard want
> doing with his nephews?
>
> And I still come down to removing them from the Tower to somewhere safe
> and secure.
>
> Why for example did Richard stay at Sheriff Hutton during his progress?
> Why there in particular? Why not Middleham or Barnard Castle, his two
> favourite residences? Or in the castle at York? Perhaps because the
> daughters of Edward IV were going to be moved to live there at some
> stage in the future, which of course they were, to be with their
> brothers perhaps, who Richard and Anne were settling in there?
> After that stay the king and queen moved on to Nottingham, then Lincoln,
> while their son went back to Middleham and the fresh air and safety of
> the moors!
> Then the mist descends again for all of us trying to see what happened
> to our leading characters and why.
> Paul
>
>
> On 12/05/2013 20:36, wednesday_mc wrote:
> > You asked when Buckingham was in London in relation to Richard's
> progress. Kendall has Buckingham "apparently" remaining behind in London
> (perhaps to make arrangements for Morton's transport with him to Brecon?)
> when Richard left Windsor to begin his progress.
> >
> > Richard saw Buckingham for the last time in Gloucester (this is before
> the King's arrival in York) when the Duke was "riding home to Brecon by the
> main road." This is the last time they saw each other. (Anybody have a date
> for this?)
> >
> > On August 20, Richard was in Nottingham. He entered York either on
> Saturday, August 30 or the day before.
> >
> > >From what I can tell (someone correct me if these dates don't line up,
> as I don't have access to "The Itinerary of RIII"), Richard and Anne parted
> a bit after mid-September, after their stay at Sheriff Hutton. Richard
> didn't learn of Buckingham's betrayal until October 11 when Richard reached
> Lincoln, though he did know of the rebellion itself before then.
> >
> > We really need solid dates, don't we?
> >
> > Would it be of any value (or even possible) to trace the movements of
> Richard's officials having access to the Tower once Richard had left
> London/Windsor? I'm also looking sideways at Margaret Beaufort who
> apparently was also in London after Richard had left (per Kendall). Her
> husband, however, was on progress with Richard. Did she have access to the
> princes?
> >
> > Who would have had official access to the princes after they were
> declared bastards, and do we know where they were when Richard was on his
> progress?
> >
> > ~Weds
> >
> > --- In , Johanne Tournier
> <jltournier60@...> wrote:
> > .
> > .
> > .
> >> Thus from Ms. Carson's line of reasoning from Vergil and the
> Chronicler, it would appear that the death or disappearance of the Princes
> occurred sometime after the investiture of Richard's son Edward as Prince
> of Wales on 8 September 1483.
> >>
> >> Does anyone know off-hand how that chronology fits with Buckingham's
> being in London? Was that during the earlier part of Richard's progress
> (i.e. before Richard arrived at York) or afterward?
> >
> >
> >
> > ------------------------------------
> >
> > Yahoo! Groups Links
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
> --
> Richard Liveth Yet!
>
>
>
access but been "invisible" - like servants or priests or? Although that
leads us back to the other unanswerable point - someone would have known if
the boys were suddenly found dead, and we haven't come up with a convincing
reason to cover that up.
A J
On Mon, May 13, 2013 at 4:36 AM, Paul Trevor Bale <paul.bale@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
> Getting off the casting stuff, please.... and back to Richard's history
> with Weds.
>
> I recall that it is on record that Richard and Buckingham argued at
> Gloucester. But I can't find where. The duke then went to Brecon where
> his "prisoner" Morton was waiting to turn him even further against his
> cousin.
>
> Who you ask had access to the sons of Edward at the Tower?
> Without a royal warrant I imagine not even their other uncle Buckingham,
> via Brackenbury who was in charge of the Tower and all its numerous
> personnel.
> Nothing that happened inside the Tower could have happened without
> Brackenbury knowing. What did he do in 1485? Pulled together as many men
> as he could, as fast as he could, and galloped to join his king at
> Bosworth, where he lay down his life for him. Just the sort of thing
> someone outraged by a child killer would do, eh?
>
> But that is by the by. Nobody would get past Brackenbury to the boys
> without a royal warrant.
>
> And I mean no-one. Not Buckingham, certainly not Margaret Beaufort, who
> was supposedly under house arrest with her husband, who had, in my mind
> unbelievably, been made Constable by Richard. However, with Stanley
> returned to royal favour, why was his wife, one of the Anne's ladies in
> waiting, also returned to favour, joining the progress so that Richard
> could keep his eye on her?
>
> And herein lies our problem.
> This intensely loyal man would have done nothing without knowing it was
> what Richard wanted.
> So we come straight back to the big question, what did Richard want
> doing with his nephews?
>
> And I still come down to removing them from the Tower to somewhere safe
> and secure.
>
> Why for example did Richard stay at Sheriff Hutton during his progress?
> Why there in particular? Why not Middleham or Barnard Castle, his two
> favourite residences? Or in the castle at York? Perhaps because the
> daughters of Edward IV were going to be moved to live there at some
> stage in the future, which of course they were, to be with their
> brothers perhaps, who Richard and Anne were settling in there?
> After that stay the king and queen moved on to Nottingham, then Lincoln,
> while their son went back to Middleham and the fresh air and safety of
> the moors!
> Then the mist descends again for all of us trying to see what happened
> to our leading characters and why.
> Paul
>
>
> On 12/05/2013 20:36, wednesday_mc wrote:
> > You asked when Buckingham was in London in relation to Richard's
> progress. Kendall has Buckingham "apparently" remaining behind in London
> (perhaps to make arrangements for Morton's transport with him to Brecon?)
> when Richard left Windsor to begin his progress.
> >
> > Richard saw Buckingham for the last time in Gloucester (this is before
> the King's arrival in York) when the Duke was "riding home to Brecon by the
> main road." This is the last time they saw each other. (Anybody have a date
> for this?)
> >
> > On August 20, Richard was in Nottingham. He entered York either on
> Saturday, August 30 or the day before.
> >
> > >From what I can tell (someone correct me if these dates don't line up,
> as I don't have access to "The Itinerary of RIII"), Richard and Anne parted
> a bit after mid-September, after their stay at Sheriff Hutton. Richard
> didn't learn of Buckingham's betrayal until October 11 when Richard reached
> Lincoln, though he did know of the rebellion itself before then.
> >
> > We really need solid dates, don't we?
> >
> > Would it be of any value (or even possible) to trace the movements of
> Richard's officials having access to the Tower once Richard had left
> London/Windsor? I'm also looking sideways at Margaret Beaufort who
> apparently was also in London after Richard had left (per Kendall). Her
> husband, however, was on progress with Richard. Did she have access to the
> princes?
> >
> > Who would have had official access to the princes after they were
> declared bastards, and do we know where they were when Richard was on his
> progress?
> >
> > ~Weds
> >
> > --- In , Johanne Tournier
> <jltournier60@...> wrote:
> > .
> > .
> > .
> >> Thus from Ms. Carson's line of reasoning from Vergil and the
> Chronicler, it would appear that the death or disappearance of the Princes
> occurred sometime after the investiture of Richard's son Edward as Prince
> of Wales on 8 September 1483.
> >>
> >> Does anyone know off-hand how that chronology fits with Buckingham's
> being in London? Was that during the earlier part of Richard's progress
> (i.e. before Richard arrived at York) or afterward?
> >
> >
> >
> > ------------------------------------
> >
> > Yahoo! Groups Links
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
> --
> Richard Liveth Yet!
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-13 14:51:00
Carol wrote:
//snip//
"It's entirely possible, however, that James Tyrell delivered a message to
Brackenbury from Richard related to the safety of the boys and they may have
been moved deeper into the Tower for security reasons at that point,
especially if Richard knew that a rebellion was afoot (though obviously he
didn't know at that point that Buckingham was or would become involved)."
Doug here:
Rather than Tyrell seeing to increased security because of a rebellion,
could the increased security have been due to Richard having just been
informed by Russell about the "rescue" attempt? And it was *then*, sometime
in September 1483, that the boys were moved - to Gipping? Or, at the very
least, that was when Tyrell made the arrangements?
I would think moving the boys anytime during a stretch of bad weather would
increase the chances of them not being recognized, bundled up and all among
a group of "henchmen"..
And then, as someone pointed out (you? Claire?), *not* seeing the boys
outside wouldn't be that unusual if the weather was bad *and* they had been
kept inside and out of sight for a while before bad weather set in and they
were smuggled out, but *would* be noticed when the weather improved - after
Easter 1484.
Or am I pushing too hard?
Doug
//snip//
"It's entirely possible, however, that James Tyrell delivered a message to
Brackenbury from Richard related to the safety of the boys and they may have
been moved deeper into the Tower for security reasons at that point,
especially if Richard knew that a rebellion was afoot (though obviously he
didn't know at that point that Buckingham was or would become involved)."
Doug here:
Rather than Tyrell seeing to increased security because of a rebellion,
could the increased security have been due to Richard having just been
informed by Russell about the "rescue" attempt? And it was *then*, sometime
in September 1483, that the boys were moved - to Gipping? Or, at the very
least, that was when Tyrell made the arrangements?
I would think moving the boys anytime during a stretch of bad weather would
increase the chances of them not being recognized, bundled up and all among
a group of "henchmen"..
And then, as someone pointed out (you? Claire?), *not* seeing the boys
outside wouldn't be that unusual if the weather was bad *and* they had been
kept inside and out of sight for a while before bad weather set in and they
were smuggled out, but *would* be noticed when the weather improved - after
Easter 1484.
Or am I pushing too hard?
Doug
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-13 15:00:47
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
To:
Sent: Sunday, 12 May 2013, 18:42
Subject: Re: Disappearance
"Speaking of a knightly education (and Henry's lack of it), does anyone
know if the education of noblemen changed after Tudor took over? Henry
VIII learned to joust as a boy or young man, but I don't think he was
expected to apply those skills in battle, only in tournaments."
He certainly wanted to fight at the Battle of Spurs. Jones make the interesting point that his senior commanders not only *strongly* dissuaded him from doing so, but advised him to place himself about a mile back from the forward lines and safe within a division of pikemen. He suggests that was because memories of Bosworth and how things went so catastrophically wrong for a king with numerical superiority were still alarmingly potent.
Jonathan
________________________________
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
To:
Sent: Sunday, 12 May 2013, 18:42
Subject: Re: Disappearance
"Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> Yes, but they, unlike Henry Tudor, had presumably been fully educated by the best tutors and masters at arms, and had skills to sell, and goods to sell for enough money to set themselves up. [snip]
Carol responds:
Except for the "shotying and playing" reference, we don't have any indication that either of them had an education similar to Richard's, which involved knightly training. The younger one seemed to have spent most of his time with his mother and sisters (whose education, to judge from EoY, does not seem to have been particularly rigorous). The older one was tutored by the scholarly (but perhaps vain and ambitious) Anthony Woodville and seems, from the little we know about him, to have been of a similar temperament and taste to that uncle.
I can't see either of them escaping and offering their skills for sale. (Actually, I imagine Richard continuing to shoot and play and Edward sulking!) However, since Tyrell was Master of Henchmen as well as Master of the Horse, he could have taken them almost anywhere disguised as pages. How far from the coast is Gipping, and how easy would it be to cross the channel to Guisnes, where Tyrell was in charge under Richard from January to August 1485 (and reappointed by Henry Tudor in 1486)? From there, it would be easy enough to get to Burgundy via the Low Countries--and very easy to get to Flanders (Perkin Warbeck was supposedly Flemish).
Speaking of a knightly education (and Henry's lack of it), does anyone know if the education of noblemen changed after Tudor took over? Henry VIII learned to joust as a boy or young man, but I don't think he was expected to apply those skills in battle, only in tournaments. (I could be wrong; I'm no authority on the Tudors.)
Carol
To:
Sent: Sunday, 12 May 2013, 18:42
Subject: Re: Disappearance
"Speaking of a knightly education (and Henry's lack of it), does anyone
know if the education of noblemen changed after Tudor took over? Henry
VIII learned to joust as a boy or young man, but I don't think he was
expected to apply those skills in battle, only in tournaments."
He certainly wanted to fight at the Battle of Spurs. Jones make the interesting point that his senior commanders not only *strongly* dissuaded him from doing so, but advised him to place himself about a mile back from the forward lines and safe within a division of pikemen. He suggests that was because memories of Bosworth and how things went so catastrophically wrong for a king with numerical superiority were still alarmingly potent.
Jonathan
________________________________
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
To:
Sent: Sunday, 12 May 2013, 18:42
Subject: Re: Disappearance
"Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> Yes, but they, unlike Henry Tudor, had presumably been fully educated by the best tutors and masters at arms, and had skills to sell, and goods to sell for enough money to set themselves up. [snip]
Carol responds:
Except for the "shotying and playing" reference, we don't have any indication that either of them had an education similar to Richard's, which involved knightly training. The younger one seemed to have spent most of his time with his mother and sisters (whose education, to judge from EoY, does not seem to have been particularly rigorous). The older one was tutored by the scholarly (but perhaps vain and ambitious) Anthony Woodville and seems, from the little we know about him, to have been of a similar temperament and taste to that uncle.
I can't see either of them escaping and offering their skills for sale. (Actually, I imagine Richard continuing to shoot and play and Edward sulking!) However, since Tyrell was Master of Henchmen as well as Master of the Horse, he could have taken them almost anywhere disguised as pages. How far from the coast is Gipping, and how easy would it be to cross the channel to Guisnes, where Tyrell was in charge under Richard from January to August 1485 (and reappointed by Henry Tudor in 1486)? From there, it would be easy enough to get to Burgundy via the Low Countries--and very easy to get to Flanders (Perkin Warbeck was supposedly Flemish).
Speaking of a knightly education (and Henry's lack of it), does anyone know if the education of noblemen changed after Tudor took over? Henry VIII learned to joust as a boy or young man, but I don't think he was expected to apply those skills in battle, only in tournaments. (I could be wrong; I'm no authority on the Tudors.)
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-13 15:27:22
And go on another hundred years to the Civil War when Charles I was present at Edgehill and Naseby (and led a charge with his Lifeguard at Naseby), albeit not leading the front line (but his nephew Prince Rupert was) or to William III, whose career was as a soldier and George II who was the last king to lead his troups into battle at Dettingen. Even now the traditional career for our monarchy is the army or the navy. But as Jonathan says, they have learned from Bosworth to keep away from the front line (though Prince Harry might not agree).
________________________________
From: Jonathan Evans <jmcevans98@...>
To: "" <>
Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 15:00
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
To:
Sent: Sunday, 12 May 2013, 18:42
Subject: Re: Disappearance
"Speaking of a knightly education (and Henry's lack of it), does anyone
know if the education of noblemen changed after Tudor took over? Henry
VIII learned to joust as a boy or young man, but I don't think he was
expected to apply those skills in battle, only in tournaments."
He certainly wanted to fight at the Battle of Spurs. Jones make the interesting point that his senior commanders not only *strongly* dissuaded him from doing so, but advised him to place himself about a mile back from the forward lines and safe within a division of pikemen. He suggests that was because memories of Bosworth and how things went so catastrophically wrong for a king with numerical superiority were still alarmingly potent.
Jonathan
________________________________
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
To:
Sent: Sunday, 12 May 2013, 18:42
Subject: Re: Disappearance
"Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> Yes, but they, unlike Henry Tudor, had presumably been fully educated by the best tutors and masters at arms, and had skills to sell, and goods to sell for enough money to set themselves up. [snip]
Carol responds:
Except for the "shotying and playing" reference, we don't have any indication that either of them had an education similar to Richard's, which involved knightly training. The younger one seemed to have spent most of his time with his mother and sisters (whose education, to judge from EoY, does not seem to have been particularly rigorous). The older one was tutored by the scholarly (but perhaps vain and ambitious) Anthony Woodville and seems, from the little we know about him, to have been of a similar temperament and taste to that uncle.
I can't see either of them escaping and offering their skills for sale. (Actually, I imagine Richard continuing to shoot and play and Edward sulking!) However, since Tyrell was Master of Henchmen as well as Master of the Horse, he could have taken them almost anywhere disguised as pages. How far from the coast is Gipping, and how easy would it be to cross the channel to Guisnes, where Tyrell was in charge under Richard from January to August 1485 (and reappointed by Henry Tudor in 1486)? From there, it would be easy enough to get to Burgundy via the Low Countries--and very easy to get to Flanders (Perkin Warbeck was supposedly Flemish).
Speaking of a knightly education (and Henry's lack of it), does anyone know if the education of noblemen changed after Tudor took over? Henry VIII learned to joust as a boy or young man, but I don't think he was expected to apply those skills in battle, only in tournaments. (I could be wrong; I'm no authority on the Tudors.)
Carol
________________________________
From: Jonathan Evans <jmcevans98@...>
To: "" <>
Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 15:00
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
To:
Sent: Sunday, 12 May 2013, 18:42
Subject: Re: Disappearance
"Speaking of a knightly education (and Henry's lack of it), does anyone
know if the education of noblemen changed after Tudor took over? Henry
VIII learned to joust as a boy or young man, but I don't think he was
expected to apply those skills in battle, only in tournaments."
He certainly wanted to fight at the Battle of Spurs. Jones make the interesting point that his senior commanders not only *strongly* dissuaded him from doing so, but advised him to place himself about a mile back from the forward lines and safe within a division of pikemen. He suggests that was because memories of Bosworth and how things went so catastrophically wrong for a king with numerical superiority were still alarmingly potent.
Jonathan
________________________________
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
To:
Sent: Sunday, 12 May 2013, 18:42
Subject: Re: Disappearance
"Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> Yes, but they, unlike Henry Tudor, had presumably been fully educated by the best tutors and masters at arms, and had skills to sell, and goods to sell for enough money to set themselves up. [snip]
Carol responds:
Except for the "shotying and playing" reference, we don't have any indication that either of them had an education similar to Richard's, which involved knightly training. The younger one seemed to have spent most of his time with his mother and sisters (whose education, to judge from EoY, does not seem to have been particularly rigorous). The older one was tutored by the scholarly (but perhaps vain and ambitious) Anthony Woodville and seems, from the little we know about him, to have been of a similar temperament and taste to that uncle.
I can't see either of them escaping and offering their skills for sale. (Actually, I imagine Richard continuing to shoot and play and Edward sulking!) However, since Tyrell was Master of Henchmen as well as Master of the Horse, he could have taken them almost anywhere disguised as pages. How far from the coast is Gipping, and how easy would it be to cross the channel to Guisnes, where Tyrell was in charge under Richard from January to August 1485 (and reappointed by Henry Tudor in 1486)? From there, it would be easy enough to get to Burgundy via the Low Countries--and very easy to get to Flanders (Perkin Warbeck was supposedly Flemish).
Speaking of a knightly education (and Henry's lack of it), does anyone know if the education of noblemen changed after Tudor took over? Henry VIII learned to joust as a boy or young man, but I don't think he was expected to apply those skills in battle, only in tournaments. (I could be wrong; I'm no authority on the Tudors.)
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-13 15:31:47
You are so right, Hilary! Of course, Harry is the spare, and if he were the heir he might not have been so fortunate (from his point of view). Although William is a rescue helicopter pilot, is he not? That doesn't seem like it's a career without risk. J
Anyway, Jonathan mentions Henry VIII being advised to stay about a mile back behind a wall of pikemen. That sounds like not only the disastrous result for Richard but also the successful tactic used by H7 was well remembered among the surviving nobles.
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From: [mailto:] On Behalf Of Hilary Jones
Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 11:27 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
And go on another hundred years to the Civil War when Charles I was present at Edgehill and Naseby (and led a charge with his Lifeguard at Naseby), albeit not leading the front line (but his nephew Prince Rupert was) or to William III, whose career was as a soldier and George II who was the last king to lead his troups into battle at Dettingen. Even now the traditional career for our monarchy is the army or the navy. But as Jonathan says, they have learned from Bosworth to keep away from the front line (though Prince Harry might not agree).
________________________________
From: Jonathan Evans <jmcevans98@... <mailto:jmcevans98%40yahoo.com> >
To: " <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> " < <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> >
Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 15:00
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@... <mailto:justcarol67%40yahoo.com> >
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Sunday, 12 May 2013, 18:42
Subject: Re: Disappearance
"Speaking of a knightly education (and Henry's lack of it), does anyone
know if the education of noblemen changed after Tudor took over? Henry
VIII learned to joust as a boy or young man, but I don't think he was
expected to apply those skills in battle, only in tournaments."
He certainly wanted to fight at the Battle of Spurs. Jones make the interesting point that his senior commanders not only *strongly* dissuaded him from doing so, but advised him to place himself about a mile back from the forward lines and safe within a division of pikemen. He suggests that was because memories of Bosworth and how things went so catastrophically wrong for a king with numerical superiority were still alarmingly potent.
Jonathan
________________________________
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@... <mailto:justcarol67%40yahoo.com> >
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Sunday, 12 May 2013, 18:42
Subject: Re: Disappearance
"Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> Yes, but they, unlike Henry Tudor, had presumably been fully educated by the best tutors and masters at arms, and had skills to sell, and goods to sell for enough money to set themselves up. [snip]
Carol responds:
Except for the "shotying and playing" reference, we don't have any indication that either of them had an education similar to Richard's, which involved knightly training. The younger one seemed to have spent most of his time with his mother and sisters (whose education, to judge from EoY, does not seem to have been particularly rigorous). The older one was tutored by the scholarly (but perhaps vain and ambitious) Anthony Woodville and seems, from the little we know about him, to have been of a similar temperament and taste to that uncle.
I can't see either of them escaping and offering their skills for sale. (Actually, I imagine Richard continuing to shoot and play and Edward sulking!) However, since Tyrell was Master of Henchmen as well as Master of the Horse, he could have taken them almost anywhere disguised as pages. How far from the coast is Gipping, and how easy would it be to cross the channel to Guisnes, where Tyrell was in charge under Richard from January to August 1485 (and reappointed by Henry Tudor in 1486)? From there, it would be easy enough to get to Burgundy via the Low Countries--and very easy to get to Flanders (Perkin Warbeck was supposedly Flemish).
Speaking of a knightly education (and Henry's lack of it), does anyone know if the education of noblemen changed after Tudor took over? Henry VIII learned to joust as a boy or young man, but I don't think he was expected to apply those skills in battle, only in tournaments. (I could be wrong; I'm no authority on the Tudors.)
Carol
Anyway, Jonathan mentions Henry VIII being advised to stay about a mile back behind a wall of pikemen. That sounds like not only the disastrous result for Richard but also the successful tactic used by H7 was well remembered among the surviving nobles.
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From: [mailto:] On Behalf Of Hilary Jones
Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 11:27 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
And go on another hundred years to the Civil War when Charles I was present at Edgehill and Naseby (and led a charge with his Lifeguard at Naseby), albeit not leading the front line (but his nephew Prince Rupert was) or to William III, whose career was as a soldier and George II who was the last king to lead his troups into battle at Dettingen. Even now the traditional career for our monarchy is the army or the navy. But as Jonathan says, they have learned from Bosworth to keep away from the front line (though Prince Harry might not agree).
________________________________
From: Jonathan Evans <jmcevans98@... <mailto:jmcevans98%40yahoo.com> >
To: " <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> " < <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> >
Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 15:00
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@... <mailto:justcarol67%40yahoo.com> >
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Sunday, 12 May 2013, 18:42
Subject: Re: Disappearance
"Speaking of a knightly education (and Henry's lack of it), does anyone
know if the education of noblemen changed after Tudor took over? Henry
VIII learned to joust as a boy or young man, but I don't think he was
expected to apply those skills in battle, only in tournaments."
He certainly wanted to fight at the Battle of Spurs. Jones make the interesting point that his senior commanders not only *strongly* dissuaded him from doing so, but advised him to place himself about a mile back from the forward lines and safe within a division of pikemen. He suggests that was because memories of Bosworth and how things went so catastrophically wrong for a king with numerical superiority were still alarmingly potent.
Jonathan
________________________________
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@... <mailto:justcarol67%40yahoo.com> >
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Sunday, 12 May 2013, 18:42
Subject: Re: Disappearance
"Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> Yes, but they, unlike Henry Tudor, had presumably been fully educated by the best tutors and masters at arms, and had skills to sell, and goods to sell for enough money to set themselves up. [snip]
Carol responds:
Except for the "shotying and playing" reference, we don't have any indication that either of them had an education similar to Richard's, which involved knightly training. The younger one seemed to have spent most of his time with his mother and sisters (whose education, to judge from EoY, does not seem to have been particularly rigorous). The older one was tutored by the scholarly (but perhaps vain and ambitious) Anthony Woodville and seems, from the little we know about him, to have been of a similar temperament and taste to that uncle.
I can't see either of them escaping and offering their skills for sale. (Actually, I imagine Richard continuing to shoot and play and Edward sulking!) However, since Tyrell was Master of Henchmen as well as Master of the Horse, he could have taken them almost anywhere disguised as pages. How far from the coast is Gipping, and how easy would it be to cross the channel to Guisnes, where Tyrell was in charge under Richard from January to August 1485 (and reappointed by Henry Tudor in 1486)? From there, it would be easy enough to get to Burgundy via the Low Countries--and very easy to get to Flanders (Perkin Warbeck was supposedly Flemish).
Speaking of a knightly education (and Henry's lack of it), does anyone know if the education of noblemen changed after Tudor took over? Henry VIII learned to joust as a boy or young man, but I don't think he was expected to apply those skills in battle, only in tournaments. (I could be wrong; I'm no authority on the Tudors.)
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-13 15:37:32
I think your last sentence says it all with regards to Hanry VIII. As for our current Prince W, perhaps the royal family are well aware how few older sons have actually succeeded, but as you say, that's not without risks.
________________________________
From: Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@...>
To:
Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 15:31
Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
You are so right, Hilary! Of course, Harry is the spare, and if he were the heir he might not have been so fortunate (from his point of view). Although William is a rescue helicopter pilot, is he not? That doesn't seem like it's a career without risk. J
Anyway, Jonathan mentions Henry VIII being advised to stay about a mile back behind a wall of pikemen. That sounds like not only the disastrous result for Richard but also the successful tactic used by H7 was well remembered among the surviving nobles.
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From: [mailto:] On Behalf Of Hilary Jones
Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 11:27 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
And go on another hundred years to the Civil War when Charles I was present at Edgehill and Naseby (and led a charge with his Lifeguard at Naseby), albeit not leading the front line (but his nephew Prince Rupert was) or to William III, whose career was as a soldier and George II who was the last king to lead his troups into battle at Dettingen. Even now the traditional career for our monarchy is the army or the navy. But as Jonathan says, they have learned from Bosworth to keep away from the front line (though Prince Harry might not agree).
________________________________
From: Jonathan Evans <jmcevans98@... <mailto:jmcevans98%40yahoo.com> >
To: " <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> " < <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> >
Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 15:00
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@... <mailto:justcarol67%40yahoo.com> >
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Sunday, 12 May 2013, 18:42
Subject: Re: Disappearance
"Speaking of a knightly education (and Henry's lack of it), does anyone
know if the education of noblemen changed after Tudor took over? Henry
VIII learned to joust as a boy or young man, but I don't think he was
expected to apply those skills in battle, only in tournaments."
He certainly wanted to fight at the Battle of Spurs. Jones make the interesting point that his senior commanders not only *strongly* dissuaded him from doing so, but advised him to place himself about a mile back from the forward lines and safe within a division of pikemen. He suggests that was because memories of Bosworth and how things went so catastrophically wrong for a king with numerical superiority were still alarmingly potent.
Jonathan
________________________________
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@... <mailto:justcarol67%40yahoo.com> >
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Sunday, 12 May 2013, 18:42
Subject: Re: Disappearance
"Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> Yes, but they, unlike Henry Tudor, had presumably been fully educated by the best tutors and masters at arms, and had skills to sell, and goods to sell for enough money to set themselves up. [snip]
Carol responds:
Except for the "shotying and playing" reference, we don't have any indication that either of them had an education similar to Richard's, which involved knightly training. The younger one seemed to have spent most of his time with his mother and sisters (whose education, to judge from EoY, does not seem to have been particularly rigorous). The older one was tutored by the scholarly (but perhaps vain and ambitious) Anthony Woodville and seems, from the little we know about him, to have been of a similar temperament and taste to that uncle.
I can't see either of them escaping and offering their skills for sale. (Actually, I imagine Richard continuing to shoot and play and Edward sulking!) However, since Tyrell was Master of Henchmen as well as Master of the Horse, he could have taken them almost anywhere disguised as pages. How far from the coast is Gipping, and how easy would it be to cross the channel to Guisnes, where Tyrell was in charge under Richard from January to August 1485 (and reappointed by Henry Tudor in 1486)? From there, it would be easy enough to get to Burgundy via the Low Countries--and very easy to get to Flanders (Perkin Warbeck was supposedly Flemish).
Speaking of a knightly education (and Henry's lack of it), does anyone know if the education of noblemen changed after Tudor took over? Henry VIII learned to joust as a boy or young man, but I don't think he was expected to apply those skills in battle, only in tournaments. (I could be wrong; I'm no authority on the Tudors.)
Carol
________________________________
From: Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@...>
To:
Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 15:31
Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
You are so right, Hilary! Of course, Harry is the spare, and if he were the heir he might not have been so fortunate (from his point of view). Although William is a rescue helicopter pilot, is he not? That doesn't seem like it's a career without risk. J
Anyway, Jonathan mentions Henry VIII being advised to stay about a mile back behind a wall of pikemen. That sounds like not only the disastrous result for Richard but also the successful tactic used by H7 was well remembered among the surviving nobles.
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From: [mailto:] On Behalf Of Hilary Jones
Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 11:27 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
And go on another hundred years to the Civil War when Charles I was present at Edgehill and Naseby (and led a charge with his Lifeguard at Naseby), albeit not leading the front line (but his nephew Prince Rupert was) or to William III, whose career was as a soldier and George II who was the last king to lead his troups into battle at Dettingen. Even now the traditional career for our monarchy is the army or the navy. But as Jonathan says, they have learned from Bosworth to keep away from the front line (though Prince Harry might not agree).
________________________________
From: Jonathan Evans <jmcevans98@... <mailto:jmcevans98%40yahoo.com> >
To: " <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> " < <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> >
Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 15:00
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@... <mailto:justcarol67%40yahoo.com> >
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Sunday, 12 May 2013, 18:42
Subject: Re: Disappearance
"Speaking of a knightly education (and Henry's lack of it), does anyone
know if the education of noblemen changed after Tudor took over? Henry
VIII learned to joust as a boy or young man, but I don't think he was
expected to apply those skills in battle, only in tournaments."
He certainly wanted to fight at the Battle of Spurs. Jones make the interesting point that his senior commanders not only *strongly* dissuaded him from doing so, but advised him to place himself about a mile back from the forward lines and safe within a division of pikemen. He suggests that was because memories of Bosworth and how things went so catastrophically wrong for a king with numerical superiority were still alarmingly potent.
Jonathan
________________________________
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@... <mailto:justcarol67%40yahoo.com> >
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Sunday, 12 May 2013, 18:42
Subject: Re: Disappearance
"Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> Yes, but they, unlike Henry Tudor, had presumably been fully educated by the best tutors and masters at arms, and had skills to sell, and goods to sell for enough money to set themselves up. [snip]
Carol responds:
Except for the "shotying and playing" reference, we don't have any indication that either of them had an education similar to Richard's, which involved knightly training. The younger one seemed to have spent most of his time with his mother and sisters (whose education, to judge from EoY, does not seem to have been particularly rigorous). The older one was tutored by the scholarly (but perhaps vain and ambitious) Anthony Woodville and seems, from the little we know about him, to have been of a similar temperament and taste to that uncle.
I can't see either of them escaping and offering their skills for sale. (Actually, I imagine Richard continuing to shoot and play and Edward sulking!) However, since Tyrell was Master of Henchmen as well as Master of the Horse, he could have taken them almost anywhere disguised as pages. How far from the coast is Gipping, and how easy would it be to cross the channel to Guisnes, where Tyrell was in charge under Richard from January to August 1485 (and reappointed by Henry Tudor in 1486)? From there, it would be easy enough to get to Burgundy via the Low Countries--and very easy to get to Flanders (Perkin Warbeck was supposedly Flemish).
Speaking of a knightly education (and Henry's lack of it), does anyone know if the education of noblemen changed after Tudor took over? Henry VIII learned to joust as a boy or young man, but I don't think he was expected to apply those skills in battle, only in tournaments. (I could be wrong; I'm no authority on the Tudors.)
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-13 15:43:00
From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 12, 2013 3:51 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> And then, as someone pointed out (you? Claire?), *not* seeing the boys
outside wouldn't be that unusual if the weather was bad *and* they had been
kept inside and out of sight for a while before bad weather set in and they
were smuggled out, but *would* be noticed when the weather improved - after
Easter 1484.
Carol suggested they might have been, or been assumed to have been, kept
indoors because of a cold winter. I suggested they might have been, or been
assumed to have been, moved out of London to somewhere in the fresh air
because of a muggy, unhealthy autumn. Either way, rumours of their deaths
might have turned up after Easter because people were surprised that they
weren't back in London/outside to join in the Easter ceremonies. You can
imagine the sort of conversations people would be having -
"Maybe they were sent somewhere up north."
"Yeah, 'n' maybe they was sent six feet under."
I tried to find tree-ring data on what the weather was like in 1483/84, but
I drew a blank.
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 12, 2013 3:51 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> And then, as someone pointed out (you? Claire?), *not* seeing the boys
outside wouldn't be that unusual if the weather was bad *and* they had been
kept inside and out of sight for a while before bad weather set in and they
were smuggled out, but *would* be noticed when the weather improved - after
Easter 1484.
Carol suggested they might have been, or been assumed to have been, kept
indoors because of a cold winter. I suggested they might have been, or been
assumed to have been, moved out of London to somewhere in the fresh air
because of a muggy, unhealthy autumn. Either way, rumours of their deaths
might have turned up after Easter because people were surprised that they
weren't back in London/outside to join in the Easter ceremonies. You can
imagine the sort of conversations people would be having -
"Maybe they were sent somewhere up north."
"Yeah, 'n' maybe they was sent six feet under."
I tried to find tree-ring data on what the weather was like in 1483/84, but
I drew a blank.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-13 16:16:47
I apologise for the lack of sources in the following notes regarding the weather here in Gloucestershire in the autumn of 1483, but I set them aside for possible use. The sources do not really matter, I suppose, because the general consensus is that October 1483 was a pig of a month for anyone near the Severn or the Wye. I don't know if this sort of thing applied all over the country:-
October 1483. An extraordinary flood of the Severn (near Worcester) in October prevents the Duke of Buckingham from crossing to attack Richard III, the duke's army disperses, and he is taken and beheaded.
1483
John Paul, the former Vicar of Almondsbury, described briefly
'a wonderful flood and inundation in the river Severn which did unspeakable spoil as old records in Bristol report.'
October 1483 flood: 'In the second year of Richard III in the month of October 1483, as the Duke of Buckingham was advancing by long marches through the Forest of Dean to Gloucester, where he designed to pass with his army over the Severn, there was so great an inundation of water that men were drowned in their beds, houses were overturned, children were carried about the fields swimming in cradles, beasts were drowned on the hills. Which rage of water lasted for ten days and nights, and it is to this day in the counties thereabout called The Great Water' or The Duke of Buckingham's Water'' (Gloucester Journal, November 1770).
1483 A year noted for its continual monsoon-like rains. The river Wye in Herefordshire and the Severn in Worcestershire rose rapidly&
Sandra
October 1483. An extraordinary flood of the Severn (near Worcester) in October prevents the Duke of Buckingham from crossing to attack Richard III, the duke's army disperses, and he is taken and beheaded.
1483
John Paul, the former Vicar of Almondsbury, described briefly
'a wonderful flood and inundation in the river Severn which did unspeakable spoil as old records in Bristol report.'
October 1483 flood: 'In the second year of Richard III in the month of October 1483, as the Duke of Buckingham was advancing by long marches through the Forest of Dean to Gloucester, where he designed to pass with his army over the Severn, there was so great an inundation of water that men were drowned in their beds, houses were overturned, children were carried about the fields swimming in cradles, beasts were drowned on the hills. Which rage of water lasted for ten days and nights, and it is to this day in the counties thereabout called The Great Water' or The Duke of Buckingham's Water'' (Gloucester Journal, November 1770).
1483 A year noted for its continual monsoon-like rains. The river Wye in Herefordshire and the Severn in Worcestershire rose rapidly&
Sandra
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-13 16:22:44
Must add that in 1484 in Tewkesbury: &there was a remarkable high flood in consequence of the waters overflowing the banks of the Severn. Don't know the month, but usually it's winter for the Severn, not always though, as was shown a few years back. But whether it's likely to be Winter 1483-4 or 1484-5, I cannot say without looking into it more.
Sandra
From: SandraMachin
Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 4:16 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
I apologise for the lack of sources in the following notes regarding the weather here in Gloucestershire in the autumn of 1483, but I set them aside for possible use. The sources do not really matter, I suppose, because the general consensus is that October 1483 was a pig of a month for anyone near the Severn or the Wye. I don't know if this sort of thing applied all over the country:-
October 1483. An extraordinary flood of the Severn (near Worcester) in October prevents the Duke of Buckingham from crossing to attack Richard III, the duke's army disperses, and he is taken and beheaded.
1483
John Paul, the former Vicar of Almondsbury, described briefly
'a wonderful flood and inundation in the river Severn which did unspeakable spoil as old records in Bristol report.'
October 1483 flood: 'In the second year of Richard III in the month of October 1483, as the Duke of Buckingham was advancing by long marches through the Forest of Dean to Gloucester, where he designed to pass with his army over the Severn, there was so great an inundation of water that men were drowned in their beds, houses were overturned, children were carried about the fields swimming in cradles, beasts were drowned on the hills. Which rage of water lasted for ten days and nights, and it is to this day in the counties thereabout called The Great Water' or The Duke of Buckingham's Water'' (Gloucester Journal, November 1770).
1483 A year noted for its continual monsoon-like rains. The river Wye in Herefordshire and the Severn in Worcestershire rose rapidly&
Sandra
Sandra
From: SandraMachin
Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 4:16 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
I apologise for the lack of sources in the following notes regarding the weather here in Gloucestershire in the autumn of 1483, but I set them aside for possible use. The sources do not really matter, I suppose, because the general consensus is that October 1483 was a pig of a month for anyone near the Severn or the Wye. I don't know if this sort of thing applied all over the country:-
October 1483. An extraordinary flood of the Severn (near Worcester) in October prevents the Duke of Buckingham from crossing to attack Richard III, the duke's army disperses, and he is taken and beheaded.
1483
John Paul, the former Vicar of Almondsbury, described briefly
'a wonderful flood and inundation in the river Severn which did unspeakable spoil as old records in Bristol report.'
October 1483 flood: 'In the second year of Richard III in the month of October 1483, as the Duke of Buckingham was advancing by long marches through the Forest of Dean to Gloucester, where he designed to pass with his army over the Severn, there was so great an inundation of water that men were drowned in their beds, houses were overturned, children were carried about the fields swimming in cradles, beasts were drowned on the hills. Which rage of water lasted for ten days and nights, and it is to this day in the counties thereabout called The Great Water' or The Duke of Buckingham's Water'' (Gloucester Journal, November 1770).
1483 A year noted for its continual monsoon-like rains. The river Wye in Herefordshire and the Severn in Worcestershire rose rapidly&
Sandra
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-13 17:14:28
Johanne Tournier wrote:
> Far be it from me to try to haul water for Ms. Weir, an author for whom I have little regard. But as it happens, in looking for the source of the "Easter 1483" vs. "Easter 1484" discussion, I picked up *The Maligned King,* and there I found the following: [snip]
> Thus from Ms. Carson's line of reasoning from Vergil and the Chronicler, it would appear that the death or disappearance of the Princes occurred sometime after the investiture of Richard's son Edward as Prince of Wales on 8 September 1483.
> Does anyone know off-hand how that chronology fits with Buckingham's being in London? Was that during the earlier part of Richard's progress (i.e. before Richard arrived at York) or afterward? [snip]
Carol responds:
First, Johanne, don't worry. You're undermining Weir, not supporting her. She's saying that the Croyland chronicler must be *wrong* in saying that the boys were alive at the time of EoM's investiture (September 8) because Tyrell (who *must* have killed them because More says so) was already back in York by that time and must have left London several days earlier to be there in time. So, in Weir's view, he *must* have killed Richard's nephews on September 3. (She depicts Richard walking hand in hand with his little son at his investiture in the sure knowledge that his nephews were dead--"wicked uncle" indeed.)
We do know that Tyrell went to London before the investiture, which is probably why his name was ultimately associated with the "murders" by Vergil and others, but the Croyland chronicler's dating, if accurate, exonerates him (which is why, for Weir, the chronicler must be "wrong"). (If you've read our earlier threads on Tyrrell, you know that the question of Tyrrell's association with the "Princes" is actually much more complicated than this and that there was no confession, but what really happened or may have happened is irrelevant to Weir, who believes that More's story reflects a real confession by Tyrrell. She has no clue that More invented the whole thing, confession and all.)
As for the rumors that were spread after the failed "rescue" attempt, they seem to coincide with Buckingham's joining of the rebellion, but IMO that could have as much to do with Morton (now free) as with Buckingham. I suspect that B. knew about the bodyguard that the chronicler mentions, and it's quite possible that the boys *had* been moved deeper into the Tower for their own safety. Buckingham could have reported these new arrangements to Morton, who could have suggested using them as the basis for a rumor ("The boys have disappeared--they must have been killed") and let the rumor grow and develop on its own among the target population, the dissident Yorkists who wanted to depose Richard and put EV on the throne.
Regarding Buckingham in London, keep reading. Annette doesn't think that Buckingham (or anyone else) killed the boys, and she presents a chronology of his whereabouts to support her theory.
Note that while More and Vergil have Buckingham meeting with Richard on Richard's progress, CC does not. I think half the problems historians have in figuring out not only what happened with the "Princes" and what motivated Buckingham relates to the assumption that Vergil and More knew what they were writing about. The rest relates to the assumption that Mancini's reports of the boys being moved further into the Tower and being seen less and less are firsthand observation and relate to his time in London when in fact they probably reflect the very rumors we're talking about, which were being spread in October or November (I'm not sure of the timing, but I don't think it was as early as September) among the dissident Yorkists in England and, in France, among Henry Tudor's followers.
If we can figure out (via Annette or other sources) when Buckingham reached Brecon, when he wrote to Tudor, when Morton arrived in France, and compare that to the date of the French speech naming Richard as the murderer of his nephews, we should have a good idea of when the rumors first arose among the rebels (as opposed to the whispers in London, which seemingly did not arise until the following April).
Carol
> Far be it from me to try to haul water for Ms. Weir, an author for whom I have little regard. But as it happens, in looking for the source of the "Easter 1483" vs. "Easter 1484" discussion, I picked up *The Maligned King,* and there I found the following: [snip]
> Thus from Ms. Carson's line of reasoning from Vergil and the Chronicler, it would appear that the death or disappearance of the Princes occurred sometime after the investiture of Richard's son Edward as Prince of Wales on 8 September 1483.
> Does anyone know off-hand how that chronology fits with Buckingham's being in London? Was that during the earlier part of Richard's progress (i.e. before Richard arrived at York) or afterward? [snip]
Carol responds:
First, Johanne, don't worry. You're undermining Weir, not supporting her. She's saying that the Croyland chronicler must be *wrong* in saying that the boys were alive at the time of EoM's investiture (September 8) because Tyrell (who *must* have killed them because More says so) was already back in York by that time and must have left London several days earlier to be there in time. So, in Weir's view, he *must* have killed Richard's nephews on September 3. (She depicts Richard walking hand in hand with his little son at his investiture in the sure knowledge that his nephews were dead--"wicked uncle" indeed.)
We do know that Tyrell went to London before the investiture, which is probably why his name was ultimately associated with the "murders" by Vergil and others, but the Croyland chronicler's dating, if accurate, exonerates him (which is why, for Weir, the chronicler must be "wrong"). (If you've read our earlier threads on Tyrrell, you know that the question of Tyrrell's association with the "Princes" is actually much more complicated than this and that there was no confession, but what really happened or may have happened is irrelevant to Weir, who believes that More's story reflects a real confession by Tyrrell. She has no clue that More invented the whole thing, confession and all.)
As for the rumors that were spread after the failed "rescue" attempt, they seem to coincide with Buckingham's joining of the rebellion, but IMO that could have as much to do with Morton (now free) as with Buckingham. I suspect that B. knew about the bodyguard that the chronicler mentions, and it's quite possible that the boys *had* been moved deeper into the Tower for their own safety. Buckingham could have reported these new arrangements to Morton, who could have suggested using them as the basis for a rumor ("The boys have disappeared--they must have been killed") and let the rumor grow and develop on its own among the target population, the dissident Yorkists who wanted to depose Richard and put EV on the throne.
Regarding Buckingham in London, keep reading. Annette doesn't think that Buckingham (or anyone else) killed the boys, and she presents a chronology of his whereabouts to support her theory.
Note that while More and Vergil have Buckingham meeting with Richard on Richard's progress, CC does not. I think half the problems historians have in figuring out not only what happened with the "Princes" and what motivated Buckingham relates to the assumption that Vergil and More knew what they were writing about. The rest relates to the assumption that Mancini's reports of the boys being moved further into the Tower and being seen less and less are firsthand observation and relate to his time in London when in fact they probably reflect the very rumors we're talking about, which were being spread in October or November (I'm not sure of the timing, but I don't think it was as early as September) among the dissident Yorkists in England and, in France, among Henry Tudor's followers.
If we can figure out (via Annette or other sources) when Buckingham reached Brecon, when he wrote to Tudor, when Morton arrived in France, and compare that to the date of the French speech naming Richard as the murderer of his nephews, we should have a good idea of when the rumors first arose among the rebels (as opposed to the whispers in London, which seemingly did not arise until the following April).
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-13 17:28:35
From: SandraMachin
To:
Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 4:16 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> 1483 A year noted for its continual monsoon-like rains. The river Wye in
> Herefordshire and the Severn in Worcestershire rose rapidly&
Although the south-west often gets the worst of the weather, if heavy rain
was "continual" in the West Country that autumn it would be surprising if
London didn't catch at least some of it. So the Tower would be damply
unpleasant and surrounded by smelly mud, and nobody at the time would think
it odd that boys seemed to have been moved elsewhere. Only when they didn't
reappear - for whatever reason - would people start to wonder.
Until they put the Thames Barrier in in the 1980s, flooding was a constant
risk in London. When I was working on the Isle of Dogs in the '80s I
sometimes used to get to work by catching a catermaran taxi. One of the
Embankments of the Thames - the one near Parliament I think - has a row of
big bronze lion heads on it, with mooring-rings in their mouths for boats to
tie up at. There used to be a saying that "When the lion drinks, the Thames
will flood", meaning that if the water was high enough to enter the lions'
mouths it would be over its banks further downstream. I've bounced past
those lions in a little catamaran, leaping out of the water as it went, and
seen the water halfway up the lions' chins and within half an inch of their
mouths.
To:
Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 4:16 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> 1483 A year noted for its continual monsoon-like rains. The river Wye in
> Herefordshire and the Severn in Worcestershire rose rapidly&
Although the south-west often gets the worst of the weather, if heavy rain
was "continual" in the West Country that autumn it would be surprising if
London didn't catch at least some of it. So the Tower would be damply
unpleasant and surrounded by smelly mud, and nobody at the time would think
it odd that boys seemed to have been moved elsewhere. Only when they didn't
reappear - for whatever reason - would people start to wonder.
Until they put the Thames Barrier in in the 1980s, flooding was a constant
risk in London. When I was working on the Isle of Dogs in the '80s I
sometimes used to get to work by catching a catermaran taxi. One of the
Embankments of the Thames - the one near Parliament I think - has a row of
big bronze lion heads on it, with mooring-rings in their mouths for boats to
tie up at. There used to be a saying that "When the lion drinks, the Thames
will flood", meaning that if the water was high enough to enter the lions'
mouths it would be over its banks further downstream. I've bounced past
those lions in a little catamaran, leaping out of the water as it went, and
seen the water halfway up the lions' chins and within half an inch of their
mouths.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-13 18:23:52
Paul wrote:
<clipped>
> And I mean no-one. Not Buckingham, certainly not Margaret Beaufort, who was supposedly under house arrest with her husband, who had, in my mind unbelievably, been made Constable by Richard. However, with Stanley returned to royal favour, why was his wife, one of the Anne's ladies in waiting, also returned to favour, joining the progress so that Richard could keep his eye on her?
Was MB actually on the progress? Because Kendall has her staying behind in London when the progress set out from Windsor. He has MB sending Reginald Bray to Morton/Buckingham when the latter needed him (to carry messages?) Perhaps she was on the progress until Anne left Richard? (See below.)
> Why for example did Richard stay at Sheriff Hutton during his progress? Why there in particular?
Kendall has him at Sheriff Hutton specifically to establish a household for little Warwick and John, Earl of Lincoln. So it sounds like he was in residence to supervise its establishment, rather than putting his seal of approval on something he'd ordered established before leaving London/Windsor?
>...Perhaps because the daughters of Edward IV were going to be moved to live there at some stage in the future, which of course they were, to be with their brothers perhaps, who Richard and Anne were settling in there?
It certainly sounds like he intended Sheriff Hutton to be a safehouse.
> After that stay the king and queen moved on to Nottingham, then Lincoln, while their son went back to Middleham and the fresh air and safety of the moors!
Anne didn't go with Richard to Nottingham. Around the middle of September, she left Sheriff Hutton with E of M to go back Middleham. Richard continued on with whatever retinue he had left to Nottingham and Lincoln.
I haven't looked to put together the puzzle pieces to know when Anne returned to London, or how she and Richard ended up in Nottingham the following April, where they were told their son had died.
~Weds
<clipped>
> And I mean no-one. Not Buckingham, certainly not Margaret Beaufort, who was supposedly under house arrest with her husband, who had, in my mind unbelievably, been made Constable by Richard. However, with Stanley returned to royal favour, why was his wife, one of the Anne's ladies in waiting, also returned to favour, joining the progress so that Richard could keep his eye on her?
Was MB actually on the progress? Because Kendall has her staying behind in London when the progress set out from Windsor. He has MB sending Reginald Bray to Morton/Buckingham when the latter needed him (to carry messages?) Perhaps she was on the progress until Anne left Richard? (See below.)
> Why for example did Richard stay at Sheriff Hutton during his progress? Why there in particular?
Kendall has him at Sheriff Hutton specifically to establish a household for little Warwick and John, Earl of Lincoln. So it sounds like he was in residence to supervise its establishment, rather than putting his seal of approval on something he'd ordered established before leaving London/Windsor?
>...Perhaps because the daughters of Edward IV were going to be moved to live there at some stage in the future, which of course they were, to be with their brothers perhaps, who Richard and Anne were settling in there?
It certainly sounds like he intended Sheriff Hutton to be a safehouse.
> After that stay the king and queen moved on to Nottingham, then Lincoln, while their son went back to Middleham and the fresh air and safety of the moors!
Anne didn't go with Richard to Nottingham. Around the middle of September, she left Sheriff Hutton with E of M to go back Middleham. Richard continued on with whatever retinue he had left to Nottingham and Lincoln.
I haven't looked to put together the puzzle pieces to know when Anne returned to London, or how she and Richard ended up in Nottingham the following April, where they were told their son had died.
~Weds
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-13 18:41:38
Long post. Sorry. I found one thing about Buckingham's Flood, and one thought led to another. You know how it is.
*October 1483 flood: 'In the second year of Richard III in the month of October 1483, as the Duke of Buckingham was advancing by long marches through the Forest of Dean to Gloucester, where he designed to pass with his army over the Severn, there was so great an inundation of water that men were drowned in their beds, houses were overturned, children were carried about the fields swimming in cradles, beasts were drowned on the hills. Which rage of water lasted for ten days and nights, and it is to this day in the counties thereabout called The Great Water' or The Duke of Buckingham's Water'' (Gloucester Journal, November 1770).*
Not sure about the second year' of Richard III, for surely it was the first? But the October 1483 is definite enough as the time of Buckingham's Rebellion. I cannot understand Buckingham attempting to cross the Severn at Gloucester in a particularly wet October. Clearly he did not go back and forth from Brecon all that often---once is all it would have taken me to get the picture. It is the worst possible time---or around March---because downstream of Worcester the tides are at their highest and most hazardous, what with the Severn Bore and so on. The bridge at Gloucester would have been isolated to the west by water. In the 15th century, before weirs and so on stopped the Bore at Maisemore, the wave went far inland, past Tewkesbury and as far as Worcester. It also went up the Avon from Tewkesbury. Attempting to cross in bad weather anywhere below that, especially with an army and everything that had to accompany it, would have been even more hazardous than heavy-rain floods, because of the tides. Upstream of Worcester, there would not be the Bore, but the floods themselves would have been too wide and treacherous to even think of entering them. Even as far north as Shrewsbury the river floods very badly and makes crossing dangerous.
South of Worcester, floods AND the Bore combined would have been a particularly fearful mix. And if Buckingham did indeed intend to cross at Gloucester, which is why he is said to have approached through the Forest of Dean, he would definitely encounter floods and strong tides together. Even when the bore isn't expected to be all that severe, the tides still come in and out twice in twenty-four hours. The land west of Gloucester and the river can be guaranteed to be flooded in weather as atrocious as that October. Didn't Buckingham seek advice before setting out? Or didn't he have any choice about the timing because all the plans had been firmly laid by others who didn't know how much the Severn had to be taken into account?
I have never really considered what Buckingham actually intended, and speak only as someone intrigued by things in general. Was Buckingham planning to join up with Henry Tudor's invasion? He would choose Gloucester for this. But if he intended to take the throne for himself, I'm convinced that to get to Richard first, he would have set out at the beginning to cross further north. But what do I know?
The Severn is still a sod of a river, and has to be treated with very healthy respect. It claims a life or two every year even now, and until recently there were always stories of people walking the sands near Newnham-Arlingham at low water, families out for a stroll on a summer evening, etc. That part of the river is a favourite beauty spot, with a grand pub and lots of families on summer evenings. The inland sands are golden and very inviting and then people are caught when the bore scurries in. You can hear its roar long before you actually see it. No wonder the Romans made offerings to this river. I've lived in and around Gloucester since 1963, and no one here takes her lightly. My skin crawls when I am near that silent, muddy, tidal water, then comes the noise, the bore and for a couple of hours the river flows backward. Buckingham must have been stupid (always likely) or forced to go ahead because other plans, i.e. Henry Tudor, for the rebellion gave him no option (possible). Either way he needed his bumps felt IMHO. It cost him dear in the end.
I'll shut up now.
*October 1483 flood: 'In the second year of Richard III in the month of October 1483, as the Duke of Buckingham was advancing by long marches through the Forest of Dean to Gloucester, where he designed to pass with his army over the Severn, there was so great an inundation of water that men were drowned in their beds, houses were overturned, children were carried about the fields swimming in cradles, beasts were drowned on the hills. Which rage of water lasted for ten days and nights, and it is to this day in the counties thereabout called The Great Water' or The Duke of Buckingham's Water'' (Gloucester Journal, November 1770).*
Not sure about the second year' of Richard III, for surely it was the first? But the October 1483 is definite enough as the time of Buckingham's Rebellion. I cannot understand Buckingham attempting to cross the Severn at Gloucester in a particularly wet October. Clearly he did not go back and forth from Brecon all that often---once is all it would have taken me to get the picture. It is the worst possible time---or around March---because downstream of Worcester the tides are at their highest and most hazardous, what with the Severn Bore and so on. The bridge at Gloucester would have been isolated to the west by water. In the 15th century, before weirs and so on stopped the Bore at Maisemore, the wave went far inland, past Tewkesbury and as far as Worcester. It also went up the Avon from Tewkesbury. Attempting to cross in bad weather anywhere below that, especially with an army and everything that had to accompany it, would have been even more hazardous than heavy-rain floods, because of the tides. Upstream of Worcester, there would not be the Bore, but the floods themselves would have been too wide and treacherous to even think of entering them. Even as far north as Shrewsbury the river floods very badly and makes crossing dangerous.
South of Worcester, floods AND the Bore combined would have been a particularly fearful mix. And if Buckingham did indeed intend to cross at Gloucester, which is why he is said to have approached through the Forest of Dean, he would definitely encounter floods and strong tides together. Even when the bore isn't expected to be all that severe, the tides still come in and out twice in twenty-four hours. The land west of Gloucester and the river can be guaranteed to be flooded in weather as atrocious as that October. Didn't Buckingham seek advice before setting out? Or didn't he have any choice about the timing because all the plans had been firmly laid by others who didn't know how much the Severn had to be taken into account?
I have never really considered what Buckingham actually intended, and speak only as someone intrigued by things in general. Was Buckingham planning to join up with Henry Tudor's invasion? He would choose Gloucester for this. But if he intended to take the throne for himself, I'm convinced that to get to Richard first, he would have set out at the beginning to cross further north. But what do I know?
The Severn is still a sod of a river, and has to be treated with very healthy respect. It claims a life or two every year even now, and until recently there were always stories of people walking the sands near Newnham-Arlingham at low water, families out for a stroll on a summer evening, etc. That part of the river is a favourite beauty spot, with a grand pub and lots of families on summer evenings. The inland sands are golden and very inviting and then people are caught when the bore scurries in. You can hear its roar long before you actually see it. No wonder the Romans made offerings to this river. I've lived in and around Gloucester since 1963, and no one here takes her lightly. My skin crawls when I am near that silent, muddy, tidal water, then comes the noise, the bore and for a couple of hours the river flows backward. Buckingham must have been stupid (always likely) or forced to go ahead because other plans, i.e. Henry Tudor, for the rebellion gave him no option (possible). Either way he needed his bumps felt IMHO. It cost him dear in the end.
I'll shut up now.
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-13 19:00:37
I suspect that he didn't know jack about the Severn which I think is second only to the Bay of Fundy in terms of drastic changes in water level.
Somebody who could be taken in by Morton would IMHO be also likely to charge into an area without taking stock of the local conditions.
Tamara
-----Original Message-----
From: sandramachin@...
To: <>
Sent: Mon, May 13, 2013 8:41 am
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Long post. Sorry. I found one thing about Buckingham's Flood, and one thought
led to another. You know how it is.
*October 1483 flood: 'In the second year of Richard III in the month of October
1483, as the Duke of Buckingham was advancing by long marches through the Forest
of Dean to Gloucester, where he designed to pass with his army over the Severn,
there was so great an inundation of water that men were drowned in their beds,
houses were overturned, children were carried about the fields swimming in
cradles, beasts were drowned on the hills. Which rage of water lasted for ten
days and nights, and it is to this day in the counties thereabout called The
Great Water' or The Duke of Buckingham's Water'' (Gloucester Journal, November
1770).*
Not sure about the second year' of Richard III, for surely it was the first?
But the October 1483 is definite enough as the time of Buckingham's Rebellion. I
cannot understand Buckingham attempting to cross the Severn at Gloucester in a
particularly wet October. Clearly he did not go back and forth from Brecon all
that often---once is all it would have taken me to get the picture. It is the
worst possible time---or around March---because downstream of Worcester the
tides are at their highest and most hazardous, what with the Severn Bore and so
on. The bridge at Gloucester would have been isolated to the west by water. In
the 15th century, before weirs and so on stopped the Bore at Maisemore, the wave
went far inland, past Tewkesbury and as far as Worcester. It also went up the
Avon from Tewkesbury. Attempting to cross in bad weather anywhere below that,
especially with an army and everything that had to accompany it, would have been
even more hazardous than heavy-rain floods, because of the tides. Upstream of
Worcester, there would not be the Bore, but the floods themselves would have
been too wide and treacherous to even think of entering them. Even as far north
as Shrewsbury the river floods very badly and makes crossing dangerous.
South of Worcester, floods AND the Bore combined would have been a particularly
fearful mix. And if Buckingham did indeed intend to cross at Gloucester, which
is why he is said to have approached through the Forest of Dean, he would
definitely encounter floods and strong tides together. Even when the bore isn't
expected to be all that severe, the tides still come in and out twice in
twenty-four hours. The land west of Gloucester and the river can be guaranteed
to be flooded in weather as atrocious as that October. Didn't Buckingham seek
advice before setting out? Or didn't he have any choice about the timing because
all the plans had been firmly laid by others who didn't know how much the Severn
had to be taken into account?
I have never really considered what Buckingham actually intended, and speak only
as someone intrigued by things in general. Was Buckingham planning to join up
with Henry Tudor's invasion? He would choose Gloucester for this. But if he
intended to take the throne for himself, I'm convinced that to get to Richard
first, he would have set out at the beginning to cross further north. But what
do I know?
The Severn is still a sod of a river, and has to be treated with very healthy
respect. It claims a life or two every year even now, and until recently there
were always stories of people walking the sands near Newnham-Arlingham at low
water, families out for a stroll on a summer evening, etc. That part of the
river is a favourite beauty spot, with a grand pub and lots of families on
summer evenings. The inland sands are golden and very inviting and then people
are caught when the bore scurries in. You can hear its roar long before you
actually see it. No wonder the Romans made offerings to this river. I've lived
in and around Gloucester since 1963, and no one here takes her lightly. My skin
crawls when I am near that silent, muddy, tidal water, then comes the noise, the
bore and for a couple of hours the river flows backward. Buckingham must have
been stupid (always likely) or forced to go ahead because other plans, i.e.
Henry Tudor, for the rebellion gave him no option (possible). Either way he
needed his bumps felt IMHO. It cost him dear in the end.
I'll shut up now.
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
Somebody who could be taken in by Morton would IMHO be also likely to charge into an area without taking stock of the local conditions.
Tamara
-----Original Message-----
From: sandramachin@...
To: <>
Sent: Mon, May 13, 2013 8:41 am
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Long post. Sorry. I found one thing about Buckingham's Flood, and one thought
led to another. You know how it is.
*October 1483 flood: 'In the second year of Richard III in the month of October
1483, as the Duke of Buckingham was advancing by long marches through the Forest
of Dean to Gloucester, where he designed to pass with his army over the Severn,
there was so great an inundation of water that men were drowned in their beds,
houses were overturned, children were carried about the fields swimming in
cradles, beasts were drowned on the hills. Which rage of water lasted for ten
days and nights, and it is to this day in the counties thereabout called The
Great Water' or The Duke of Buckingham's Water'' (Gloucester Journal, November
1770).*
Not sure about the second year' of Richard III, for surely it was the first?
But the October 1483 is definite enough as the time of Buckingham's Rebellion. I
cannot understand Buckingham attempting to cross the Severn at Gloucester in a
particularly wet October. Clearly he did not go back and forth from Brecon all
that often---once is all it would have taken me to get the picture. It is the
worst possible time---or around March---because downstream of Worcester the
tides are at their highest and most hazardous, what with the Severn Bore and so
on. The bridge at Gloucester would have been isolated to the west by water. In
the 15th century, before weirs and so on stopped the Bore at Maisemore, the wave
went far inland, past Tewkesbury and as far as Worcester. It also went up the
Avon from Tewkesbury. Attempting to cross in bad weather anywhere below that,
especially with an army and everything that had to accompany it, would have been
even more hazardous than heavy-rain floods, because of the tides. Upstream of
Worcester, there would not be the Bore, but the floods themselves would have
been too wide and treacherous to even think of entering them. Even as far north
as Shrewsbury the river floods very badly and makes crossing dangerous.
South of Worcester, floods AND the Bore combined would have been a particularly
fearful mix. And if Buckingham did indeed intend to cross at Gloucester, which
is why he is said to have approached through the Forest of Dean, he would
definitely encounter floods and strong tides together. Even when the bore isn't
expected to be all that severe, the tides still come in and out twice in
twenty-four hours. The land west of Gloucester and the river can be guaranteed
to be flooded in weather as atrocious as that October. Didn't Buckingham seek
advice before setting out? Or didn't he have any choice about the timing because
all the plans had been firmly laid by others who didn't know how much the Severn
had to be taken into account?
I have never really considered what Buckingham actually intended, and speak only
as someone intrigued by things in general. Was Buckingham planning to join up
with Henry Tudor's invasion? He would choose Gloucester for this. But if he
intended to take the throne for himself, I'm convinced that to get to Richard
first, he would have set out at the beginning to cross further north. But what
do I know?
The Severn is still a sod of a river, and has to be treated with very healthy
respect. It claims a life or two every year even now, and until recently there
were always stories of people walking the sands near Newnham-Arlingham at low
water, families out for a stroll on a summer evening, etc. That part of the
river is a favourite beauty spot, with a grand pub and lots of families on
summer evenings. The inland sands are golden and very inviting and then people
are caught when the bore scurries in. You can hear its roar long before you
actually see it. No wonder the Romans made offerings to this river. I've lived
in and around Gloucester since 1963, and no one here takes her lightly. My skin
crawls when I am near that silent, muddy, tidal water, then comes the noise, the
bore and for a couple of hours the river flows backward. Buckingham must have
been stupid (always likely) or forced to go ahead because other plans, i.e.
Henry Tudor, for the rebellion gave him no option (possible). Either way he
needed his bumps felt IMHO. It cost him dear in the end.
I'll shut up now.
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-13 21:59:48
Sandra, I think this yet again enforces that there are so many things we don't know. And it's intriguing how so much has disappeared, though by whose hands we don't know.
Sometimes when you think we have only the 'chronicles' to rely on it's as though we are back a millennium before, but then read a few wills and a few Exchequer docs and these people lived in an age we could recognise. I like you know the Severn, in fact I dodged its floods less than a decade ago on a journey home from Bristol. What you say is very important. I think we have to look outside the box, we seem to go over and over the same material. Richard wasn't necessarily the centre of this, it was the plan to topple him which was. I know others may disagree, but everything I've found out so far points to it.
________________________________
From: SandraMachin <sandramachin@...>
To:
Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 18:41
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Long post. Sorry. I found one thing about Buckingham's Flood, and one thought led to another. You know how it is.
*October 1483 flood: 'In the second year of Richard III in the month of October 1483, as the Duke of Buckingham was advancing by long marches through the Forest of Dean to Gloucester, where he designed to pass with his army over the Severn, there was so great an inundation of water that men were drowned in their beds, houses were overturned, children were carried about the fields swimming in cradles, beasts were drowned on the hills. Which rage of water lasted for ten days and nights, and it is to this day in the counties thereabout called The Great Water' or The Duke of Buckingham's Water'' (Gloucester Journal, November 1770).*
Not sure about the second year' of Richard III, for surely it was the first? But the October 1483 is definite enough as the time of Buckingham's Rebellion. I cannot understand Buckingham attempting to cross the Severn at Gloucester in a particularly wet October. Clearly he did not go back and forth from Brecon all that often---once is all it would have taken me to get the picture. It is the worst possible time---or around March---because downstream of Worcester the tides are at their highest and most hazardous, what with the Severn Bore and so on. The bridge at Gloucester would have been isolated to the west by water. In the 15th century, before weirs and so on stopped the Bore at Maisemore, the wave went far inland, past Tewkesbury and as far as Worcester. It also went up the Avon from Tewkesbury. Attempting to cross in bad weather anywhere below that, especially with an army and everything that had to accompany it, would have been even more
hazardous than heavy-rain floods, because of the tides. Upstream of Worcester, there would not be the Bore, but the floods themselves would have been too wide and treacherous to even think of entering them. Even as far north as Shrewsbury the river floods very badly and makes crossing dangerous.
South of Worcester, floods AND the Bore combined would have been a particularly fearful mix. And if Buckingham did indeed intend to cross at Gloucester, which is why he is said to have approached through the Forest of Dean, he would definitely encounter floods and strong tides together. Even when the bore isn't expected to be all that severe, the tides still come in and out twice in twenty-four hours. The land west of Gloucester and the river can be guaranteed to be flooded in weather as atrocious as that October. Didn't Buckingham seek advice before setting out? Or didn't he have any choice about the timing because all the plans had been firmly laid by others who didn't know how much the Severn had to be taken into account?
I have never really considered what Buckingham actually intended, and speak only as someone intrigued by things in general. Was Buckingham planning to join up with Henry Tudor's invasion? He would choose Gloucester for this. But if he intended to take the throne for himself, I'm convinced that to get to Richard first, he would have set out at the beginning to cross further north. But what do I know?
The Severn is still a sod of a river, and has to be treated with very healthy respect. It claims a life or two every year even now, and until recently there were always stories of people walking the sands near Newnham-Arlingham at low water, families out for a stroll on a summer evening, etc. That part of the river is a favourite beauty spot, with a grand pub and lots of families on summer evenings. The inland sands are golden and very inviting and then people are caught when the bore scurries in. You can hear its roar long before you actually see it. No wonder the Romans made offerings to this river. I've lived in and around Gloucester since 1963, and no one here takes her lightly. My skin crawls when I am near that silent, muddy, tidal water, then comes the noise, the bore and for a couple of hours the river flows backward. Buckingham must have been stupid (always likely) or forced to go ahead because other plans, i.e. Henry Tudor, for the
rebellion gave him no option (possible). Either way he needed his bumps felt IMHO. It cost him dear in the end.
I'll shut up now.
Sometimes when you think we have only the 'chronicles' to rely on it's as though we are back a millennium before, but then read a few wills and a few Exchequer docs and these people lived in an age we could recognise. I like you know the Severn, in fact I dodged its floods less than a decade ago on a journey home from Bristol. What you say is very important. I think we have to look outside the box, we seem to go over and over the same material. Richard wasn't necessarily the centre of this, it was the plan to topple him which was. I know others may disagree, but everything I've found out so far points to it.
________________________________
From: SandraMachin <sandramachin@...>
To:
Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 18:41
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Long post. Sorry. I found one thing about Buckingham's Flood, and one thought led to another. You know how it is.
*October 1483 flood: 'In the second year of Richard III in the month of October 1483, as the Duke of Buckingham was advancing by long marches through the Forest of Dean to Gloucester, where he designed to pass with his army over the Severn, there was so great an inundation of water that men were drowned in their beds, houses were overturned, children were carried about the fields swimming in cradles, beasts were drowned on the hills. Which rage of water lasted for ten days and nights, and it is to this day in the counties thereabout called The Great Water' or The Duke of Buckingham's Water'' (Gloucester Journal, November 1770).*
Not sure about the second year' of Richard III, for surely it was the first? But the October 1483 is definite enough as the time of Buckingham's Rebellion. I cannot understand Buckingham attempting to cross the Severn at Gloucester in a particularly wet October. Clearly he did not go back and forth from Brecon all that often---once is all it would have taken me to get the picture. It is the worst possible time---or around March---because downstream of Worcester the tides are at their highest and most hazardous, what with the Severn Bore and so on. The bridge at Gloucester would have been isolated to the west by water. In the 15th century, before weirs and so on stopped the Bore at Maisemore, the wave went far inland, past Tewkesbury and as far as Worcester. It also went up the Avon from Tewkesbury. Attempting to cross in bad weather anywhere below that, especially with an army and everything that had to accompany it, would have been even more
hazardous than heavy-rain floods, because of the tides. Upstream of Worcester, there would not be the Bore, but the floods themselves would have been too wide and treacherous to even think of entering them. Even as far north as Shrewsbury the river floods very badly and makes crossing dangerous.
South of Worcester, floods AND the Bore combined would have been a particularly fearful mix. And if Buckingham did indeed intend to cross at Gloucester, which is why he is said to have approached through the Forest of Dean, he would definitely encounter floods and strong tides together. Even when the bore isn't expected to be all that severe, the tides still come in and out twice in twenty-four hours. The land west of Gloucester and the river can be guaranteed to be flooded in weather as atrocious as that October. Didn't Buckingham seek advice before setting out? Or didn't he have any choice about the timing because all the plans had been firmly laid by others who didn't know how much the Severn had to be taken into account?
I have never really considered what Buckingham actually intended, and speak only as someone intrigued by things in general. Was Buckingham planning to join up with Henry Tudor's invasion? He would choose Gloucester for this. But if he intended to take the throne for himself, I'm convinced that to get to Richard first, he would have set out at the beginning to cross further north. But what do I know?
The Severn is still a sod of a river, and has to be treated with very healthy respect. It claims a life or two every year even now, and until recently there were always stories of people walking the sands near Newnham-Arlingham at low water, families out for a stroll on a summer evening, etc. That part of the river is a favourite beauty spot, with a grand pub and lots of families on summer evenings. The inland sands are golden and very inviting and then people are caught when the bore scurries in. You can hear its roar long before you actually see it. No wonder the Romans made offerings to this river. I've lived in and around Gloucester since 1963, and no one here takes her lightly. My skin crawls when I am near that silent, muddy, tidal water, then comes the noise, the bore and for a couple of hours the river flows backward. Buckingham must have been stupid (always likely) or forced to go ahead because other plans, i.e. Henry Tudor, for the
rebellion gave him no option (possible). Either way he needed his bumps felt IMHO. It cost him dear in the end.
I'll shut up now.
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-13 22:05:15
Very good thoughts..... And the plot to rid England of the Plantagenets went on long before Richard. I am sure someone has taken a comprehensive look at the Dynasty, but from a Ricardian viewpoint? Out of the bios for certain would give much to think about and explore.
On May 13, 2013, at 3:59 PM, "Hilary Jones" <hjnatdat@...<mailto:hjnatdat@...>> wrote:
Sandra, I think this yet again enforces that there are so many things we don't know. And it's intriguing how so much has disappeared, though by whose hands we don't know.
Sometimes when you think we have only the 'chronicles' to rely on it's as though we are back a millennium before, but then read a few wills and a few Exchequer docs and these people lived in an age we could recognise. I like you know the Severn, in fact I dodged its floods less than a decade ago on a journey home from Bristol. What you say is very important. I think we have to look outside the box, we seem to go over and over the same material. Richard wasn't necessarily the centre of this, it was the plan to topple him which was. I know others may disagree, but everything I've found out so far points to it.
________________________________
From: SandraMachin <sandramachin@...<mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk>>
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 18:41
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Long post. Sorry. I found one thing about Buckinghamýs Flood, and one thought led to another. You know how it is.
*October 1483 flood: ý'In the second year of Richard III in the month of October 1483, as the Duke of Buckingham was advancing by long marches through the Forest of Dean to Gloucester, where he designed to pass with his army over the Severn, there was so great an inundation of water that men were drowned in their beds, houses were overturned, children were carried about the fields swimming in cradles, beasts were drowned on the hills. Which rage of water lasted for ten days and nights, and it is to this day in the counties thereabout called ýThe Great Waterý or ýThe Duke of Buckinghamýs Waterý' (Gloucester Journal, November 1770).*
Not sure about the ýsecond yearý of Richard III, for surely it was the first? But the October 1483 is definite enough as the time of Buckinghamýs Rebellion. I cannot understand Buckingham attempting to cross the Severn at Gloucester in a particularly wet October. Clearly he did not go back and forth from Brecon all that often---once is all it would have taken me to get the picture. It is the worst possible time---or around March---because downstream of Worcester the tides are at their highest and most hazardous, what with the Severn Bore and so on. The bridge at Gloucester would have been isolated to the west by water. In the 15th century, before weirs and so on stopped the Bore at Maisemore, the wave went far inland, past Tewkesbury and as far as Worcester. It also went up the Avon from Tewkesbury. Attempting to cross in bad weather anywhere below that, especially with an army and everything that had to accompany it, would have been even more
hazardous than heavy-rain floods, because of the tides. Upstream of Worcester, there would not be the Bore, but the floods themselves would have been too wide and treacherous to even think of entering them. Even as far north as Shrewsbury the river floods very badly and makes crossing dangerous.
South of Worcester, floods AND the Bore combined would have been a particularly fearful mix. And if Buckingham did indeed intend to cross at Gloucester, which is why he is said to have approached through the Forest of Dean, he would definitely encounter floods and strong tides together. Even when the bore isnýt expected to be all that severe, the tides still come in and out twice in twenty-four hours. The land west of Gloucester and the river can be guaranteed to be flooded in weather as atrocious as that October. Didnýt Buckingham seek advice before setting out? Or didnýt he have any choice about the timing because all the plans had been firmly laid by others who didnýt know how much the Severn had to be taken into account?
I have never really considered what Buckingham actually intended, and speak only as someone intrigued by things in general. Was Buckingham planning to join up with Henry Tudorýs invasion? He would choose Gloucester for this. But if he intended to take the throne for himself, Iým convinced that to get to Richard first, he would have set out at the beginning to cross further north. But what do I know?
The Severn is still a sod of a river, and has to be treated with very healthy respect. It claims a life or two every year even now, and until recently there were always stories of people walking the sands near Newnham-Arlingham at low water, families out for a stroll on a summer evening, etc. That part of the river is a favourite beauty spot, with a grand pub and lots of families on summer evenings. The inland sands are golden and very inviting ý and then people are caught when the bore scurries in. You can hear its roar long before you actually see it. No wonder the Romans made offerings to this river. Iýve lived in and around Gloucester since 1963, and no one here takes her lightly. My skin crawls when I am near that silent, muddy, tidal water, then comes the noise, the bore and for a couple of hours the river flows backward. Buckingham must have been stupid (always likely) or forced to go ahead because other plans, i.e. Henry Tudor, for the
rebellion gave him no option (possible). Either way he needed his bumps felt IMHO. It cost him dear in the end.
Iýll shut up now.
On May 13, 2013, at 3:59 PM, "Hilary Jones" <hjnatdat@...<mailto:hjnatdat@...>> wrote:
Sandra, I think this yet again enforces that there are so many things we don't know. And it's intriguing how so much has disappeared, though by whose hands we don't know.
Sometimes when you think we have only the 'chronicles' to rely on it's as though we are back a millennium before, but then read a few wills and a few Exchequer docs and these people lived in an age we could recognise. I like you know the Severn, in fact I dodged its floods less than a decade ago on a journey home from Bristol. What you say is very important. I think we have to look outside the box, we seem to go over and over the same material. Richard wasn't necessarily the centre of this, it was the plan to topple him which was. I know others may disagree, but everything I've found out so far points to it.
________________________________
From: SandraMachin <sandramachin@...<mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk>>
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 18:41
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Long post. Sorry. I found one thing about Buckinghamýs Flood, and one thought led to another. You know how it is.
*October 1483 flood: ý'In the second year of Richard III in the month of October 1483, as the Duke of Buckingham was advancing by long marches through the Forest of Dean to Gloucester, where he designed to pass with his army over the Severn, there was so great an inundation of water that men were drowned in their beds, houses were overturned, children were carried about the fields swimming in cradles, beasts were drowned on the hills. Which rage of water lasted for ten days and nights, and it is to this day in the counties thereabout called ýThe Great Waterý or ýThe Duke of Buckinghamýs Waterý' (Gloucester Journal, November 1770).*
Not sure about the ýsecond yearý of Richard III, for surely it was the first? But the October 1483 is definite enough as the time of Buckinghamýs Rebellion. I cannot understand Buckingham attempting to cross the Severn at Gloucester in a particularly wet October. Clearly he did not go back and forth from Brecon all that often---once is all it would have taken me to get the picture. It is the worst possible time---or around March---because downstream of Worcester the tides are at their highest and most hazardous, what with the Severn Bore and so on. The bridge at Gloucester would have been isolated to the west by water. In the 15th century, before weirs and so on stopped the Bore at Maisemore, the wave went far inland, past Tewkesbury and as far as Worcester. It also went up the Avon from Tewkesbury. Attempting to cross in bad weather anywhere below that, especially with an army and everything that had to accompany it, would have been even more
hazardous than heavy-rain floods, because of the tides. Upstream of Worcester, there would not be the Bore, but the floods themselves would have been too wide and treacherous to even think of entering them. Even as far north as Shrewsbury the river floods very badly and makes crossing dangerous.
South of Worcester, floods AND the Bore combined would have been a particularly fearful mix. And if Buckingham did indeed intend to cross at Gloucester, which is why he is said to have approached through the Forest of Dean, he would definitely encounter floods and strong tides together. Even when the bore isnýt expected to be all that severe, the tides still come in and out twice in twenty-four hours. The land west of Gloucester and the river can be guaranteed to be flooded in weather as atrocious as that October. Didnýt Buckingham seek advice before setting out? Or didnýt he have any choice about the timing because all the plans had been firmly laid by others who didnýt know how much the Severn had to be taken into account?
I have never really considered what Buckingham actually intended, and speak only as someone intrigued by things in general. Was Buckingham planning to join up with Henry Tudorýs invasion? He would choose Gloucester for this. But if he intended to take the throne for himself, Iým convinced that to get to Richard first, he would have set out at the beginning to cross further north. But what do I know?
The Severn is still a sod of a river, and has to be treated with very healthy respect. It claims a life or two every year even now, and until recently there were always stories of people walking the sands near Newnham-Arlingham at low water, families out for a stroll on a summer evening, etc. That part of the river is a favourite beauty spot, with a grand pub and lots of families on summer evenings. The inland sands are golden and very inviting ý and then people are caught when the bore scurries in. You can hear its roar long before you actually see it. No wonder the Romans made offerings to this river. Iýve lived in and around Gloucester since 1963, and no one here takes her lightly. My skin crawls when I am near that silent, muddy, tidal water, then comes the noise, the bore and for a couple of hours the river flows backward. Buckingham must have been stupid (always likely) or forced to go ahead because other plans, i.e. Henry Tudor, for the
rebellion gave him no option (possible). Either way he needed his bumps felt IMHO. It cost him dear in the end.
Iýll shut up now.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-13 22:43:07
Ngh!
(NOTE: This is a word used when a Ricardian's brain hurts after she has tried for days to make sense of the details surrounding the disappearance of the Little Terrors in the Tower. Other words used are not suitable for use here.)
After reading Carol's erudite post (per below) and literally screeching like a barn owl in frustration at the tangle provided by the available resources, and the unavailability of reliable resources regarding everything to do with those Tower Brats, I've come to believe that what separates the Traditionalist from the Ricardian is that the Traditionalist throws up his/her hands when looking at anything pre-1485 and flees in horror back to the plethora of Tudor documentation/propaganda -- and *not* because Richard did it.
By comparison, anyone loyal to Richard -- and like the most loyal horse or dog imaginable -- keeps tracing and retracing what is available, no matter how reliable/unreliable. There is something inside us that won't give up. We continue hoping and believing if we just keep teasing through whatever we have, we'll find something something -- anything -- we haven't seen or heard or discovered before. Surely it's there...?
It has also occurred to me that the tangle of non-information may exist precisely because Richard is innocent. Because heaven knows that the documentation of the Tudors many judicial murders and off-with-their-heads moments is solid and multiple and nauseatingly plentiful -- witness the many books, textbooks, biographies, movies, romances, mini-series, documentaries that make much money for their producers. And also because heaven knows if The Tudor Company Ltd could have come up with any sort of original documentation to damn Richard, they would have.
More and more, I'm thinking that we don't have proof of Richard's innocence because the proof of his guilt was never there either. Because if Richard were guilty, The Tudor Company Ltd would have seen it published in a hundred gleeful, better forms than Vergil or More or Mancini or the Chronicles or Old Bill.
I guess what I'm trying to say (and think) is that if Richard were guilty of killing the littles, the proof should be there in spades. A murderer *always* leaves evidence behind, but all we have evidence of is gossip. That's not evidence of murder. Either Richard was the most gifted judicial murderer ever (who managed to cover all his tracks and all the tracks of those who helped him do this while he was on progress), or something's rotten in the records.
Maybe we should do what criminal investigators in the U.S. do to determine whether they have evidence that will stand in court. Per Wikipedia, in US Criminal law, "means, motive, and opportunity" is a popular cultural summation of the three aspects of a crime that must be established before guilt can be determined in a criminal proceeding.
Respectively, they refer to:
(1) the ability of the defendant to commit the crime (means)
(2) the reason the defendant felt the need to commit the crime (motive)
(3) and whether or not the defendant had the chance to commit the crime (opportunity)
Maybe we should list possible other suspects for the murder of the little Brats? If none of those people had the means, motive and opportunity to kill the darlings, then perhaps the argument of Richard having the means, motive and opportunity to get them out of reach?
~Weds
--- In , "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...> wrote:
>
>
> Johanne Tournier wrote:
>
> > Far be it from me to try to haul water for Ms. Weir, an author for whom I have little regard. But as it happens, in looking for the source of the "Easter 1483" vs. "Easter 1484" discussion, I picked up *The Maligned King,* and there I found the following: [snip]
>
> > Thus from Ms. Carson's line of reasoning from Vergil and the Chronicler, it would appear that the death or disappearance of the Princes occurred sometime after the investiture of Richard's son Edward as Prince of Wales on 8 September 1483.
>
> > Does anyone know off-hand how that chronology fits with Buckingham's being in London? Was that during the earlier part of Richard's progress (i.e. before Richard arrived at York) or afterward? [snip]
>
> Carol responds:
>
> First, Johanne, don't worry. You're undermining Weir, not supporting her. She's saying that the Croyland chronicler must be *wrong* in saying that the boys were alive at the time of EoM's investiture (September 8) because Tyrell (who *must* have killed them because More says so) was already back in York by that time and must have left London several days earlier to be there in time. So, in Weir's view, he *must* have killed Richard's nephews on September 3. (She depicts Richard walking hand in hand with his little son at his investiture in the sure knowledge that his nephews were dead--"wicked uncle" indeed.)
>
> We do know that Tyrell went to London before the investiture, which is probably why his name was ultimately associated with the "murders" by Vergil and others, but the Croyland chronicler's dating, if accurate, exonerates him (which is why, for Weir, the chronicler must be "wrong"). (If you've read our earlier threads on Tyrrell, you know that the question of Tyrrell's association with the "Princes" is actually much more complicated than this and that there was no confession, but what really happened or may have happened is irrelevant to Weir, who believes that More's story reflects a real confession by Tyrrell. She has no clue that More invented the whole thing, confession and all.)
>
> As for the rumors that were spread after the failed "rescue" attempt, they seem to coincide with Buckingham's joining of the rebellion, but IMO that could have as much to do with Morton (now free) as with Buckingham. I suspect that B. knew about the bodyguard that the chronicler mentions, and it's quite possible that the boys *had* been moved deeper into the Tower for their own safety. Buckingham could have reported these new arrangements to Morton, who could have suggested using them as the basis for a rumor ("The boys have disappeared--they must have been killed") and let the rumor grow and develop on its own among the target population, the dissident Yorkists who wanted to depose Richard and put EV on the throne.
>
> Regarding Buckingham in London, keep reading. Annette doesn't think that Buckingham (or anyone else) killed the boys, and she presents a chronology of his whereabouts to support her theory.
>
> Note that while More and Vergil have Buckingham meeting with Richard on Richard's progress, CC does not. I think half the problems historians have in figuring out not only what happened with the "Princes" and what motivated Buckingham relates to the assumption that Vergil and More knew what they were writing about. The rest relates to the assumption that Mancini's reports of the boys being moved further into the Tower and being seen less and less are firsthand observation and relate to his time in London when in fact they probably reflect the very rumors we're talking about, which were being spread in October or November (I'm not sure of the timing, but I don't think it was as early as September) among the dissident Yorkists in England and, in France, among Henry Tudor's followers.
>
> If we can figure out (via Annette or other sources) when Buckingham reached Brecon, when he wrote to Tudor, when Morton arrived in France, and compare that to the date of the French speech naming Richard as the murderer of his nephews, we should have a good idea of when the rumors first arose among the rebels (as opposed to the whispers in London, which seemingly did not arise until the following April).
>
> Carol
>
(NOTE: This is a word used when a Ricardian's brain hurts after she has tried for days to make sense of the details surrounding the disappearance of the Little Terrors in the Tower. Other words used are not suitable for use here.)
After reading Carol's erudite post (per below) and literally screeching like a barn owl in frustration at the tangle provided by the available resources, and the unavailability of reliable resources regarding everything to do with those Tower Brats, I've come to believe that what separates the Traditionalist from the Ricardian is that the Traditionalist throws up his/her hands when looking at anything pre-1485 and flees in horror back to the plethora of Tudor documentation/propaganda -- and *not* because Richard did it.
By comparison, anyone loyal to Richard -- and like the most loyal horse or dog imaginable -- keeps tracing and retracing what is available, no matter how reliable/unreliable. There is something inside us that won't give up. We continue hoping and believing if we just keep teasing through whatever we have, we'll find something something -- anything -- we haven't seen or heard or discovered before. Surely it's there...?
It has also occurred to me that the tangle of non-information may exist precisely because Richard is innocent. Because heaven knows that the documentation of the Tudors many judicial murders and off-with-their-heads moments is solid and multiple and nauseatingly plentiful -- witness the many books, textbooks, biographies, movies, romances, mini-series, documentaries that make much money for their producers. And also because heaven knows if The Tudor Company Ltd could have come up with any sort of original documentation to damn Richard, they would have.
More and more, I'm thinking that we don't have proof of Richard's innocence because the proof of his guilt was never there either. Because if Richard were guilty, The Tudor Company Ltd would have seen it published in a hundred gleeful, better forms than Vergil or More or Mancini or the Chronicles or Old Bill.
I guess what I'm trying to say (and think) is that if Richard were guilty of killing the littles, the proof should be there in spades. A murderer *always* leaves evidence behind, but all we have evidence of is gossip. That's not evidence of murder. Either Richard was the most gifted judicial murderer ever (who managed to cover all his tracks and all the tracks of those who helped him do this while he was on progress), or something's rotten in the records.
Maybe we should do what criminal investigators in the U.S. do to determine whether they have evidence that will stand in court. Per Wikipedia, in US Criminal law, "means, motive, and opportunity" is a popular cultural summation of the three aspects of a crime that must be established before guilt can be determined in a criminal proceeding.
Respectively, they refer to:
(1) the ability of the defendant to commit the crime (means)
(2) the reason the defendant felt the need to commit the crime (motive)
(3) and whether or not the defendant had the chance to commit the crime (opportunity)
Maybe we should list possible other suspects for the murder of the little Brats? If none of those people had the means, motive and opportunity to kill the darlings, then perhaps the argument of Richard having the means, motive and opportunity to get them out of reach?
~Weds
--- In , "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...> wrote:
>
>
> Johanne Tournier wrote:
>
> > Far be it from me to try to haul water for Ms. Weir, an author for whom I have little regard. But as it happens, in looking for the source of the "Easter 1483" vs. "Easter 1484" discussion, I picked up *The Maligned King,* and there I found the following: [snip]
>
> > Thus from Ms. Carson's line of reasoning from Vergil and the Chronicler, it would appear that the death or disappearance of the Princes occurred sometime after the investiture of Richard's son Edward as Prince of Wales on 8 September 1483.
>
> > Does anyone know off-hand how that chronology fits with Buckingham's being in London? Was that during the earlier part of Richard's progress (i.e. before Richard arrived at York) or afterward? [snip]
>
> Carol responds:
>
> First, Johanne, don't worry. You're undermining Weir, not supporting her. She's saying that the Croyland chronicler must be *wrong* in saying that the boys were alive at the time of EoM's investiture (September 8) because Tyrell (who *must* have killed them because More says so) was already back in York by that time and must have left London several days earlier to be there in time. So, in Weir's view, he *must* have killed Richard's nephews on September 3. (She depicts Richard walking hand in hand with his little son at his investiture in the sure knowledge that his nephews were dead--"wicked uncle" indeed.)
>
> We do know that Tyrell went to London before the investiture, which is probably why his name was ultimately associated with the "murders" by Vergil and others, but the Croyland chronicler's dating, if accurate, exonerates him (which is why, for Weir, the chronicler must be "wrong"). (If you've read our earlier threads on Tyrrell, you know that the question of Tyrrell's association with the "Princes" is actually much more complicated than this and that there was no confession, but what really happened or may have happened is irrelevant to Weir, who believes that More's story reflects a real confession by Tyrrell. She has no clue that More invented the whole thing, confession and all.)
>
> As for the rumors that were spread after the failed "rescue" attempt, they seem to coincide with Buckingham's joining of the rebellion, but IMO that could have as much to do with Morton (now free) as with Buckingham. I suspect that B. knew about the bodyguard that the chronicler mentions, and it's quite possible that the boys *had* been moved deeper into the Tower for their own safety. Buckingham could have reported these new arrangements to Morton, who could have suggested using them as the basis for a rumor ("The boys have disappeared--they must have been killed") and let the rumor grow and develop on its own among the target population, the dissident Yorkists who wanted to depose Richard and put EV on the throne.
>
> Regarding Buckingham in London, keep reading. Annette doesn't think that Buckingham (or anyone else) killed the boys, and she presents a chronology of his whereabouts to support her theory.
>
> Note that while More and Vergil have Buckingham meeting with Richard on Richard's progress, CC does not. I think half the problems historians have in figuring out not only what happened with the "Princes" and what motivated Buckingham relates to the assumption that Vergil and More knew what they were writing about. The rest relates to the assumption that Mancini's reports of the boys being moved further into the Tower and being seen less and less are firsthand observation and relate to his time in London when in fact they probably reflect the very rumors we're talking about, which were being spread in October or November (I'm not sure of the timing, but I don't think it was as early as September) among the dissident Yorkists in England and, in France, among Henry Tudor's followers.
>
> If we can figure out (via Annette or other sources) when Buckingham reached Brecon, when he wrote to Tudor, when Morton arrived in France, and compare that to the date of the French speech naming Richard as the murderer of his nephews, we should have a good idea of when the rumors first arose among the rebels (as opposed to the whispers in London, which seemingly did not arise until the following April).
>
> Carol
>
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-13 22:53:34
It's my understanding that Humphrey Stafford systematically wrecked bridges (and blocked passes and posted men in narrow mountain passes) ahead of Buckingham. The storm also helped by not only flooding the Severn, but washing out roads and other river crossings as well. Forsooth he was dooooomed and his army melted away.
--- In , "SandraMachin" <sandramachin@...> wrote:
> Didn’t Buckingham seek advice before setting out? Or didn’t he have any choice about the timing because all the plans had been firmly laid by others who didn’t know how much the Severn had to be taken into account?
--- In , "SandraMachin" <sandramachin@...> wrote:
> Didn’t Buckingham seek advice before setting out? Or didn’t he have any choice about the timing because all the plans had been firmly laid by others who didn’t know how much the Severn had to be taken into account?
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-13 23:08:42
Excellent thoughts......and I like NGH!
On May 13, 2013, at 4:43 PM, "wednesday_mc" <wednesday.mac@...<mailto:wednesday.mac@...>> wrote:
Ngh!
(NOTE: This is a word used when a Ricardian's brain hurts after she has tried for days to make sense of the details surrounding the disappearance of the Little Terrors in the Tower. Other words used are not suitable for use here.)
After reading Carol's erudite post (per below) and literally screeching like a barn owl in frustration at the tangle provided by the available resources, and the unavailability of reliable resources regarding everything to do with those Tower Brats, I've come to believe that what separates the Traditionalist from the Ricardian is that the Traditionalist throws up his/her hands when looking at anything pre-1485 and flees in horror back to the plethora of Tudor documentation/propaganda -- and *not* because Richard did it.
By comparison, anyone loyal to Richard -- and like the most loyal horse or dog imaginable -- keeps tracing and retracing what is available, no matter how reliable/unreliable. There is something inside us that won't give up. We continue hoping and believing if we just keep teasing through whatever we have, we'll find something something -- anything -- we haven't seen or heard or discovered before. Surely it's there...?
It has also occurred to me that the tangle of non-information may exist precisely because Richard is innocent. Because heaven knows that the documentation of the Tudors many judicial murders and off-with-their-heads moments is solid and multiple and nauseatingly plentiful -- witness the many books, textbooks, biographies, movies, romances, mini-series, documentaries that make much money for their producers. And also because heaven knows if The Tudor Company Ltd could have come up with any sort of original documentation to damn Richard, they would have.
More and more, I'm thinking that we don't have proof of Richard's innocence because the proof of his guilt was never there either. Because if Richard were guilty, The Tudor Company Ltd would have seen it published in a hundred gleeful, better forms than Vergil or More or Mancini or the Chronicles or Old Bill.
I guess what I'm trying to say (and think) is that if Richard were guilty of killing the littles, the proof should be there in spades. A murderer *always* leaves evidence behind, but all we have evidence of is gossip. That's not evidence of murder. Either Richard was the most gifted judicial murderer ever (who managed to cover all his tracks and all the tracks of those who helped him do this while he was on progress), or something's rotten in the records.
Maybe we should do what criminal investigators in the U.S. do to determine whether they have evidence that will stand in court. Per Wikipedia, in US Criminal law, "means, motive, and opportunity" is a popular cultural summation of the three aspects of a crime that must be established before guilt can be determined in a criminal proceeding.
Respectively, they refer to:
(1) the ability of the defendant to commit the crime (means)
(2) the reason the defendant felt the need to commit the crime (motive)
(3) and whether or not the defendant had the chance to commit the crime (opportunity)
Maybe we should list possible other suspects for the murder of the little Brats? If none of those people had the means, motive and opportunity to kill the darlings, then perhaps the argument of Richard having the means, motive and opportunity to get them out of reach?
~Weds
--- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...> wrote:
>
>
> Johanne Tournier wrote:
>
> > Far be it from me to try to haul water for Ms. Weir, an author for whom I have little regard. But as it happens, in looking for the source of the "Easter 1483" vs. "Easter 1484" discussion, I picked up *The Maligned King,* and there I found the following: [snip]
>
> > Thus from Ms. Carson's line of reasoning from Vergil and the Chronicler, it would appear that the death or disappearance of the Princes occurred sometime after the investiture of Richard's son Edward as Prince of Wales on 8 September 1483.
>
> > Does anyone know off-hand how that chronology fits with Buckingham's being in London? Was that during the earlier part of Richard's progress (i.e. before Richard arrived at York) or afterward? [snip]
>
> Carol responds:
>
> First, Johanne, don't worry. You're undermining Weir, not supporting her. She's saying that the Croyland chronicler must be *wrong* in saying that the boys were alive at the time of EoM's investiture (September 8) because Tyrell (who *must* have killed them because More says so) was already back in York by that time and must have left London several days earlier to be there in time. So, in Weir's view, he *must* have killed Richard's nephews on September 3. (She depicts Richard walking hand in hand with his little son at his investiture in the sure knowledge that his nephews were dead--"wicked uncle" indeed.)
>
> We do know that Tyrell went to London before the investiture, which is probably why his name was ultimately associated with the "murders" by Vergil and others, but the Croyland chronicler's dating, if accurate, exonerates him (which is why, for Weir, the chronicler must be "wrong"). (If you've read our earlier threads on Tyrrell, you know that the question of Tyrrell's association with the "Princes" is actually much more complicated than this and that there was no confession, but what really happened or may have happened is irrelevant to Weir, who believes that More's story reflects a real confession by Tyrrell. She has no clue that More invented the whole thing, confession and all.)
>
> As for the rumors that were spread after the failed "rescue" attempt, they seem to coincide with Buckingham's joining of the rebellion, but IMO that could have as much to do with Morton (now free) as with Buckingham. I suspect that B. knew about the bodyguard that the chronicler mentions, and it's quite possible that the boys *had* been moved deeper into the Tower for their own safety. Buckingham could have reported these new arrangements to Morton, who could have suggested using them as the basis for a rumor ("The boys have disappeared--they must have been killed") and let the rumor grow and develop on its own among the target population, the dissident Yorkists who wanted to depose Richard and put EV on the throne.
>
> Regarding Buckingham in London, keep reading. Annette doesn't think that Buckingham (or anyone else) killed the boys, and she presents a chronology of his whereabouts to support her theory.
>
> Note that while More and Vergil have Buckingham meeting with Richard on Richard's progress, CC does not. I think half the problems historians have in figuring out not only what happened with the "Princes" and what motivated Buckingham relates to the assumption that Vergil and More knew what they were writing about. The rest relates to the assumption that Mancini's reports of the boys being moved further into the Tower and being seen less and less are firsthand observation and relate to his time in London when in fact they probably reflect the very rumors we're talking about, which were being spread in October or November (I'm not sure of the timing, but I don't think it was as early as September) among the dissident Yorkists in England and, in France, among Henry Tudor's followers.
>
> If we can figure out (via Annette or other sources) when Buckingham reached Brecon, when he wrote to Tudor, when Morton arrived in France, and compare that to the date of the French speech naming Richard as the murderer of his nephews, we should have a good idea of when the rumors first arose among the rebels (as opposed to the whispers in London, which seemingly did not arise until the following April).
>
> Carol
>
On May 13, 2013, at 4:43 PM, "wednesday_mc" <wednesday.mac@...<mailto:wednesday.mac@...>> wrote:
Ngh!
(NOTE: This is a word used when a Ricardian's brain hurts after she has tried for days to make sense of the details surrounding the disappearance of the Little Terrors in the Tower. Other words used are not suitable for use here.)
After reading Carol's erudite post (per below) and literally screeching like a barn owl in frustration at the tangle provided by the available resources, and the unavailability of reliable resources regarding everything to do with those Tower Brats, I've come to believe that what separates the Traditionalist from the Ricardian is that the Traditionalist throws up his/her hands when looking at anything pre-1485 and flees in horror back to the plethora of Tudor documentation/propaganda -- and *not* because Richard did it.
By comparison, anyone loyal to Richard -- and like the most loyal horse or dog imaginable -- keeps tracing and retracing what is available, no matter how reliable/unreliable. There is something inside us that won't give up. We continue hoping and believing if we just keep teasing through whatever we have, we'll find something something -- anything -- we haven't seen or heard or discovered before. Surely it's there...?
It has also occurred to me that the tangle of non-information may exist precisely because Richard is innocent. Because heaven knows that the documentation of the Tudors many judicial murders and off-with-their-heads moments is solid and multiple and nauseatingly plentiful -- witness the many books, textbooks, biographies, movies, romances, mini-series, documentaries that make much money for their producers. And also because heaven knows if The Tudor Company Ltd could have come up with any sort of original documentation to damn Richard, they would have.
More and more, I'm thinking that we don't have proof of Richard's innocence because the proof of his guilt was never there either. Because if Richard were guilty, The Tudor Company Ltd would have seen it published in a hundred gleeful, better forms than Vergil or More or Mancini or the Chronicles or Old Bill.
I guess what I'm trying to say (and think) is that if Richard were guilty of killing the littles, the proof should be there in spades. A murderer *always* leaves evidence behind, but all we have evidence of is gossip. That's not evidence of murder. Either Richard was the most gifted judicial murderer ever (who managed to cover all his tracks and all the tracks of those who helped him do this while he was on progress), or something's rotten in the records.
Maybe we should do what criminal investigators in the U.S. do to determine whether they have evidence that will stand in court. Per Wikipedia, in US Criminal law, "means, motive, and opportunity" is a popular cultural summation of the three aspects of a crime that must be established before guilt can be determined in a criminal proceeding.
Respectively, they refer to:
(1) the ability of the defendant to commit the crime (means)
(2) the reason the defendant felt the need to commit the crime (motive)
(3) and whether or not the defendant had the chance to commit the crime (opportunity)
Maybe we should list possible other suspects for the murder of the little Brats? If none of those people had the means, motive and opportunity to kill the darlings, then perhaps the argument of Richard having the means, motive and opportunity to get them out of reach?
~Weds
--- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...> wrote:
>
>
> Johanne Tournier wrote:
>
> > Far be it from me to try to haul water for Ms. Weir, an author for whom I have little regard. But as it happens, in looking for the source of the "Easter 1483" vs. "Easter 1484" discussion, I picked up *The Maligned King,* and there I found the following: [snip]
>
> > Thus from Ms. Carson's line of reasoning from Vergil and the Chronicler, it would appear that the death or disappearance of the Princes occurred sometime after the investiture of Richard's son Edward as Prince of Wales on 8 September 1483.
>
> > Does anyone know off-hand how that chronology fits with Buckingham's being in London? Was that during the earlier part of Richard's progress (i.e. before Richard arrived at York) or afterward? [snip]
>
> Carol responds:
>
> First, Johanne, don't worry. You're undermining Weir, not supporting her. She's saying that the Croyland chronicler must be *wrong* in saying that the boys were alive at the time of EoM's investiture (September 8) because Tyrell (who *must* have killed them because More says so) was already back in York by that time and must have left London several days earlier to be there in time. So, in Weir's view, he *must* have killed Richard's nephews on September 3. (She depicts Richard walking hand in hand with his little son at his investiture in the sure knowledge that his nephews were dead--"wicked uncle" indeed.)
>
> We do know that Tyrell went to London before the investiture, which is probably why his name was ultimately associated with the "murders" by Vergil and others, but the Croyland chronicler's dating, if accurate, exonerates him (which is why, for Weir, the chronicler must be "wrong"). (If you've read our earlier threads on Tyrrell, you know that the question of Tyrrell's association with the "Princes" is actually much more complicated than this and that there was no confession, but what really happened or may have happened is irrelevant to Weir, who believes that More's story reflects a real confession by Tyrrell. She has no clue that More invented the whole thing, confession and all.)
>
> As for the rumors that were spread after the failed "rescue" attempt, they seem to coincide with Buckingham's joining of the rebellion, but IMO that could have as much to do with Morton (now free) as with Buckingham. I suspect that B. knew about the bodyguard that the chronicler mentions, and it's quite possible that the boys *had* been moved deeper into the Tower for their own safety. Buckingham could have reported these new arrangements to Morton, who could have suggested using them as the basis for a rumor ("The boys have disappeared--they must have been killed") and let the rumor grow and develop on its own among the target population, the dissident Yorkists who wanted to depose Richard and put EV on the throne.
>
> Regarding Buckingham in London, keep reading. Annette doesn't think that Buckingham (or anyone else) killed the boys, and she presents a chronology of his whereabouts to support her theory.
>
> Note that while More and Vergil have Buckingham meeting with Richard on Richard's progress, CC does not. I think half the problems historians have in figuring out not only what happened with the "Princes" and what motivated Buckingham relates to the assumption that Vergil and More knew what they were writing about. The rest relates to the assumption that Mancini's reports of the boys being moved further into the Tower and being seen less and less are firsthand observation and relate to his time in London when in fact they probably reflect the very rumors we're talking about, which were being spread in October or November (I'm not sure of the timing, but I don't think it was as early as September) among the dissident Yorkists in England and, in France, among Henry Tudor's followers.
>
> If we can figure out (via Annette or other sources) when Buckingham reached Brecon, when he wrote to Tudor, when Morton arrived in France, and compare that to the date of the French speech naming Richard as the murderer of his nephews, we should have a good idea of when the rumors first arose among the rebels (as opposed to the whispers in London, which seemingly did not arise until the following April).
>
> Carol
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-13 23:09:42
Well said Weds. Add in the fact that H7 was plagued by pretenders but he didn't bring forward any worthwhile evidence to prove that they were dead. I think that if Richard did get them safely abroad his organisation of the deed was extremely thorough. He probably left nothing to chance and covered their tracks well. The fact that Tyrrell and Brampton were not in the country for Bosworth says a lot about the fact that they were involved. I would imagine that Richard would have needed their expertise to see off the usurper but what they were doing was more important. Brampton never came back until after Warbeck was executed. Also it would be interesting to know why James Tyrrell was pardoned twice by Tudor, not sure if it was in 1485 or 1486.
--- In , "wednesday_mc" <wednesday.mac@...> wrote:
>
> Ngh!
>
> (NOTE: This is a word used when a Ricardian's brain hurts after she has tried for days to make sense of the details surrounding the disappearance of the Little Terrors in the Tower. Other words used are not suitable for use here.)
>
> After reading Carol's erudite post (per below) and literally screeching like a barn owl in frustration at the tangle provided by the available resources, and the unavailability of reliable resources regarding everything to do with those Tower Brats, I've come to believe that what separates the Traditionalist from the Ricardian is that the Traditionalist throws up his/her hands when looking at anything pre-1485 and flees in horror back to the plethora of Tudor documentation/propaganda -- and *not* because Richard did it.
>
> By comparison, anyone loyal to Richard -- and like the most loyal horse or dog imaginable -- keeps tracing and retracing what is available, no matter how reliable/unreliable. There is something inside us that won't give up. We continue hoping and believing if we just keep teasing through whatever we have, we'll find something something -- anything -- we haven't seen or heard or discovered before. Surely it's there...?
>
> It has also occurred to me that the tangle of non-information may exist precisely because Richard is innocent. Because heaven knows that the documentation of the Tudors many judicial murders and off-with-their-heads moments is solid and multiple and nauseatingly plentiful -- witness the many books, textbooks, biographies, movies, romances, mini-series, documentaries that make much money for their producers. And also because heaven knows if The Tudor Company Ltd could have come up with any sort of original documentation to damn Richard, they would have.
>
> More and more, I'm thinking that we don't have proof of Richard's innocence because the proof of his guilt was never there either. Because if Richard were guilty, The Tudor Company Ltd would have seen it published in a hundred gleeful, better forms than Vergil or More or Mancini or the Chronicles or Old Bill.
>
> I guess what I'm trying to say (and think) is that if Richard were guilty of killing the littles, the proof should be there in spades. A murderer *always* leaves evidence behind, but all we have evidence of is gossip. That's not evidence of murder. Either Richard was the most gifted judicial murderer ever (who managed to cover all his tracks and all the tracks of those who helped him do this while he was on progress), or something's rotten in the records.
>
> Maybe we should do what criminal investigators in the U.S. do to determine whether they have evidence that will stand in court. Per Wikipedia, in US Criminal law, "means, motive, and opportunity" is a popular cultural summation of the three aspects of a crime that must be established before guilt can be determined in a criminal proceeding.
>
> Respectively, they refer to:
>
> (1) the ability of the defendant to commit the crime (means)
>
> (2) the reason the defendant felt the need to commit the crime (motive)
>
> (3) and whether or not the defendant had the chance to commit the crime (opportunity)
>
> Maybe we should list possible other suspects for the murder of the little Brats? If none of those people had the means, motive and opportunity to kill the darlings, then perhaps the argument of Richard having the means, motive and opportunity to get them out of reach?
>
> ~Weds
>
> --- In , "justcarol67" <justcarol67@> wrote:
> >
> >
> > Johanne Tournier wrote:
> >
> > > Far be it from me to try to haul water for Ms. Weir, an author for whom I have little regard. But as it happens, in looking for the source of the "Easter 1483" vs. "Easter 1484" discussion, I picked up *The Maligned King,* and there I found the following: [snip]
> >
> > > Thus from Ms. Carson's line of reasoning from Vergil and the Chronicler, it would appear that the death or disappearance of the Princes occurred sometime after the investiture of Richard's son Edward as Prince of Wales on 8 September 1483.
> >
> > > Does anyone know off-hand how that chronology fits with Buckingham's being in London? Was that during the earlier part of Richard's progress (i.e. before Richard arrived at York) or afterward? [snip]
> >
> > Carol responds:
> >
> > First, Johanne, don't worry. You're undermining Weir, not supporting her. She's saying that the Croyland chronicler must be *wrong* in saying that the boys were alive at the time of EoM's investiture (September 8) because Tyrell (who *must* have killed them because More says so) was already back in York by that time and must have left London several days earlier to be there in time. So, in Weir's view, he *must* have killed Richard's nephews on September 3. (She depicts Richard walking hand in hand with his little son at his investiture in the sure knowledge that his nephews were dead--"wicked uncle" indeed.)
> >
> > We do know that Tyrell went to London before the investiture, which is probably why his name was ultimately associated with the "murders" by Vergil and others, but the Croyland chronicler's dating, if accurate, exonerates him (which is why, for Weir, the chronicler must be "wrong"). (If you've read our earlier threads on Tyrrell, you know that the question of Tyrrell's association with the "Princes" is actually much more complicated than this and that there was no confession, but what really happened or may have happened is irrelevant to Weir, who believes that More's story reflects a real confession by Tyrrell. She has no clue that More invented the whole thing, confession and all.)
> >
> > As for the rumors that were spread after the failed "rescue" attempt, they seem to coincide with Buckingham's joining of the rebellion, but IMO that could have as much to do with Morton (now free) as with Buckingham. I suspect that B. knew about the bodyguard that the chronicler mentions, and it's quite possible that the boys *had* been moved deeper into the Tower for their own safety. Buckingham could have reported these new arrangements to Morton, who could have suggested using them as the basis for a rumor ("The boys have disappeared--they must have been killed") and let the rumor grow and develop on its own among the target population, the dissident Yorkists who wanted to depose Richard and put EV on the throne.
> >
> > Regarding Buckingham in London, keep reading. Annette doesn't think that Buckingham (or anyone else) killed the boys, and she presents a chronology of his whereabouts to support her theory.
> >
> > Note that while More and Vergil have Buckingham meeting with Richard on Richard's progress, CC does not. I think half the problems historians have in figuring out not only what happened with the "Princes" and what motivated Buckingham relates to the assumption that Vergil and More knew what they were writing about. The rest relates to the assumption that Mancini's reports of the boys being moved further into the Tower and being seen less and less are firsthand observation and relate to his time in London when in fact they probably reflect the very rumors we're talking about, which were being spread in October or November (I'm not sure of the timing, but I don't think it was as early as September) among the dissident Yorkists in England and, in France, among Henry Tudor's followers.
> >
> > If we can figure out (via Annette or other sources) when Buckingham reached Brecon, when he wrote to Tudor, when Morton arrived in France, and compare that to the date of the French speech naming Richard as the murderer of his nephews, we should have a good idea of when the rumors first arose among the rebels (as opposed to the whispers in London, which seemingly did not arise until the following April).
> >
> > Carol
> >
>
--- In , "wednesday_mc" <wednesday.mac@...> wrote:
>
> Ngh!
>
> (NOTE: This is a word used when a Ricardian's brain hurts after she has tried for days to make sense of the details surrounding the disappearance of the Little Terrors in the Tower. Other words used are not suitable for use here.)
>
> After reading Carol's erudite post (per below) and literally screeching like a barn owl in frustration at the tangle provided by the available resources, and the unavailability of reliable resources regarding everything to do with those Tower Brats, I've come to believe that what separates the Traditionalist from the Ricardian is that the Traditionalist throws up his/her hands when looking at anything pre-1485 and flees in horror back to the plethora of Tudor documentation/propaganda -- and *not* because Richard did it.
>
> By comparison, anyone loyal to Richard -- and like the most loyal horse or dog imaginable -- keeps tracing and retracing what is available, no matter how reliable/unreliable. There is something inside us that won't give up. We continue hoping and believing if we just keep teasing through whatever we have, we'll find something something -- anything -- we haven't seen or heard or discovered before. Surely it's there...?
>
> It has also occurred to me that the tangle of non-information may exist precisely because Richard is innocent. Because heaven knows that the documentation of the Tudors many judicial murders and off-with-their-heads moments is solid and multiple and nauseatingly plentiful -- witness the many books, textbooks, biographies, movies, romances, mini-series, documentaries that make much money for their producers. And also because heaven knows if The Tudor Company Ltd could have come up with any sort of original documentation to damn Richard, they would have.
>
> More and more, I'm thinking that we don't have proof of Richard's innocence because the proof of his guilt was never there either. Because if Richard were guilty, The Tudor Company Ltd would have seen it published in a hundred gleeful, better forms than Vergil or More or Mancini or the Chronicles or Old Bill.
>
> I guess what I'm trying to say (and think) is that if Richard were guilty of killing the littles, the proof should be there in spades. A murderer *always* leaves evidence behind, but all we have evidence of is gossip. That's not evidence of murder. Either Richard was the most gifted judicial murderer ever (who managed to cover all his tracks and all the tracks of those who helped him do this while he was on progress), or something's rotten in the records.
>
> Maybe we should do what criminal investigators in the U.S. do to determine whether they have evidence that will stand in court. Per Wikipedia, in US Criminal law, "means, motive, and opportunity" is a popular cultural summation of the three aspects of a crime that must be established before guilt can be determined in a criminal proceeding.
>
> Respectively, they refer to:
>
> (1) the ability of the defendant to commit the crime (means)
>
> (2) the reason the defendant felt the need to commit the crime (motive)
>
> (3) and whether or not the defendant had the chance to commit the crime (opportunity)
>
> Maybe we should list possible other suspects for the murder of the little Brats? If none of those people had the means, motive and opportunity to kill the darlings, then perhaps the argument of Richard having the means, motive and opportunity to get them out of reach?
>
> ~Weds
>
> --- In , "justcarol67" <justcarol67@> wrote:
> >
> >
> > Johanne Tournier wrote:
> >
> > > Far be it from me to try to haul water for Ms. Weir, an author for whom I have little regard. But as it happens, in looking for the source of the "Easter 1483" vs. "Easter 1484" discussion, I picked up *The Maligned King,* and there I found the following: [snip]
> >
> > > Thus from Ms. Carson's line of reasoning from Vergil and the Chronicler, it would appear that the death or disappearance of the Princes occurred sometime after the investiture of Richard's son Edward as Prince of Wales on 8 September 1483.
> >
> > > Does anyone know off-hand how that chronology fits with Buckingham's being in London? Was that during the earlier part of Richard's progress (i.e. before Richard arrived at York) or afterward? [snip]
> >
> > Carol responds:
> >
> > First, Johanne, don't worry. You're undermining Weir, not supporting her. She's saying that the Croyland chronicler must be *wrong* in saying that the boys were alive at the time of EoM's investiture (September 8) because Tyrell (who *must* have killed them because More says so) was already back in York by that time and must have left London several days earlier to be there in time. So, in Weir's view, he *must* have killed Richard's nephews on September 3. (She depicts Richard walking hand in hand with his little son at his investiture in the sure knowledge that his nephews were dead--"wicked uncle" indeed.)
> >
> > We do know that Tyrell went to London before the investiture, which is probably why his name was ultimately associated with the "murders" by Vergil and others, but the Croyland chronicler's dating, if accurate, exonerates him (which is why, for Weir, the chronicler must be "wrong"). (If you've read our earlier threads on Tyrrell, you know that the question of Tyrrell's association with the "Princes" is actually much more complicated than this and that there was no confession, but what really happened or may have happened is irrelevant to Weir, who believes that More's story reflects a real confession by Tyrrell. She has no clue that More invented the whole thing, confession and all.)
> >
> > As for the rumors that were spread after the failed "rescue" attempt, they seem to coincide with Buckingham's joining of the rebellion, but IMO that could have as much to do with Morton (now free) as with Buckingham. I suspect that B. knew about the bodyguard that the chronicler mentions, and it's quite possible that the boys *had* been moved deeper into the Tower for their own safety. Buckingham could have reported these new arrangements to Morton, who could have suggested using them as the basis for a rumor ("The boys have disappeared--they must have been killed") and let the rumor grow and develop on its own among the target population, the dissident Yorkists who wanted to depose Richard and put EV on the throne.
> >
> > Regarding Buckingham in London, keep reading. Annette doesn't think that Buckingham (or anyone else) killed the boys, and she presents a chronology of his whereabouts to support her theory.
> >
> > Note that while More and Vergil have Buckingham meeting with Richard on Richard's progress, CC does not. I think half the problems historians have in figuring out not only what happened with the "Princes" and what motivated Buckingham relates to the assumption that Vergil and More knew what they were writing about. The rest relates to the assumption that Mancini's reports of the boys being moved further into the Tower and being seen less and less are firsthand observation and relate to his time in London when in fact they probably reflect the very rumors we're talking about, which were being spread in October or November (I'm not sure of the timing, but I don't think it was as early as September) among the dissident Yorkists in England and, in France, among Henry Tudor's followers.
> >
> > If we can figure out (via Annette or other sources) when Buckingham reached Brecon, when he wrote to Tudor, when Morton arrived in France, and compare that to the date of the French speech naming Richard as the murderer of his nephews, we should have a good idea of when the rumors first arose among the rebels (as opposed to the whispers in London, which seemingly did not arise until the following April).
> >
> > Carol
> >
>
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-13 23:33:14
Still thinking, I'm afraid. Never a good sign. Did Buckingham's choice of
Gloucester indicate his initial intention to support Henry Tudor's claim?
And did the floods leave him with three choices - (1) Take the long detour
and still go to Henry, in the south of the realm, hoping not to be
side-swiped and skirmished by Richard before he got there. On the hoof, so
to speak. (2) Disband his army, call it a day and go home to Brecon in time
for tea and tiffin in front of the roaring log fire. (3) Make use of the
army to go after Richard on his own account? It was a more direct thing to
go north up the higher land on the west bank of the river, cross at the
first opportunity above Worcester, and go face to face in battle formation
with Richard in the centre of the kingdom. By then he certainly would not be
thinking of Henry Tudor, but of himself. Buckingham had the claim,
Buckingham raised the army, Buckingham had taken on Richard, and if
Buckingham won it would be to put Buckingham on the throne, not some
Lancastrian half-Beaufort upstart without a legitimate claim. It all went
pear-shaped, of course, but that is how I am beginning to view Buckingham's
actions. Whatever his motives, I cannot respect him. He was no adornment to
his family or dukedom. Richard, already embittered by his treachery, would
have made mincemeat of him on a battlefield.
But yes, altogether there was a HUGE conspiracy going on across England,
working on so many levels it cannot be deciphered. Perhaps it could not be
deciphered even then. How many of them actually knew what others were up to?
All they knew was that they had the same aim. It had probably been building
from the moment the House of York settled on the throne. Only Edward IV's
strength as king kept them at bay. Richard was the conspiracy's ultimate
victim. His actions, justified and inevitable as they were, finally tipped
the balance and he paid the price for the removal of Henry VI and the House
of Lancaster. The fact that he was a good king made no difference at all. He
was the wrong House, and personal tragedy wounded and weakened him. The pack
moved in on their prey. I think it would have happened even if Edward V came
to the throne. They all wanted rid of York, and Edward V could only be
manipulated until he was of an age to think for himself. By then he might
have come to think well of his blood line. He might even think Uncle Richard
had some good ideas! So he would have to go, because he was House of York,
regardless of how much influence the Woodvilles had over him. Well, it all
succeeded...York was disposed of, and they got Tudor instead. Good luck to
them.
Sandra
-----Original Message-----
From: Pamela Bain
Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 10:05 PM
To: <>
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
Very good thoughts..... And the plot to rid England of the Plantagenets went
on long before Richard. I am sure someone has taken a comprehensive look at
the Dynasty, but from a Ricardian viewpoint? Out of the bios for certain
would give much to think about and explore.
On May 13, 2013, at 3:59 PM, "Hilary Jones"
<hjnatdat@...<mailto:hjnatdat@...>> wrote:
Sandra, I think this yet again enforces that there are so many things we
don't know. And it's intriguing how so much has disappeared, though by whose
hands we don't know.
Sometimes when you think we have only the 'chronicles' to rely on it's as
though we are back a millennium before, but then read a few wills and a few
Exchequer docs and these people lived in an age we could recognise. I like
you know the Severn, in fact I dodged its floods less than a decade ago on a
journey home from Bristol. What you say is very important. I think we have
to look outside the box, we seem to go over and over the same material.
Richard wasn't necessarily the centre of this, it was the plan to topple him
which was. I know others may disagree, but everything I've found out so far
points to it.
________________________________
From: SandraMachin
<sandramachin@...<mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk>>
To:
<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 18:41
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
Long post. Sorry. I found one thing about Buckingham's Flood, and one
thought led to another. You know how it is.
*October 1483 flood: 'In the second year of Richard III in the month of
October 1483, as the Duke of Buckingham was advancing by long marches
through the Forest of Dean to Gloucester, where he designed to pass with his
army over the Severn, there was so great an inundation of water that men
were drowned in their beds, houses were overturned, children were carried
about the fields swimming in cradles, beasts were drowned on the hills.
Which rage of water lasted for ten days and nights, and it is to this day in
the counties thereabout called The Great Water' or The Duke of Buckingham's
Water'' (Gloucester Journal, November 1770).*
Not sure about the second year' of Richard III, for surely it was the
first? But the October 1483 is definite enough as the time of Buckingham's
Rebellion. I cannot understand Buckingham attempting to cross the Severn at
Gloucester in a particularly wet October. Clearly he did not go back and
forth from Brecon all that often---once is all it would have taken me to get
the picture. It is the worst possible time---or around March---because
downstream of Worcester the tides are at their highest and most hazardous,
what with the Severn Bore and so on. The bridge at Gloucester would have
been isolated to the west by water. In the 15th century, before weirs and so
on stopped the Bore at Maisemore, the wave went far inland, past Tewkesbury
and as far as Worcester. It also went up the Avon from Tewkesbury.
Attempting to cross in bad weather anywhere below that, especially with an
army and everything that had to accompany it, would have been even more
hazardous than heavy-rain floods, because of the tides. Upstream of
Worcester, there would not be the Bore, but the floods themselves would have
been too wide and treacherous to even think of entering them. Even as far
north as Shrewsbury the river floods very badly and makes crossing
dangerous.
South of Worcester, floods AND the Bore combined would have been a
particularly fearful mix. And if Buckingham did indeed intend to cross at
Gloucester, which is why he is said to have approached through the Forest of
Dean, he would definitely encounter floods and strong tides together. Even
when the bore isn't expected to be all that severe, the tides still come in
and out twice in twenty-four hours. The land west of Gloucester and the
river can be guaranteed to be flooded in weather as atrocious as that
October. Didn't Buckingham seek advice before setting out? Or didn't he have
any choice about the timing because all the plans had been firmly laid by
others who didn't know how much the Severn had to be taken into account?
I have never really considered what Buckingham actually intended, and speak
only as someone intrigued by things in general. Was Buckingham planning to
join up with Henry Tudor's invasion? He would choose Gloucester for this.
But if he intended to take the throne for himself, I'm convinced that to get
to Richard first, he would have set out at the beginning to cross further
north. But what do I know?
The Severn is still a sod of a river, and has to be treated with very
healthy respect. It claims a life or two every year even now, and until
recently there were always stories of people walking the sands near
Newnham-Arlingham at low water, families out for a stroll on a summer
evening, etc. That part of the river is a favourite beauty spot, with a
grand pub and lots of families on summer evenings. The inland sands are
golden and very inviting and then people are caught when the bore scurries
in. You can hear its roar long before you actually see it. No wonder the
Romans made offerings to this river. I've lived in and around Gloucester
since 1963, and no one here takes her lightly. My skin crawls when I am near
that silent, muddy, tidal water, then comes the noise, the bore and for a
couple of hours the river flows backward. Buckingham must have been stupid
(always likely) or forced to go ahead because other plans, i.e. Henry Tudor,
for the
rebellion gave him no option (possible). Either way he needed his bumps felt
IMHO. It cost him dear in the end.
Gloucester indicate his initial intention to support Henry Tudor's claim?
And did the floods leave him with three choices - (1) Take the long detour
and still go to Henry, in the south of the realm, hoping not to be
side-swiped and skirmished by Richard before he got there. On the hoof, so
to speak. (2) Disband his army, call it a day and go home to Brecon in time
for tea and tiffin in front of the roaring log fire. (3) Make use of the
army to go after Richard on his own account? It was a more direct thing to
go north up the higher land on the west bank of the river, cross at the
first opportunity above Worcester, and go face to face in battle formation
with Richard in the centre of the kingdom. By then he certainly would not be
thinking of Henry Tudor, but of himself. Buckingham had the claim,
Buckingham raised the army, Buckingham had taken on Richard, and if
Buckingham won it would be to put Buckingham on the throne, not some
Lancastrian half-Beaufort upstart without a legitimate claim. It all went
pear-shaped, of course, but that is how I am beginning to view Buckingham's
actions. Whatever his motives, I cannot respect him. He was no adornment to
his family or dukedom. Richard, already embittered by his treachery, would
have made mincemeat of him on a battlefield.
But yes, altogether there was a HUGE conspiracy going on across England,
working on so many levels it cannot be deciphered. Perhaps it could not be
deciphered even then. How many of them actually knew what others were up to?
All they knew was that they had the same aim. It had probably been building
from the moment the House of York settled on the throne. Only Edward IV's
strength as king kept them at bay. Richard was the conspiracy's ultimate
victim. His actions, justified and inevitable as they were, finally tipped
the balance and he paid the price for the removal of Henry VI and the House
of Lancaster. The fact that he was a good king made no difference at all. He
was the wrong House, and personal tragedy wounded and weakened him. The pack
moved in on their prey. I think it would have happened even if Edward V came
to the throne. They all wanted rid of York, and Edward V could only be
manipulated until he was of an age to think for himself. By then he might
have come to think well of his blood line. He might even think Uncle Richard
had some good ideas! So he would have to go, because he was House of York,
regardless of how much influence the Woodvilles had over him. Well, it all
succeeded...York was disposed of, and they got Tudor instead. Good luck to
them.
Sandra
-----Original Message-----
From: Pamela Bain
Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 10:05 PM
To: <>
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
Very good thoughts..... And the plot to rid England of the Plantagenets went
on long before Richard. I am sure someone has taken a comprehensive look at
the Dynasty, but from a Ricardian viewpoint? Out of the bios for certain
would give much to think about and explore.
On May 13, 2013, at 3:59 PM, "Hilary Jones"
<hjnatdat@...<mailto:hjnatdat@...>> wrote:
Sandra, I think this yet again enforces that there are so many things we
don't know. And it's intriguing how so much has disappeared, though by whose
hands we don't know.
Sometimes when you think we have only the 'chronicles' to rely on it's as
though we are back a millennium before, but then read a few wills and a few
Exchequer docs and these people lived in an age we could recognise. I like
you know the Severn, in fact I dodged its floods less than a decade ago on a
journey home from Bristol. What you say is very important. I think we have
to look outside the box, we seem to go over and over the same material.
Richard wasn't necessarily the centre of this, it was the plan to topple him
which was. I know others may disagree, but everything I've found out so far
points to it.
________________________________
From: SandraMachin
<sandramachin@...<mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk>>
To:
<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 18:41
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
Long post. Sorry. I found one thing about Buckingham's Flood, and one
thought led to another. You know how it is.
*October 1483 flood: 'In the second year of Richard III in the month of
October 1483, as the Duke of Buckingham was advancing by long marches
through the Forest of Dean to Gloucester, where he designed to pass with his
army over the Severn, there was so great an inundation of water that men
were drowned in their beds, houses were overturned, children were carried
about the fields swimming in cradles, beasts were drowned on the hills.
Which rage of water lasted for ten days and nights, and it is to this day in
the counties thereabout called The Great Water' or The Duke of Buckingham's
Water'' (Gloucester Journal, November 1770).*
Not sure about the second year' of Richard III, for surely it was the
first? But the October 1483 is definite enough as the time of Buckingham's
Rebellion. I cannot understand Buckingham attempting to cross the Severn at
Gloucester in a particularly wet October. Clearly he did not go back and
forth from Brecon all that often---once is all it would have taken me to get
the picture. It is the worst possible time---or around March---because
downstream of Worcester the tides are at their highest and most hazardous,
what with the Severn Bore and so on. The bridge at Gloucester would have
been isolated to the west by water. In the 15th century, before weirs and so
on stopped the Bore at Maisemore, the wave went far inland, past Tewkesbury
and as far as Worcester. It also went up the Avon from Tewkesbury.
Attempting to cross in bad weather anywhere below that, especially with an
army and everything that had to accompany it, would have been even more
hazardous than heavy-rain floods, because of the tides. Upstream of
Worcester, there would not be the Bore, but the floods themselves would have
been too wide and treacherous to even think of entering them. Even as far
north as Shrewsbury the river floods very badly and makes crossing
dangerous.
South of Worcester, floods AND the Bore combined would have been a
particularly fearful mix. And if Buckingham did indeed intend to cross at
Gloucester, which is why he is said to have approached through the Forest of
Dean, he would definitely encounter floods and strong tides together. Even
when the bore isn't expected to be all that severe, the tides still come in
and out twice in twenty-four hours. The land west of Gloucester and the
river can be guaranteed to be flooded in weather as atrocious as that
October. Didn't Buckingham seek advice before setting out? Or didn't he have
any choice about the timing because all the plans had been firmly laid by
others who didn't know how much the Severn had to be taken into account?
I have never really considered what Buckingham actually intended, and speak
only as someone intrigued by things in general. Was Buckingham planning to
join up with Henry Tudor's invasion? He would choose Gloucester for this.
But if he intended to take the throne for himself, I'm convinced that to get
to Richard first, he would have set out at the beginning to cross further
north. But what do I know?
The Severn is still a sod of a river, and has to be treated with very
healthy respect. It claims a life or two every year even now, and until
recently there were always stories of people walking the sands near
Newnham-Arlingham at low water, families out for a stroll on a summer
evening, etc. That part of the river is a favourite beauty spot, with a
grand pub and lots of families on summer evenings. The inland sands are
golden and very inviting and then people are caught when the bore scurries
in. You can hear its roar long before you actually see it. No wonder the
Romans made offerings to this river. I've lived in and around Gloucester
since 1963, and no one here takes her lightly. My skin crawls when I am near
that silent, muddy, tidal water, then comes the noise, the bore and for a
couple of hours the river flows backward. Buckingham must have been stupid
(always likely) or forced to go ahead because other plans, i.e. Henry Tudor,
for the
rebellion gave him no option (possible). Either way he needed his bumps felt
IMHO. It cost him dear in the end.
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-14 00:02:07
Not sure where the first opportunity to cross the River Severn above Worcester would be. Probably Bewdley. In those days there was no bridge at Bewdley ( Richard gave money towards the building of a bridge} but there was a ford at Lax Lane but if the river was in flood then that would not have been usable. There are bridges at Stourport and Holt Heath now but not sure there would have been in those days.
--- In , "SandraMachin" <sandramachin@...> wrote:
>
> Still thinking, I'm afraid. Never a good sign. Did Buckingham's choice of
> Gloucester indicate his initial intention to support Henry Tudor's claim?
> And did the floods leave him with three choices - (1) Take the long detour
> and still go to Henry, in the south of the realm, hoping not to be
> side-swiped and skirmished by Richard before he got there. On the hoof, so
> to speak. (2) Disband his army, call it a day and go home to Brecon in time
> for tea and tiffin in front of the roaring log fire. (3) Make use of the
> army to go after Richard on his own account? It was a more direct thing to
> go north up the higher land on the west bank of the river, cross at the
> first opportunity above Worcester, and go face to face in battle formation
> with Richard in the centre of the kingdom. By then he certainly would not be
> thinking of Henry Tudor, but of himself. Buckingham had the claim,
> Buckingham raised the army, Buckingham had taken on Richard, and if
> Buckingham won it would be to put Buckingham on the throne, not some
> Lancastrian half-Beaufort upstart without a legitimate claim. It all went
> pear-shaped, of course, but that is how I am beginning to view Buckingham's
> actions. Whatever his motives, I cannot respect him. He was no adornment to
> his family or dukedom. Richard, already embittered by his treachery, would
> have made mincemeat of him on a battlefield.
>
> But yes, altogether there was a HUGE conspiracy going on across England,
> working on so many levels it cannot be deciphered. Perhaps it could not be
> deciphered even then. How many of them actually knew what others were up to?
> All they knew was that they had the same aim. It had probably been building
> from the moment the House of York settled on the throne. Only Edward IV's
> strength as king kept them at bay. Richard was the conspiracy's ultimate
> victim. His actions, justified and inevitable as they were, finally tipped
> the balance and he paid the price for the removal of Henry VI and the House
> of Lancaster. The fact that he was a good king made no difference at all. He
> was the wrong House, and personal tragedy wounded and weakened him. The pack
> moved in on their prey. I think it would have happened even if Edward V came
> to the throne. They all wanted rid of York, and Edward V could only be
> manipulated until he was of an age to think for himself. By then he might
> have come to think well of his blood line. He might even think Uncle Richard
> had some good ideas! So he would have to go, because he was House of York,
> regardless of how much influence the Woodvilles had over him. Well, it all
> succeeded...York was disposed of, and they got Tudor instead. Good luck to
> them.
>
> Sandra
>
> -----Original Message-----
> From: Pamela Bain
> Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 10:05 PM
> To: <>
> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
> Disappearance
>
> Very good thoughts..... And the plot to rid England of the Plantagenets went
> on long before Richard. I am sure someone has taken a comprehensive look at
> the Dynasty, but from a Ricardian viewpoint? Out of the bios for certain
> would give much to think about and explore.
>
> On May 13, 2013, at 3:59 PM, "Hilary Jones"
> <hjnatdat@...<mailto:hjnatdat@...>> wrote:
>
>
>
> Sandra, I think this yet again enforces that there are so many things we
> don't know. And it's intriguing how so much has disappeared, though by whose
> hands we don't know.
>
> Sometimes when you think we have only the 'chronicles' to rely on it's as
> though we are back a millennium before, but then read a few wills and a few
> Exchequer docs and these people lived in an age we could recognise. I like
> you know the Severn, in fact I dodged its floods less than a decade ago on a
> journey home from Bristol. What you say is very important. I think we have
> to look outside the box, we seem to go over and over the same material.
> Richard wasn't necessarily the centre of this, it was the plan to topple him
> which was. I know others may disagree, but everything I've found out so far
> points to it.
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: SandraMachin
> <sandramachin@...<mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk>>
> To:
> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 18:41
> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
> Disappearance
>
>
>
> Long post. Sorry. I found one thing about Buckingham’s Flood, and one
> thought led to another. You know how it is.
>
> *October 1483 flood: ‘'In the second year of Richard III in the month of
> October 1483, as the Duke of Buckingham was advancing by long marches
> through the Forest of Dean to Gloucester, where he designed to pass with his
> army over the Severn, there was so great an inundation of water that men
> were drowned in their beds, houses were overturned, children were carried
> about the fields swimming in cradles, beasts were drowned on the hills.
> Which rage of water lasted for ten days and nights, and it is to this day in
> the counties thereabout called ‘The Great Water’ or ‘The Duke of Buckingham’s
> Water’' (Gloucester Journal, November 1770).*
>
> Not sure about the ‘second year’ of Richard III, for surely it was the
> first? But the October 1483 is definite enough as the time of Buckingham’s
> Rebellion. I cannot understand Buckingham attempting to cross the Severn at
> Gloucester in a particularly wet October. Clearly he did not go back and
> forth from Brecon all that often---once is all it would have taken me to get
> the picture. It is the worst possible time---or around March---because
> downstream of Worcester the tides are at their highest and most hazardous,
> what with the Severn Bore and so on. The bridge at Gloucester would have
> been isolated to the west by water. In the 15th century, before weirs and so
> on stopped the Bore at Maisemore, the wave went far inland, past Tewkesbury
> and as far as Worcester. It also went up the Avon from Tewkesbury.
> Attempting to cross in bad weather anywhere below that, especially with an
> army and everything that had to accompany it, would have been even more
> hazardous than heavy-rain floods, because of the tides. Upstream of
> Worcester, there would not be the Bore, but the floods themselves would have
> been too wide and treacherous to even think of entering them. Even as far
> north as Shrewsbury the river floods very badly and makes crossing
> dangerous.
>
> South of Worcester, floods AND the Bore combined would have been a
> particularly fearful mix. And if Buckingham did indeed intend to cross at
> Gloucester, which is why he is said to have approached through the Forest of
> Dean, he would definitely encounter floods and strong tides together. Even
> when the bore isn’t expected to be all that severe, the tides still come in
> and out twice in twenty-four hours. The land west of Gloucester and the
> river can be guaranteed to be flooded in weather as atrocious as that
> October. Didn’t Buckingham seek advice before setting out? Or didn’t he have
> any choice about the timing because all the plans had been firmly laid by
> others who didn’t know how much the Severn had to be taken into account?
>
> I have never really considered what Buckingham actually intended, and speak
> only as someone intrigued by things in general. Was Buckingham planning to
> join up with Henry Tudor’s invasion? He would choose Gloucester for this.
> But if he intended to take the throne for himself, I’m convinced that to get
> to Richard first, he would have set out at the beginning to cross further
> north. But what do I know?
>
> The Severn is still a sod of a river, and has to be treated with very
> healthy respect. It claims a life or two every year even now, and until
> recently there were always stories of people walking the sands near
> Newnham-Arlingham at low water, families out for a stroll on a summer
> evening, etc. That part of the river is a favourite beauty spot, with a
> grand pub and lots of families on summer evenings. The inland sands are
> golden and very inviting â€" and then people are caught when the bore scurries
> in. You can hear its roar long before you actually see it. No wonder the
> Romans made offerings to this river. I’ve lived in and around Gloucester
> since 1963, and no one here takes her lightly. My skin crawls when I am near
> that silent, muddy, tidal water, then comes the noise, the bore and for a
> couple of hours the river flows backward. Buckingham must have been stupid
> (always likely) or forced to go ahead because other plans, i.e. Henry Tudor,
> for the
> rebellion gave him no option (possible). Either way he needed his bumps felt
> IMHO. It cost him dear in the end.
>
--- In , "SandraMachin" <sandramachin@...> wrote:
>
> Still thinking, I'm afraid. Never a good sign. Did Buckingham's choice of
> Gloucester indicate his initial intention to support Henry Tudor's claim?
> And did the floods leave him with three choices - (1) Take the long detour
> and still go to Henry, in the south of the realm, hoping not to be
> side-swiped and skirmished by Richard before he got there. On the hoof, so
> to speak. (2) Disband his army, call it a day and go home to Brecon in time
> for tea and tiffin in front of the roaring log fire. (3) Make use of the
> army to go after Richard on his own account? It was a more direct thing to
> go north up the higher land on the west bank of the river, cross at the
> first opportunity above Worcester, and go face to face in battle formation
> with Richard in the centre of the kingdom. By then he certainly would not be
> thinking of Henry Tudor, but of himself. Buckingham had the claim,
> Buckingham raised the army, Buckingham had taken on Richard, and if
> Buckingham won it would be to put Buckingham on the throne, not some
> Lancastrian half-Beaufort upstart without a legitimate claim. It all went
> pear-shaped, of course, but that is how I am beginning to view Buckingham's
> actions. Whatever his motives, I cannot respect him. He was no adornment to
> his family or dukedom. Richard, already embittered by his treachery, would
> have made mincemeat of him on a battlefield.
>
> But yes, altogether there was a HUGE conspiracy going on across England,
> working on so many levels it cannot be deciphered. Perhaps it could not be
> deciphered even then. How many of them actually knew what others were up to?
> All they knew was that they had the same aim. It had probably been building
> from the moment the House of York settled on the throne. Only Edward IV's
> strength as king kept them at bay. Richard was the conspiracy's ultimate
> victim. His actions, justified and inevitable as they were, finally tipped
> the balance and he paid the price for the removal of Henry VI and the House
> of Lancaster. The fact that he was a good king made no difference at all. He
> was the wrong House, and personal tragedy wounded and weakened him. The pack
> moved in on their prey. I think it would have happened even if Edward V came
> to the throne. They all wanted rid of York, and Edward V could only be
> manipulated until he was of an age to think for himself. By then he might
> have come to think well of his blood line. He might even think Uncle Richard
> had some good ideas! So he would have to go, because he was House of York,
> regardless of how much influence the Woodvilles had over him. Well, it all
> succeeded...York was disposed of, and they got Tudor instead. Good luck to
> them.
>
> Sandra
>
> -----Original Message-----
> From: Pamela Bain
> Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 10:05 PM
> To: <>
> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
> Disappearance
>
> Very good thoughts..... And the plot to rid England of the Plantagenets went
> on long before Richard. I am sure someone has taken a comprehensive look at
> the Dynasty, but from a Ricardian viewpoint? Out of the bios for certain
> would give much to think about and explore.
>
> On May 13, 2013, at 3:59 PM, "Hilary Jones"
> <hjnatdat@...<mailto:hjnatdat@...>> wrote:
>
>
>
> Sandra, I think this yet again enforces that there are so many things we
> don't know. And it's intriguing how so much has disappeared, though by whose
> hands we don't know.
>
> Sometimes when you think we have only the 'chronicles' to rely on it's as
> though we are back a millennium before, but then read a few wills and a few
> Exchequer docs and these people lived in an age we could recognise. I like
> you know the Severn, in fact I dodged its floods less than a decade ago on a
> journey home from Bristol. What you say is very important. I think we have
> to look outside the box, we seem to go over and over the same material.
> Richard wasn't necessarily the centre of this, it was the plan to topple him
> which was. I know others may disagree, but everything I've found out so far
> points to it.
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: SandraMachin
> <sandramachin@...<mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk>>
> To:
> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 18:41
> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
> Disappearance
>
>
>
> Long post. Sorry. I found one thing about Buckingham’s Flood, and one
> thought led to another. You know how it is.
>
> *October 1483 flood: ‘'In the second year of Richard III in the month of
> October 1483, as the Duke of Buckingham was advancing by long marches
> through the Forest of Dean to Gloucester, where he designed to pass with his
> army over the Severn, there was so great an inundation of water that men
> were drowned in their beds, houses were overturned, children were carried
> about the fields swimming in cradles, beasts were drowned on the hills.
> Which rage of water lasted for ten days and nights, and it is to this day in
> the counties thereabout called ‘The Great Water’ or ‘The Duke of Buckingham’s
> Water’' (Gloucester Journal, November 1770).*
>
> Not sure about the ‘second year’ of Richard III, for surely it was the
> first? But the October 1483 is definite enough as the time of Buckingham’s
> Rebellion. I cannot understand Buckingham attempting to cross the Severn at
> Gloucester in a particularly wet October. Clearly he did not go back and
> forth from Brecon all that often---once is all it would have taken me to get
> the picture. It is the worst possible time---or around March---because
> downstream of Worcester the tides are at their highest and most hazardous,
> what with the Severn Bore and so on. The bridge at Gloucester would have
> been isolated to the west by water. In the 15th century, before weirs and so
> on stopped the Bore at Maisemore, the wave went far inland, past Tewkesbury
> and as far as Worcester. It also went up the Avon from Tewkesbury.
> Attempting to cross in bad weather anywhere below that, especially with an
> army and everything that had to accompany it, would have been even more
> hazardous than heavy-rain floods, because of the tides. Upstream of
> Worcester, there would not be the Bore, but the floods themselves would have
> been too wide and treacherous to even think of entering them. Even as far
> north as Shrewsbury the river floods very badly and makes crossing
> dangerous.
>
> South of Worcester, floods AND the Bore combined would have been a
> particularly fearful mix. And if Buckingham did indeed intend to cross at
> Gloucester, which is why he is said to have approached through the Forest of
> Dean, he would definitely encounter floods and strong tides together. Even
> when the bore isn’t expected to be all that severe, the tides still come in
> and out twice in twenty-four hours. The land west of Gloucester and the
> river can be guaranteed to be flooded in weather as atrocious as that
> October. Didn’t Buckingham seek advice before setting out? Or didn’t he have
> any choice about the timing because all the plans had been firmly laid by
> others who didn’t know how much the Severn had to be taken into account?
>
> I have never really considered what Buckingham actually intended, and speak
> only as someone intrigued by things in general. Was Buckingham planning to
> join up with Henry Tudor’s invasion? He would choose Gloucester for this.
> But if he intended to take the throne for himself, I’m convinced that to get
> to Richard first, he would have set out at the beginning to cross further
> north. But what do I know?
>
> The Severn is still a sod of a river, and has to be treated with very
> healthy respect. It claims a life or two every year even now, and until
> recently there were always stories of people walking the sands near
> Newnham-Arlingham at low water, families out for a stroll on a summer
> evening, etc. That part of the river is a favourite beauty spot, with a
> grand pub and lots of families on summer evenings. The inland sands are
> golden and very inviting â€" and then people are caught when the bore scurries
> in. You can hear its roar long before you actually see it. No wonder the
> Romans made offerings to this river. I’ve lived in and around Gloucester
> since 1963, and no one here takes her lightly. My skin crawls when I am near
> that silent, muddy, tidal water, then comes the noise, the bore and for a
> couple of hours the river flows backward. Buckingham must have been stupid
> (always likely) or forced to go ahead because other plans, i.e. Henry Tudor,
> for the
> rebellion gave him no option (possible). Either way he needed his bumps felt
> IMHO. It cost him dear in the end.
>
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-14 06:13:51
From: SandraMachin
To:
Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 6:41 PM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
> It is the worst possible time---or around March---because downstream of
> Worcester the tides are at their highest and most hazardous, what with the
> Severn Bore and so on.
Just wanted to add, for the benefit of furriners who don't know, that the
Severn feeds into the Bristol Channel which is one of the most dangerous
waterways in the world, because it has the second-highest maximum difference
between high and low tide in the world (I think the highest is the Bay of
Fundy). The Severn Bore is a wall of water pushed upriver at great speed by
the in-funnelling tide, usually only a few inches high but can sometimes be
over 6ft high iirc. It's like Britain's own private, scheduled tsunami.
> The Severn is still a sod of a river, and has to be treated with very
> healthy respect. It claims a life or two every year even now, and until
> recently there were always stories of people walking the sands near
> Newnham-Arlingham at low water, families out for a stroll on a summer
> evening, etc. That part of the river is a favourite beauty spot, with a
> grand pub and lots of families on summer evenings. The inland sands are
> golden and very inviting and then people are caught when the bore
> scurries in. You can hear its roar long before you actually see it. No
> wonder the Romans made offerings to this river. I've lived in and around
> Gloucester since 1963, and no one here takes her lightly. My skin crawls
> when I am near that silent, muddy, tidal water, then comes the noise, the
> bore and for a couple of hours the river flows backward.
What a wonderful description!
To:
Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 6:41 PM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
> It is the worst possible time---or around March---because downstream of
> Worcester the tides are at their highest and most hazardous, what with the
> Severn Bore and so on.
Just wanted to add, for the benefit of furriners who don't know, that the
Severn feeds into the Bristol Channel which is one of the most dangerous
waterways in the world, because it has the second-highest maximum difference
between high and low tide in the world (I think the highest is the Bay of
Fundy). The Severn Bore is a wall of water pushed upriver at great speed by
the in-funnelling tide, usually only a few inches high but can sometimes be
over 6ft high iirc. It's like Britain's own private, scheduled tsunami.
> The Severn is still a sod of a river, and has to be treated with very
> healthy respect. It claims a life or two every year even now, and until
> recently there were always stories of people walking the sands near
> Newnham-Arlingham at low water, families out for a stroll on a summer
> evening, etc. That part of the river is a favourite beauty spot, with a
> grand pub and lots of families on summer evenings. The inland sands are
> golden and very inviting and then people are caught when the bore
> scurries in. You can hear its roar long before you actually see it. No
> wonder the Romans made offerings to this river. I've lived in and around
> Gloucester since 1963, and no one here takes her lightly. My skin crawls
> when I am near that silent, muddy, tidal water, then comes the noise, the
> bore and for a couple of hours the river flows backward.
What a wonderful description!
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-14 06:14:11
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 5:14 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> I suspect that B. knew about the bodyguard that the chronicler mentions,
> and it's quite possible that the boys *had* been moved deeper into the
> Tower for their own safety.
That comes from Mancini, right? I've been wondering what "deeper into the
Tower" actually means. Maybe that they were moved to the White Tower -
which is close to the centre of the compound - rathjer than one of the
buildings nearer the edge. But the garden/green is all one open space as
far as I can see, so if they came outside at all they'd be visible from the
surrounding walls, as much if they were living in the White Tower as if they
were in one of the other buildings.
Maybe Mancini said something a bit different and it's been mistranslated.
Or maybe Mancini himself misunderstood what Dr Argentine said.
To:
Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 5:14 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> I suspect that B. knew about the bodyguard that the chronicler mentions,
> and it's quite possible that the boys *had* been moved deeper into the
> Tower for their own safety.
That comes from Mancini, right? I've been wondering what "deeper into the
Tower" actually means. Maybe that they were moved to the White Tower -
which is close to the centre of the compound - rathjer than one of the
buildings nearer the edge. But the garden/green is all one open space as
far as I can see, so if they came outside at all they'd be visible from the
surrounding walls, as much if they were living in the White Tower as if they
were in one of the other buildings.
Maybe Mancini said something a bit different and it's been mistranslated.
Or maybe Mancini himself misunderstood what Dr Argentine said.
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-14 09:42:37
I'm with you. When I joined this forum about six months' ago I thought the events of 1483 were the results of a few headless chickens (Hastings, Woodvilles, Buckingham) running round in an effort to stake out a new position in a new reign and that Richard was the unintended victim who just got in the way. Having dug a lot deeper round the edges I've come to believe it was much more complex and that the intended victim was the House of York which for some reason, despite Edward's affability, did not suit the Church and some landed magnates (Stanley comes to mind). MB is of course another matter; but why really would so many support her cause unless it suited their ends?
The Church? Well the two people who perceivably had no motive in 1483 were Stillington and Morton - yet the first arguably started the beginning of the end. Morton had been Lancastrian but he'd done well under Edward. I'm sure York or Canterbury would have come up for him before long and the Woodvilles, had they seized power with the new king, had no real need to discard him; he was a formidably intelligent man. We know he'd been exposed to Jasper Tudor in France, but why support his cause? There are so many unanswered questions and so much that answered them has been expunged. Oh how we need that box in the attic!
________________________________
From: SandraMachin <sandramachin@...>
To:
Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 23:33
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Still thinking, I'm afraid. Never a good sign. Did Buckingham's choice of
Gloucester indicate his initial intention to support Henry Tudor's claim?
And did the floods leave him with three choices - (1) Take the long detour
and still go to Henry, in the south of the realm, hoping not to be
side-swiped and skirmished by Richard before he got there. On the hoof, so
to speak. (2) Disband his army, call it a day and go home to Brecon in time
for tea and tiffin in front of the roaring log fire. (3) Make use of the
army to go after Richard on his own account? It was a more direct thing to
go north up the higher land on the west bank of the river, cross at the
first opportunity above Worcester, and go face to face in battle formation
with Richard in the centre of the kingdom. By then he certainly would not be
thinking of Henry Tudor, but of himself. Buckingham had the claim,
Buckingham raised the army, Buckingham had taken on Richard, and if
Buckingham won it would be to put Buckingham on the throne, not some
Lancastrian half-Beaufort upstart without a legitimate claim. It all went
pear-shaped, of course, but that is how I am beginning to view Buckingham's
actions. Whatever his motives, I cannot respect him. He was no adornment to
his family or dukedom. Richard, already embittered by his treachery, would
have made mincemeat of him on a battlefield.
But yes, altogether there was a HUGE conspiracy going on across England,
working on so many levels it cannot be deciphered. Perhaps it could not be
deciphered even then. How many of them actually knew what others were up to?
All they knew was that they had the same aim. It had probably been building
from the moment the House of York settled on the throne. Only Edward IV's
strength as king kept them at bay. Richard was the conspiracy's ultimate
victim. His actions, justified and inevitable as they were, finally tipped
the balance and he paid the price for the removal of Henry VI and the House
of Lancaster. The fact that he was a good king made no difference at all. He
was the wrong House, and personal tragedy wounded and weakened him. The pack
moved in on their prey. I think it would have happened even if Edward V came
to the throne. They all wanted rid of York, and Edward V could only be
manipulated until he was of an age to think for himself. By then he might
have come to think well of his blood line. He might even think Uncle Richard
had some good ideas! So he would have to go, because he was House of York,
regardless of how much influence the Woodvilles had over him. Well, it all
succeeded...York was disposed of, and they got Tudor instead. Good luck to
them.
Sandra
-----Original Message-----
From: Pamela Bain
Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 10:05 PM
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
Very good thoughts..... And the plot to rid England of the Plantagenets went
on long before Richard. I am sure someone has taken a comprehensive look at
the Dynasty, but from a Ricardian viewpoint? Out of the bios for certain
would give much to think about and explore.
On May 13, 2013, at 3:59 PM, "Hilary Jones"
<mailto:hjnatdat%40yahoo.com<mailto:mailto:hjnatdat%40yahoo.com>> wrote:
Sandra, I think this yet again enforces that there are so many things we
don't know. And it's intriguing how so much has disappeared, though by whose
hands we don't know.
Sometimes when you think we have only the 'chronicles' to rely on it's as
though we are back a millennium before, but then read a few wills and a few
Exchequer docs and these people lived in an age we could recognise. I like
you know the Severn, in fact I dodged its floods less than a decade ago on a
journey home from Bristol. What you say is very important. I think we have
to look outside the box, we seem to go over and over the same material.
Richard wasn't necessarily the centre of this, it was the plan to topple him
which was. I know others may disagree, but everything I've found out so far
points to it.
________________________________
From: SandraMachin
<mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk<mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk>>
To:
mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 18:41
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
Long post. Sorry. I found one thing about Buckingham's Flood, and one
thought led to another. You know how it is.
*October 1483 flood: 'In the second year of Richard III in the month of
October 1483, as the Duke of Buckingham was advancing by long marches
through the Forest of Dean to Gloucester, where he designed to pass with his
army over the Severn, there was so great an inundation of water that men
were drowned in their beds, houses were overturned, children were carried
about the fields swimming in cradles, beasts were drowned on the hills.
Which rage of water lasted for ten days and nights, and it is to this day in
the counties thereabout called The Great Water' or The Duke of Buckingham's
Water'' (Gloucester Journal, November 1770).*
Not sure about the second year' of Richard III, for surely it was the
first? But the October 1483 is definite enough as the time of Buckingham's
Rebellion. I cannot understand Buckingham attempting to cross the Severn at
Gloucester in a particularly wet October. Clearly he did not go back and
forth from Brecon all that often---once is all it would have taken me to get
the picture. It is the worst possible time---or around March---because
downstream of Worcester the tides are at their highest and most hazardous,
what with the Severn Bore and so on. The bridge at Gloucester would have
been isolated to the west by water. In the 15th century, before weirs and so
on stopped the Bore at Maisemore, the wave went far inland, past Tewkesbury
and as far as Worcester. It also went up the Avon from Tewkesbury.
Attempting to cross in bad weather anywhere below that, especially with an
army and everything that had to accompany it, would have been even more
hazardous than heavy-rain floods, because of the tides. Upstream of
Worcester, there would not be the Bore, but the floods themselves would have
been too wide and treacherous to even think of entering them. Even as far
north as Shrewsbury the river floods very badly and makes crossing
dangerous.
South of Worcester, floods AND the Bore combined would have been a
particularly fearful mix. And if Buckingham did indeed intend to cross at
Gloucester, which is why he is said to have approached through the Forest of
Dean, he would definitely encounter floods and strong tides together. Even
when the bore isn't expected to be all that severe, the tides still come in
and out twice in twenty-four hours. The land west of Gloucester and the
river can be guaranteed to be flooded in weather as atrocious as that
October. Didn't Buckingham seek advice before setting out? Or didn't he have
any choice about the timing because all the plans had been firmly laid by
others who didn't know how much the Severn had to be taken into account?
I have never really considered what Buckingham actually intended, and speak
only as someone intrigued by things in general. Was Buckingham planning to
join up with Henry Tudor's invasion? He would choose Gloucester for this.
But if he intended to take the throne for himself, I'm convinced that to get
to Richard first, he would have set out at the beginning to cross further
north. But what do I know?
The Severn is still a sod of a river, and has to be treated with very
healthy respect. It claims a life or two every year even now, and until
recently there were always stories of people walking the sands near
Newnham-Arlingham at low water, families out for a stroll on a summer
evening, etc. That part of the river is a favourite beauty spot, with a
grand pub and lots of families on summer evenings. The inland sands are
golden and very inviting and then people are caught when the bore scurries
in. You can hear its roar long before you actually see it. No wonder the
Romans made offerings to this river. I've lived in and around Gloucester
since 1963, and no one here takes her lightly. My skin crawls when I am near
that silent, muddy, tidal water, then comes the noise, the bore and for a
couple of hours the river flows backward. Buckingham must have been stupid
(always likely) or forced to go ahead because other plans, i.e. Henry Tudor,
for the
rebellion gave him no option (possible). Either way he needed his bumps felt
IMHO. It cost him dear in the end.
The Church? Well the two people who perceivably had no motive in 1483 were Stillington and Morton - yet the first arguably started the beginning of the end. Morton had been Lancastrian but he'd done well under Edward. I'm sure York or Canterbury would have come up for him before long and the Woodvilles, had they seized power with the new king, had no real need to discard him; he was a formidably intelligent man. We know he'd been exposed to Jasper Tudor in France, but why support his cause? There are so many unanswered questions and so much that answered them has been expunged. Oh how we need that box in the attic!
________________________________
From: SandraMachin <sandramachin@...>
To:
Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 23:33
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Still thinking, I'm afraid. Never a good sign. Did Buckingham's choice of
Gloucester indicate his initial intention to support Henry Tudor's claim?
And did the floods leave him with three choices - (1) Take the long detour
and still go to Henry, in the south of the realm, hoping not to be
side-swiped and skirmished by Richard before he got there. On the hoof, so
to speak. (2) Disband his army, call it a day and go home to Brecon in time
for tea and tiffin in front of the roaring log fire. (3) Make use of the
army to go after Richard on his own account? It was a more direct thing to
go north up the higher land on the west bank of the river, cross at the
first opportunity above Worcester, and go face to face in battle formation
with Richard in the centre of the kingdom. By then he certainly would not be
thinking of Henry Tudor, but of himself. Buckingham had the claim,
Buckingham raised the army, Buckingham had taken on Richard, and if
Buckingham won it would be to put Buckingham on the throne, not some
Lancastrian half-Beaufort upstart without a legitimate claim. It all went
pear-shaped, of course, but that is how I am beginning to view Buckingham's
actions. Whatever his motives, I cannot respect him. He was no adornment to
his family or dukedom. Richard, already embittered by his treachery, would
have made mincemeat of him on a battlefield.
But yes, altogether there was a HUGE conspiracy going on across England,
working on so many levels it cannot be deciphered. Perhaps it could not be
deciphered even then. How many of them actually knew what others were up to?
All they knew was that they had the same aim. It had probably been building
from the moment the House of York settled on the throne. Only Edward IV's
strength as king kept them at bay. Richard was the conspiracy's ultimate
victim. His actions, justified and inevitable as they were, finally tipped
the balance and he paid the price for the removal of Henry VI and the House
of Lancaster. The fact that he was a good king made no difference at all. He
was the wrong House, and personal tragedy wounded and weakened him. The pack
moved in on their prey. I think it would have happened even if Edward V came
to the throne. They all wanted rid of York, and Edward V could only be
manipulated until he was of an age to think for himself. By then he might
have come to think well of his blood line. He might even think Uncle Richard
had some good ideas! So he would have to go, because he was House of York,
regardless of how much influence the Woodvilles had over him. Well, it all
succeeded...York was disposed of, and they got Tudor instead. Good luck to
them.
Sandra
-----Original Message-----
From: Pamela Bain
Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 10:05 PM
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
Very good thoughts..... And the plot to rid England of the Plantagenets went
on long before Richard. I am sure someone has taken a comprehensive look at
the Dynasty, but from a Ricardian viewpoint? Out of the bios for certain
would give much to think about and explore.
On May 13, 2013, at 3:59 PM, "Hilary Jones"
<mailto:hjnatdat%40yahoo.com<mailto:mailto:hjnatdat%40yahoo.com>> wrote:
Sandra, I think this yet again enforces that there are so many things we
don't know. And it's intriguing how so much has disappeared, though by whose
hands we don't know.
Sometimes when you think we have only the 'chronicles' to rely on it's as
though we are back a millennium before, but then read a few wills and a few
Exchequer docs and these people lived in an age we could recognise. I like
you know the Severn, in fact I dodged its floods less than a decade ago on a
journey home from Bristol. What you say is very important. I think we have
to look outside the box, we seem to go over and over the same material.
Richard wasn't necessarily the centre of this, it was the plan to topple him
which was. I know others may disagree, but everything I've found out so far
points to it.
________________________________
From: SandraMachin
<mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk<mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk>>
To:
mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 18:41
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
Long post. Sorry. I found one thing about Buckingham's Flood, and one
thought led to another. You know how it is.
*October 1483 flood: 'In the second year of Richard III in the month of
October 1483, as the Duke of Buckingham was advancing by long marches
through the Forest of Dean to Gloucester, where he designed to pass with his
army over the Severn, there was so great an inundation of water that men
were drowned in their beds, houses were overturned, children were carried
about the fields swimming in cradles, beasts were drowned on the hills.
Which rage of water lasted for ten days and nights, and it is to this day in
the counties thereabout called The Great Water' or The Duke of Buckingham's
Water'' (Gloucester Journal, November 1770).*
Not sure about the second year' of Richard III, for surely it was the
first? But the October 1483 is definite enough as the time of Buckingham's
Rebellion. I cannot understand Buckingham attempting to cross the Severn at
Gloucester in a particularly wet October. Clearly he did not go back and
forth from Brecon all that often---once is all it would have taken me to get
the picture. It is the worst possible time---or around March---because
downstream of Worcester the tides are at their highest and most hazardous,
what with the Severn Bore and so on. The bridge at Gloucester would have
been isolated to the west by water. In the 15th century, before weirs and so
on stopped the Bore at Maisemore, the wave went far inland, past Tewkesbury
and as far as Worcester. It also went up the Avon from Tewkesbury.
Attempting to cross in bad weather anywhere below that, especially with an
army and everything that had to accompany it, would have been even more
hazardous than heavy-rain floods, because of the tides. Upstream of
Worcester, there would not be the Bore, but the floods themselves would have
been too wide and treacherous to even think of entering them. Even as far
north as Shrewsbury the river floods very badly and makes crossing
dangerous.
South of Worcester, floods AND the Bore combined would have been a
particularly fearful mix. And if Buckingham did indeed intend to cross at
Gloucester, which is why he is said to have approached through the Forest of
Dean, he would definitely encounter floods and strong tides together. Even
when the bore isn't expected to be all that severe, the tides still come in
and out twice in twenty-four hours. The land west of Gloucester and the
river can be guaranteed to be flooded in weather as atrocious as that
October. Didn't Buckingham seek advice before setting out? Or didn't he have
any choice about the timing because all the plans had been firmly laid by
others who didn't know how much the Severn had to be taken into account?
I have never really considered what Buckingham actually intended, and speak
only as someone intrigued by things in general. Was Buckingham planning to
join up with Henry Tudor's invasion? He would choose Gloucester for this.
But if he intended to take the throne for himself, I'm convinced that to get
to Richard first, he would have set out at the beginning to cross further
north. But what do I know?
The Severn is still a sod of a river, and has to be treated with very
healthy respect. It claims a life or two every year even now, and until
recently there were always stories of people walking the sands near
Newnham-Arlingham at low water, families out for a stroll on a summer
evening, etc. That part of the river is a favourite beauty spot, with a
grand pub and lots of families on summer evenings. The inland sands are
golden and very inviting and then people are caught when the bore scurries
in. You can hear its roar long before you actually see it. No wonder the
Romans made offerings to this river. I've lived in and around Gloucester
since 1963, and no one here takes her lightly. My skin crawls when I am near
that silent, muddy, tidal water, then comes the noise, the bore and for a
couple of hours the river flows backward. Buckingham must have been stupid
(always likely) or forced to go ahead because other plans, i.e. Henry Tudor,
for the
rebellion gave him no option (possible). Either way he needed his bumps felt
IMHO. It cost him dear in the end.
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-14 09:50:16
From my readings on Tewkesbury 1471 there were only 3 crossings then - Gloucester, Tewkesbury and Worcester which is why there was the race for the Severn - but of course the authors could be wrong. It also depended on availability of fords - there's a ford at Lode Tewkesbury where Margaret escaped - which would be easy for one or two but not necessarily a contingent of soldiers in a hurry. If the weather was bad, as Sandra says, then the fords would not be available which would severely restrict Buck's route.
________________________________
From: ricard1an <maryfriend@...>
To:
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 0:02
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Not sure where the first opportunity to cross the River Severn above Worcester would be. Probably Bewdley. In those days there was no bridge at Bewdley ( Richard gave money towards the building of a bridge} but there was a ford at Lax Lane but if the river was in flood then that would not have been usable. There are bridges at Stourport and Holt Heath now but not sure there would have been in those days.
--- In , "SandraMachin" <sandramachin@...> wrote:
>
> Still thinking, I'm afraid. Never a good sign. Did Buckingham's choice of
> Gloucester indicate his initial intention to support Henry Tudor's claim?
> And did the floods leave him with three choices - (1) Take the long detour
> and still go to Henry, in the south of the realm, hoping not to be
> side-swiped and skirmished by Richard before he got there. On the hoof, so
> to speak. (2) Disband his army, call it a day and go home to Brecon in time
> for tea and tiffin in front of the roaring log fire. (3) Make use of the
> army to go after Richard on his own account? It was a more direct thing to
> go north up the higher land on the west bank of the river, cross at the
> first opportunity above Worcester, and go face to face in battle formation
> with Richard in the centre of the kingdom. By then he certainly would not be
> thinking of Henry Tudor, but of himself. Buckingham had the claim,
> Buckingham raised the army, Buckingham had taken on Richard, and if
> Buckingham won it would be to put Buckingham on the throne, not some
> Lancastrian half-Beaufort upstart without a legitimate claim. It all went
> pear-shaped, of course, but that is how I am beginning to view Buckingham's
> actions. Whatever his motives, I cannot respect him. He was no adornment to
> his family or dukedom. Richard, already embittered by his treachery, would
> have made mincemeat of him on a battlefield.
>
> But yes, altogether there was a HUGE conspiracy going on across England,
> working on so many levels it cannot be deciphered. Perhaps it could not be
> deciphered even then. How many of them actually knew what others were up to?
> All they knew was that they had the same aim. It had probably been building
> from the moment the House of York settled on the throne. Only Edward IV's
> strength as king kept them at bay. Richard was the conspiracy's ultimate
> victim. His actions, justified and inevitable as they were, finally tipped
> the balance and he paid the price for the removal of Henry VI and the House
> of Lancaster. The fact that he was a good king made no difference at all. He
> was the wrong House, and personal tragedy wounded and weakened him. The pack
> moved in on their prey. I think it would have happened even if Edward V came
> to the throne. They all wanted rid of York, and Edward V could only be
> manipulated until he was of an age to think for himself. By then he might
> have come to think well of his blood line. He might even think Uncle Richard
> had some good ideas! So he would have to go, because he was House of York,
> regardless of how much influence the Woodvilles had over him. Well, it all
> succeeded...York was disposed of, and they got Tudor instead. Good luck to
> them.
>
> Sandra
>
> -----Original Message-----
> From: Pamela Bain
> Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 10:05 PM
> To: <>
> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
> Disappearance
>
> Very good thoughts..... And the plot to rid England of the Plantagenets went
> on long before Richard. I am sure someone has taken a comprehensive look at
> the Dynasty, but from a Ricardian viewpoint? Out of the bios for certain
> would give much to think about and explore.
>
> On May 13, 2013, at 3:59 PM, "Hilary Jones"
> <hjnatdat@...<mailto:hjnatdat@...>> wrote:
>
>
>
> Sandra, I think this yet again enforces that there are so many things we
> don't know. And it's intriguing how so much has disappeared, though by whose
> hands we don't know.
>
> Sometimes when you think we have only the 'chronicles' to rely on it's as
> though we are back a millennium before, but then read a few wills and a few
> Exchequer docs and these people lived in an age we could recognise. I like
> you know the Severn, in fact I dodged its floods less than a decade ago on a
> journey home from Bristol. What you say is very important. I think we have
> to look outside the box, we seem to go over and over the same material.
> Richard wasn't necessarily the centre of this, it was the plan to topple him
> which was. I know others may disagree, but everything I've found out so far
> points to it.
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: SandraMachin
> <sandramachin@...<mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk>>
> To:
> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 18:41
> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
> Disappearance
>
>
>
> Long post. Sorry. I found one thing about Buckinghamâ¬"s Flood, and one
> thought led to another. You know how it is.
>
> *October 1483 flood: â¬Ü'In the second year of Richard III in the month of
> October 1483, as the Duke of Buckingham was advancing by long marches
> through the Forest of Dean to Gloucester, where he designed to pass with his
> army over the Severn, there was so great an inundation of water that men
> were drowned in their beds, houses were overturned, children were carried
> about the fields swimming in cradles, beasts were drowned on the hills.
> Which rage of water lasted for ten days and nights, and it is to this day in
> the counties thereabout called â¬ÜThe Great Waterâ¬" or â¬ÜThe Duke of Buckinghamâ¬"s
> Waterâ¬"' (Gloucester Journal, November 1770).*
>
> Not sure about the â¬Üsecond yearâ¬" of Richard III, for surely it was the
> first? But the October 1483 is definite enough as the time of Buckinghamâ¬"s
> Rebellion. I cannot understand Buckingham attempting to cross the Severn at
> Gloucester in a particularly wet October. Clearly he did not go back and
> forth from Brecon all that often---once is all it would have taken me to get
> the picture. It is the worst possible time---or around March---because
> downstream of Worcester the tides are at their highest and most hazardous,
> what with the Severn Bore and so on. The bridge at Gloucester would have
> been isolated to the west by water. In the 15th century, before weirs and so
> on stopped the Bore at Maisemore, the wave went far inland, past Tewkesbury
> and as far as Worcester. It also went up the Avon from Tewkesbury.
> Attempting to cross in bad weather anywhere below that, especially with an
> army and everything that had to accompany it, would have been even more
> hazardous than heavy-rain floods, because of the tides. Upstream of
> Worcester, there would not be the Bore, but the floods themselves would have
> been too wide and treacherous to even think of entering them. Even as far
> north as Shrewsbury the river floods very badly and makes crossing
> dangerous.
>
> South of Worcester, floods AND the Bore combined would have been a
> particularly fearful mix. And if Buckingham did indeed intend to cross at
> Gloucester, which is why he is said to have approached through the Forest of
> Dean, he would definitely encounter floods and strong tides together. Even
> when the bore isnâ¬"t expected to be all that severe, the tides still come in
> and out twice in twenty-four hours. The land west of Gloucester and the
> river can be guaranteed to be flooded in weather as atrocious as that
> October. Didnâ¬"t Buckingham seek advice before setting out? Or didnâ¬"t he have
> any choice about the timing because all the plans had been firmly laid by
> others who didnâ¬"t know how much the Severn had to be taken into account?
>
> I have never really considered what Buckingham actually intended, and speak
> only as someone intrigued by things in general. Was Buckingham planning to
> join up with Henry Tudorâ¬"s invasion? He would choose Gloucester for this.
> But if he intended to take the throne for himself, Iâ¬"m convinced that to get
> to Richard first, he would have set out at the beginning to cross further
> north. But what do I know?
>
> The Severn is still a sod of a river, and has to be treated with very
> healthy respect. It claims a life or two every year even now, and until
> recently there were always stories of people walking the sands near
> Newnham-Arlingham at low water, families out for a stroll on a summer
> evening, etc. That part of the river is a favourite beauty spot, with a
> grand pub and lots of families on summer evenings. The inland sands are
> golden and very inviting â¬" and then people are caught when the bore scurries
> in. You can hear its roar long before you actually see it. No wonder the
> Romans made offerings to this river. Iâ¬"ve lived in and around Gloucester
> since 1963, and no one here takes her lightly. My skin crawls when I am near
> that silent, muddy, tidal water, then comes the noise, the bore and for a
> couple of hours the river flows backward. Buckingham must have been stupid
> (always likely) or forced to go ahead because other plans, i.e. Henry Tudor,
> for the
> rebellion gave him no option (possible). Either way he needed his bumps felt
> IMHO. It cost him dear in the end.
>
________________________________
From: ricard1an <maryfriend@...>
To:
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 0:02
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Not sure where the first opportunity to cross the River Severn above Worcester would be. Probably Bewdley. In those days there was no bridge at Bewdley ( Richard gave money towards the building of a bridge} but there was a ford at Lax Lane but if the river was in flood then that would not have been usable. There are bridges at Stourport and Holt Heath now but not sure there would have been in those days.
--- In , "SandraMachin" <sandramachin@...> wrote:
>
> Still thinking, I'm afraid. Never a good sign. Did Buckingham's choice of
> Gloucester indicate his initial intention to support Henry Tudor's claim?
> And did the floods leave him with three choices - (1) Take the long detour
> and still go to Henry, in the south of the realm, hoping not to be
> side-swiped and skirmished by Richard before he got there. On the hoof, so
> to speak. (2) Disband his army, call it a day and go home to Brecon in time
> for tea and tiffin in front of the roaring log fire. (3) Make use of the
> army to go after Richard on his own account? It was a more direct thing to
> go north up the higher land on the west bank of the river, cross at the
> first opportunity above Worcester, and go face to face in battle formation
> with Richard in the centre of the kingdom. By then he certainly would not be
> thinking of Henry Tudor, but of himself. Buckingham had the claim,
> Buckingham raised the army, Buckingham had taken on Richard, and if
> Buckingham won it would be to put Buckingham on the throne, not some
> Lancastrian half-Beaufort upstart without a legitimate claim. It all went
> pear-shaped, of course, but that is how I am beginning to view Buckingham's
> actions. Whatever his motives, I cannot respect him. He was no adornment to
> his family or dukedom. Richard, already embittered by his treachery, would
> have made mincemeat of him on a battlefield.
>
> But yes, altogether there was a HUGE conspiracy going on across England,
> working on so many levels it cannot be deciphered. Perhaps it could not be
> deciphered even then. How many of them actually knew what others were up to?
> All they knew was that they had the same aim. It had probably been building
> from the moment the House of York settled on the throne. Only Edward IV's
> strength as king kept them at bay. Richard was the conspiracy's ultimate
> victim. His actions, justified and inevitable as they were, finally tipped
> the balance and he paid the price for the removal of Henry VI and the House
> of Lancaster. The fact that he was a good king made no difference at all. He
> was the wrong House, and personal tragedy wounded and weakened him. The pack
> moved in on their prey. I think it would have happened even if Edward V came
> to the throne. They all wanted rid of York, and Edward V could only be
> manipulated until he was of an age to think for himself. By then he might
> have come to think well of his blood line. He might even think Uncle Richard
> had some good ideas! So he would have to go, because he was House of York,
> regardless of how much influence the Woodvilles had over him. Well, it all
> succeeded...York was disposed of, and they got Tudor instead. Good luck to
> them.
>
> Sandra
>
> -----Original Message-----
> From: Pamela Bain
> Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 10:05 PM
> To: <>
> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
> Disappearance
>
> Very good thoughts..... And the plot to rid England of the Plantagenets went
> on long before Richard. I am sure someone has taken a comprehensive look at
> the Dynasty, but from a Ricardian viewpoint? Out of the bios for certain
> would give much to think about and explore.
>
> On May 13, 2013, at 3:59 PM, "Hilary Jones"
> <hjnatdat@...<mailto:hjnatdat@...>> wrote:
>
>
>
> Sandra, I think this yet again enforces that there are so many things we
> don't know. And it's intriguing how so much has disappeared, though by whose
> hands we don't know.
>
> Sometimes when you think we have only the 'chronicles' to rely on it's as
> though we are back a millennium before, but then read a few wills and a few
> Exchequer docs and these people lived in an age we could recognise. I like
> you know the Severn, in fact I dodged its floods less than a decade ago on a
> journey home from Bristol. What you say is very important. I think we have
> to look outside the box, we seem to go over and over the same material.
> Richard wasn't necessarily the centre of this, it was the plan to topple him
> which was. I know others may disagree, but everything I've found out so far
> points to it.
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: SandraMachin
> <sandramachin@...<mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk>>
> To:
> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 18:41
> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
> Disappearance
>
>
>
> Long post. Sorry. I found one thing about Buckinghamâ¬"s Flood, and one
> thought led to another. You know how it is.
>
> *October 1483 flood: â¬Ü'In the second year of Richard III in the month of
> October 1483, as the Duke of Buckingham was advancing by long marches
> through the Forest of Dean to Gloucester, where he designed to pass with his
> army over the Severn, there was so great an inundation of water that men
> were drowned in their beds, houses were overturned, children were carried
> about the fields swimming in cradles, beasts were drowned on the hills.
> Which rage of water lasted for ten days and nights, and it is to this day in
> the counties thereabout called â¬ÜThe Great Waterâ¬" or â¬ÜThe Duke of Buckinghamâ¬"s
> Waterâ¬"' (Gloucester Journal, November 1770).*
>
> Not sure about the â¬Üsecond yearâ¬" of Richard III, for surely it was the
> first? But the October 1483 is definite enough as the time of Buckinghamâ¬"s
> Rebellion. I cannot understand Buckingham attempting to cross the Severn at
> Gloucester in a particularly wet October. Clearly he did not go back and
> forth from Brecon all that often---once is all it would have taken me to get
> the picture. It is the worst possible time---or around March---because
> downstream of Worcester the tides are at their highest and most hazardous,
> what with the Severn Bore and so on. The bridge at Gloucester would have
> been isolated to the west by water. In the 15th century, before weirs and so
> on stopped the Bore at Maisemore, the wave went far inland, past Tewkesbury
> and as far as Worcester. It also went up the Avon from Tewkesbury.
> Attempting to cross in bad weather anywhere below that, especially with an
> army and everything that had to accompany it, would have been even more
> hazardous than heavy-rain floods, because of the tides. Upstream of
> Worcester, there would not be the Bore, but the floods themselves would have
> been too wide and treacherous to even think of entering them. Even as far
> north as Shrewsbury the river floods very badly and makes crossing
> dangerous.
>
> South of Worcester, floods AND the Bore combined would have been a
> particularly fearful mix. And if Buckingham did indeed intend to cross at
> Gloucester, which is why he is said to have approached through the Forest of
> Dean, he would definitely encounter floods and strong tides together. Even
> when the bore isnâ¬"t expected to be all that severe, the tides still come in
> and out twice in twenty-four hours. The land west of Gloucester and the
> river can be guaranteed to be flooded in weather as atrocious as that
> October. Didnâ¬"t Buckingham seek advice before setting out? Or didnâ¬"t he have
> any choice about the timing because all the plans had been firmly laid by
> others who didnâ¬"t know how much the Severn had to be taken into account?
>
> I have never really considered what Buckingham actually intended, and speak
> only as someone intrigued by things in general. Was Buckingham planning to
> join up with Henry Tudorâ¬"s invasion? He would choose Gloucester for this.
> But if he intended to take the throne for himself, Iâ¬"m convinced that to get
> to Richard first, he would have set out at the beginning to cross further
> north. But what do I know?
>
> The Severn is still a sod of a river, and has to be treated with very
> healthy respect. It claims a life or two every year even now, and until
> recently there were always stories of people walking the sands near
> Newnham-Arlingham at low water, families out for a stroll on a summer
> evening, etc. That part of the river is a favourite beauty spot, with a
> grand pub and lots of families on summer evenings. The inland sands are
> golden and very inviting â¬" and then people are caught when the bore scurries
> in. You can hear its roar long before you actually see it. No wonder the
> Romans made offerings to this river. Iâ¬"ve lived in and around Gloucester
> since 1963, and no one here takes her lightly. My skin crawls when I am near
> that silent, muddy, tidal water, then comes the noise, the bore and for a
> couple of hours the river flows backward. Buckingham must have been stupid
> (always likely) or forced to go ahead because other plans, i.e. Henry Tudor,
> for the
> rebellion gave him no option (possible). Either way he needed his bumps felt
> IMHO. It cost him dear in the end.
>
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-14 11:16:03
From: Hilary Jones
To:
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 9:42 AM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
> the intended victim was the House of York which for some reason, despite
> Edward's affability, did not suit the Church and some landed magnates
Affable Edward may have been, and liberal in some respects, but he employed
Tiptoft who seems to have been a licensed serial killer. He probably had
Henry VI murdered. He executed his own brother (yes, it's hard to see what
else he could have done, but it still doesn't look good). He was
acquisative, and I believe it's in the Chronicle of London that I saw
mention of him in later years inventing increasingly cruel forms of
execution (don't have time to hunt it up right now, as I have to master
Mathematical Proofs by Induction by tomorrow in order to coach someone else
in it). This is not to mention his over-indulgence, which must have caused
many people to find him personally unattractive (if it's true about the
gorging and vomiting, for example, his breath would have stunk of vomit),
and the possibility that some of his opponents might have known or suspected
that he was a bigamist.
Even if they didn't know about it, if the pre-contract story is true it
follows I think that Edward had a very bad attitude to the throne, and
didn't mind cheating and deceiving his people if it suited his own ends to
do so. That may well have been apparent in his manner even if people didn't
know the prcise details of what he'd been up to, so all in all I think it's
not surprising if many people thought Edward was a Bad Thing who needed to
be got rid of. By the time Richard came along the opposition were already
entrenched and he didn't rule for long enough for them to realise he was a
quite different quantity from his brother - even if that would have made a
difference.
The Chronicle of London btw is available to download here
http://archive.org/details/chronicleoflondo00nicouoft
> MB is of course another matter; but why really would so many support her
> cause unless it suited their ends?
Maybe she was very charming and persuasive. I know she looks hatchet-faced
and sour in her portraits but that might have been because she had
age-related pains such as arthritis, or because she thought a disapproving
expression would make her appear more pious. Or maybe the artist was very
annoying!
> The Church? Well the two people who perceivably had no motive in 1483 were
> Stillington and Morton - yet the first arguably started the beginning of
> the end. Morton had been Lancastrian but he'd done well under Edward. I'm
> sure York or Canterbury would have come up for him before long and the
> Woodvilles, had they seized power with the new king, had no real need to
> discard him; he was a formidably intelligent man. We know he'd been
> exposed to Jasper Tudor in France, but why support his cause?
Bacon attributed his motives at least partly to pure spite. Carol thinks he
was driven by loyalty to Margaret of Anjou - which may well be so, and if so
would make him considerably less horrible and almost, in a dark way, a
romantic figure.
To:
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 9:42 AM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
> the intended victim was the House of York which for some reason, despite
> Edward's affability, did not suit the Church and some landed magnates
Affable Edward may have been, and liberal in some respects, but he employed
Tiptoft who seems to have been a licensed serial killer. He probably had
Henry VI murdered. He executed his own brother (yes, it's hard to see what
else he could have done, but it still doesn't look good). He was
acquisative, and I believe it's in the Chronicle of London that I saw
mention of him in later years inventing increasingly cruel forms of
execution (don't have time to hunt it up right now, as I have to master
Mathematical Proofs by Induction by tomorrow in order to coach someone else
in it). This is not to mention his over-indulgence, which must have caused
many people to find him personally unattractive (if it's true about the
gorging and vomiting, for example, his breath would have stunk of vomit),
and the possibility that some of his opponents might have known or suspected
that he was a bigamist.
Even if they didn't know about it, if the pre-contract story is true it
follows I think that Edward had a very bad attitude to the throne, and
didn't mind cheating and deceiving his people if it suited his own ends to
do so. That may well have been apparent in his manner even if people didn't
know the prcise details of what he'd been up to, so all in all I think it's
not surprising if many people thought Edward was a Bad Thing who needed to
be got rid of. By the time Richard came along the opposition were already
entrenched and he didn't rule for long enough for them to realise he was a
quite different quantity from his brother - even if that would have made a
difference.
The Chronicle of London btw is available to download here
http://archive.org/details/chronicleoflondo00nicouoft
> MB is of course another matter; but why really would so many support her
> cause unless it suited their ends?
Maybe she was very charming and persuasive. I know she looks hatchet-faced
and sour in her portraits but that might have been because she had
age-related pains such as arthritis, or because she thought a disapproving
expression would make her appear more pious. Or maybe the artist was very
annoying!
> The Church? Well the two people who perceivably had no motive in 1483 were
> Stillington and Morton - yet the first arguably started the beginning of
> the end. Morton had been Lancastrian but he'd done well under Edward. I'm
> sure York or Canterbury would have come up for him before long and the
> Woodvilles, had they seized power with the new king, had no real need to
> discard him; he was a formidably intelligent man. We know he'd been
> exposed to Jasper Tudor in France, but why support his cause?
Bacon attributed his motives at least partly to pure spite. Carol thinks he
was driven by loyalty to Margaret of Anjou - which may well be so, and if so
would make him considerably less horrible and almost, in a dark way, a
romantic figure.
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-14 11:46:12
>>>This is not to mention his over-indulgence, which must have caused
many people to find him personally unattractive (if it's true about the
gorging and vomiting, for example, his breath would have stunk of vomit)<<<
OMG, Claire, what a disgusting thought. Imagine catching the royal eye and then seeing the ominously beckoning finger. One would just have to tell him it was the wrong time of the month and hope it put him off! He seems to have been so like Henry VIII it's incredible. How on earth could someone as elegant, refined and honest as Richard be Edward's brother???? I believe he was elegant. and refined. Both seem to be written right across his portraits. If he turned out to be a boor, I'd be truly astonished.
As for where Buckingham would have been able to cross the Severn, I really do not know. But then, neither would he, so he'd he'd just have to keep going north in the hope of finding somewhere. The river is mostly narrow inland of the estuary, so maybe some enterprising landowner had thrown a wooden bridge across, for which there are no longer any records? If so, whoever it was would have done well out of the tolls! Mostly, however, I believe there were only ferries, or even ferrymen who could carry people across on their shoulders when the tide was low Arlingham-Newnham had one such. But not in floods, and these October 1483 floods do seem to have been notable. Buckingham must have been sobbing with the frustration of it all. I wouldn't be handing him my hanky. Let him blow his nose on his costly sleeve!
Sandra
many people to find him personally unattractive (if it's true about the
gorging and vomiting, for example, his breath would have stunk of vomit)<<<
OMG, Claire, what a disgusting thought. Imagine catching the royal eye and then seeing the ominously beckoning finger. One would just have to tell him it was the wrong time of the month and hope it put him off! He seems to have been so like Henry VIII it's incredible. How on earth could someone as elegant, refined and honest as Richard be Edward's brother???? I believe he was elegant. and refined. Both seem to be written right across his portraits. If he turned out to be a boor, I'd be truly astonished.
As for where Buckingham would have been able to cross the Severn, I really do not know. But then, neither would he, so he'd he'd just have to keep going north in the hope of finding somewhere. The river is mostly narrow inland of the estuary, so maybe some enterprising landowner had thrown a wooden bridge across, for which there are no longer any records? If so, whoever it was would have done well out of the tolls! Mostly, however, I believe there were only ferries, or even ferrymen who could carry people across on their shoulders when the tide was low Arlingham-Newnham had one such. But not in floods, and these October 1483 floods do seem to have been notable. Buckingham must have been sobbing with the frustration of it all. I wouldn't be handing him my hanky. Let him blow his nose on his costly sleeve!
Sandra
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-14 12:05:30
Thank you for the moral support, Weds! I thought maybe it was just me whose
brain was hurting from trying to sort this stuff out! I am currently trying
to sort out my feelings and create some sort of chronology re: Tyrell and
Buckhingham and not having very much luck. I was also reading Chapter 10 of
*The Maligned King* last night - "Bones of Contention," and much enjoying
Annette Carson's dissection of the analysis of the "bones in the urn,"
summary of Hicks's characterization of Edward - and his apparent failure to
critically assess the analysis that was done in 1933. Also the unlikelihood
of the princes' bones being found 10 feet deep under or alongside the stairs
going into the White Tower. Her summary leads me to believe that an
up-to-date analysis of the bones is essential, at least to determine if they
are the boys' or not.
NGH!
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of wednesday_mc
Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 6:43 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Ngh!
(NOTE: This is a word used when a Ricardian's brain hurts after she has
tried for days to make sense of the details surrounding the disappearance of
the Little Terrors in the Tower. Other words used are not suitable for use
here.)
After reading Carol's erudite post (per below) and literally screeching like
a barn owl in frustration at the tangle provided by the available resources,
and the unavailability of reliable resources regarding everything to do with
those Tower Brats, I've come to believe that what separates the
Traditionalist from the Ricardian is that the Traditionalist throws up
his/her hands when looking at anything pre-1485 and flees in horror back to
the plethora of Tudor documentation/propaganda -- and *not* because Richard
did it.
By comparison, anyone loyal to Richard -- and like the most loyal horse or
dog imaginable -- keeps tracing and retracing what is available, no matter
how reliable/unreliable. There is something inside us that won't give up. We
continue hoping and believing if we just keep teasing through whatever we
have, we'll find something something -- anything -- we haven't seen or heard
or discovered before. Surely it's there...?
It has also occurred to me that the tangle of non-information may exist
precisely because Richard is innocent. Because heaven knows that the
documentation of the Tudors many judicial murders and off-with-their-heads
moments is solid and multiple and nauseatingly plentiful -- witness the many
books, textbooks, biographies, movies, romances, mini-series, documentaries
that make much money for their producers. And also because heaven knows if
The Tudor Company Ltd could have come up with any sort of original
documentation to damn Richard, they would have.
More and more, I'm thinking that we don't have proof of Richard's innocence
because the proof of his guilt was never there either. Because if Richard
were guilty, The Tudor Company Ltd would have seen it published in a hundred
gleeful, better forms than Vergil or More or Mancini or the Chronicles or
Old Bill.
I guess what I'm trying to say (and think) is that if Richard were guilty of
killing the littles, the proof should be there in spades. A murderer
*always* leaves evidence behind, but all we have evidence of is gossip.
That's not evidence of murder. Either Richard was the most gifted judicial
murderer ever (who managed to cover all his tracks and all the tracks of
those who helped him do this while he was on progress), or something's
rotten in the records.
Maybe we should do what criminal investigators in the U.S. do to determine
whether they have evidence that will stand in court. Per Wikipedia, in US
Criminal law, "means, motive, and opportunity" is a popular cultural
summation of the three aspects of a crime that must be established before
guilt can be determined in a criminal proceeding.
Respectively, they refer to:
(1) the ability of the defendant to commit the crime (means)
(2) the reason the defendant felt the need to commit the crime (motive)
(3) and whether or not the defendant had the chance to commit the crime
(opportunity)
Maybe we should list possible other suspects for the murder of the little
Brats? If none of those people had the means, motive and opportunity to kill
the darlings, then perhaps the argument of Richard having the means, motive
and opportunity to get them out of reach?
~Weds
<http://groups.yahoo.com/group/;_ylc=X3oDMTJlbXA3ZHZiB
F9TAzk3MzU5NzE0BGdycElkAzU1Mjc3OTEEZ3Jwc3BJZAMxNzA1Mjk3MzMzBHNlYwN2dGwEc2xrA
3ZnaHAEc3RpbWUDMTM2ODQ4MTM4Nw--> Visit Your Group
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jc3OTEEZ3Jwc3BJZAMxNzA1Mjk3MzMzBHNlYwNmdHIEc2xrA2dmcARzdGltZQMxMzY4NDgxMzg3>
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brain was hurting from trying to sort this stuff out! I am currently trying
to sort out my feelings and create some sort of chronology re: Tyrell and
Buckhingham and not having very much luck. I was also reading Chapter 10 of
*The Maligned King* last night - "Bones of Contention," and much enjoying
Annette Carson's dissection of the analysis of the "bones in the urn,"
summary of Hicks's characterization of Edward - and his apparent failure to
critically assess the analysis that was done in 1933. Also the unlikelihood
of the princes' bones being found 10 feet deep under or alongside the stairs
going into the White Tower. Her summary leads me to believe that an
up-to-date analysis of the bones is essential, at least to determine if they
are the boys' or not.
NGH!
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of wednesday_mc
Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 6:43 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Ngh!
(NOTE: This is a word used when a Ricardian's brain hurts after she has
tried for days to make sense of the details surrounding the disappearance of
the Little Terrors in the Tower. Other words used are not suitable for use
here.)
After reading Carol's erudite post (per below) and literally screeching like
a barn owl in frustration at the tangle provided by the available resources,
and the unavailability of reliable resources regarding everything to do with
those Tower Brats, I've come to believe that what separates the
Traditionalist from the Ricardian is that the Traditionalist throws up
his/her hands when looking at anything pre-1485 and flees in horror back to
the plethora of Tudor documentation/propaganda -- and *not* because Richard
did it.
By comparison, anyone loyal to Richard -- and like the most loyal horse or
dog imaginable -- keeps tracing and retracing what is available, no matter
how reliable/unreliable. There is something inside us that won't give up. We
continue hoping and believing if we just keep teasing through whatever we
have, we'll find something something -- anything -- we haven't seen or heard
or discovered before. Surely it's there...?
It has also occurred to me that the tangle of non-information may exist
precisely because Richard is innocent. Because heaven knows that the
documentation of the Tudors many judicial murders and off-with-their-heads
moments is solid and multiple and nauseatingly plentiful -- witness the many
books, textbooks, biographies, movies, romances, mini-series, documentaries
that make much money for their producers. And also because heaven knows if
The Tudor Company Ltd could have come up with any sort of original
documentation to damn Richard, they would have.
More and more, I'm thinking that we don't have proof of Richard's innocence
because the proof of his guilt was never there either. Because if Richard
were guilty, The Tudor Company Ltd would have seen it published in a hundred
gleeful, better forms than Vergil or More or Mancini or the Chronicles or
Old Bill.
I guess what I'm trying to say (and think) is that if Richard were guilty of
killing the littles, the proof should be there in spades. A murderer
*always* leaves evidence behind, but all we have evidence of is gossip.
That's not evidence of murder. Either Richard was the most gifted judicial
murderer ever (who managed to cover all his tracks and all the tracks of
those who helped him do this while he was on progress), or something's
rotten in the records.
Maybe we should do what criminal investigators in the U.S. do to determine
whether they have evidence that will stand in court. Per Wikipedia, in US
Criminal law, "means, motive, and opportunity" is a popular cultural
summation of the three aspects of a crime that must be established before
guilt can be determined in a criminal proceeding.
Respectively, they refer to:
(1) the ability of the defendant to commit the crime (means)
(2) the reason the defendant felt the need to commit the crime (motive)
(3) and whether or not the defendant had the chance to commit the crime
(opportunity)
Maybe we should list possible other suspects for the murder of the little
Brats? If none of those people had the means, motive and opportunity to kill
the darlings, then perhaps the argument of Richard having the means, motive
and opportunity to get them out of reach?
~Weds
<http://groups.yahoo.com/group/;_ylc=X3oDMTJlbXA3ZHZiB
F9TAzk3MzU5NzE0BGdycElkAzU1Mjc3OTEEZ3Jwc3BJZAMxNzA1Mjk3MzMzBHNlYwN2dGwEc2xrA
3ZnaHAEc3RpbWUDMTM2ODQ4MTM4Nw--> Visit Your Group
<http://groups.yahoo.com/;_ylc=X3oDMTJkZTU0amRmBF9TAzk3MzU5NzE0BGdycElkAzU1M
jc3OTEEZ3Jwc3BJZAMxNzA1Mjk3MzMzBHNlYwNmdHIEc2xrA2dmcARzdGltZQMxMzY4NDgxMzg3>
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Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-14 13:58:44
Just a probably stupid question. Would any of the records have been secreted by the Church and then eventually to the Vatican Archives? Those Archives seem to have secrets no one knows about.
On May 14, 2013, at 3:42 AM, "Hilary Jones" <hjnatdat@...<mailto:hjnatdat@...>> wrote:
I'm with you. When I joined this forum about six months' ago I thought the events of 1483 were the results of a few headless chickens (Hastings, Woodvilles, Buckingham) running round in an effort to stake out a new position in a new reign and that Richard was the unintended victim who just got in the way. Having dug a lot deeper round the edges I've come to believe it was much more complex and that the intended victim was the House of York which for some reason, despite Edward's affability, did not suit the Church and some landed magnates (Stanley comes to mind). MB is of course another matter; but why really would so many support her cause unless it suited their ends?
The Church? Well the two people who perceivably had no motive in 1483 were Stillington and Morton - yet the first arguably started the beginning of the end. Morton had been Lancastrian but he'd done well under Edward. I'm sure York or Canterbury would have come up for him before long and the Woodvilles, had they seized power with the new king, had no real need to discard him; he was a formidably intelligent man. We know he'd been exposed to Jasper Tudor in France, but why support his cause? There are so many unanswered questions and so much that answered them has been expunged. Oh how we need that box in the attic!
________________________________
From: SandraMachin <sandramachin@...<mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk>>
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 23:33
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Still thinking, I'm afraid. Never a good sign. Did Buckingham's choice of
Gloucester indicate his initial intention to support Henry Tudor's claim?
And did the floods leave him with three choices - (1) Take the long detour
and still go to Henry, in the south of the realm, hoping not to be
side-swiped and skirmished by Richard before he got there. On the hoof, so
to speak. (2) Disband his army, call it a day and go home to Brecon in time
for tea and tiffin in front of the roaring log fire. (3) Make use of the
army to go after Richard on his own account? It was a more direct thing to
go north up the higher land on the west bank of the river, cross at the
first opportunity above Worcester, and go face to face in battle formation
with Richard in the centre of the kingdom. By then he certainly would not be
thinking of Henry Tudor, but of himself. Buckingham had the claim,
Buckingham raised the army, Buckingham had taken on Richard, and if
Buckingham won it would be to put Buckingham on the throne, not some
Lancastrian half-Beaufort upstart without a legitimate claim. It all went
pear-shaped, of course, but that is how I am beginning to view Buckingham's
actions. Whatever his motives, I cannot respect him. He was no adornment to
his family or dukedom. Richard, already embittered by his treachery, would
have made mincemeat of him on a battlefield.
But yes, altogether there was a HUGE conspiracy going on across England,
working on so many levels it cannot be deciphered. Perhaps it could not be
deciphered even then. How many of them actually knew what others were up to?
All they knew was that they had the same aim. It had probably been building
from the moment the House of York settled on the throne. Only Edward IV's
strength as king kept them at bay. Richard was the conspiracy's ultimate
victim. His actions, justified and inevitable as they were, finally tipped
the balance and he paid the price for the removal of Henry VI and the House
of Lancaster. The fact that he was a good king made no difference at all. He
was the wrong House, and personal tragedy wounded and weakened him. The pack
moved in on their prey. I think it would have happened even if Edward V came
to the throne. They all wanted rid of York, and Edward V could only be
manipulated until he was of an age to think for himself. By then he might
have come to think well of his blood line. He might even think Uncle Richard
had some good ideas! So he would have to go, because he was House of York,
regardless of how much influence the Woodvilles had over him. Well, it all
succeeded...York was disposed of, and they got Tudor instead. Good luck to
them.
Sandra
-----Original Message-----
From: Pamela Bain
Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 10:05 PM
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>>
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
Very good thoughts..... And the plot to rid England of the Plantagenets went
on long before Richard. I am sure someone has taken a comprehensive look at
the Dynasty, but from a Ricardian viewpoint? Out of the bios for certain
would give much to think about and explore.
On May 13, 2013, at 3:59 PM, "Hilary Jones"
<mailto:hjnatdat%40yahoo.com<http://40yahoo.com><mailto:mailto:hjnatdat%40yahoo.com<http://40yahoo.com>>> wrote:
Sandra, I think this yet again enforces that there are so many things we
don't know. And it's intriguing how so much has disappeared, though by whose
hands we don't know.
Sometimes when you think we have only the 'chronicles' to rely on it's as
though we are back a millennium before, but then read a few wills and a few
Exchequer docs and these people lived in an age we could recognise. I like
you know the Severn, in fact I dodged its floods less than a decade ago on a
journey home from Bristol. What you say is very important. I think we have
to look outside the box, we seem to go over and over the same material.
Richard wasn't necessarily the centre of this, it was the plan to topple him
which was. I know others may disagree, but everything I've found out so far
points to it.
________________________________
From: SandraMachin
<mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk<http://40live.co.uk><mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk<http://40live.co.uk>>>
To:
mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com><mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>>
Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 18:41
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
Long post. Sorry. I found one thing about Buckinghamýs Flood, and one
thought led to another. You know how it is.
*October 1483 flood: ý'In the second year of Richard III in the month of
October 1483, as the Duke of Buckingham was advancing by long marches
through the Forest of Dean to Gloucester, where he designed to pass with his
army over the Severn, there was so great an inundation of water that men
were drowned in their beds, houses were overturned, children were carried
about the fields swimming in cradles, beasts were drowned on the hills.
Which rage of water lasted for ten days and nights, and it is to this day in
the counties thereabout called ýThe Great Waterý or ýThe Duke of Buckinghamýs
Waterý' (Gloucester Journal, November 1770).*
Not sure about the ýsecond yearý of Richard III, for surely it was the
first? But the October 1483 is definite enough as the time of Buckinghamýs
Rebellion. I cannot understand Buckingham attempting to cross the Severn at
Gloucester in a particularly wet October. Clearly he did not go back and
forth from Brecon all that often---once is all it would have taken me to get
the picture. It is the worst possible time---or around March---because
downstream of Worcester the tides are at their highest and most hazardous,
what with the Severn Bore and so on. The bridge at Gloucester would have
been isolated to the west by water. In the 15th century, before weirs and so
on stopped the Bore at Maisemore, the wave went far inland, past Tewkesbury
and as far as Worcester. It also went up the Avon from Tewkesbury.
Attempting to cross in bad weather anywhere below that, especially with an
army and everything that had to accompany it, would have been even more
hazardous than heavy-rain floods, because of the tides. Upstream of
Worcester, there would not be the Bore, but the floods themselves would have
been too wide and treacherous to even think of entering them. Even as far
north as Shrewsbury the river floods very badly and makes crossing
dangerous.
South of Worcester, floods AND the Bore combined would have been a
particularly fearful mix. And if Buckingham did indeed intend to cross at
Gloucester, which is why he is said to have approached through the Forest of
Dean, he would definitely encounter floods and strong tides together. Even
when the bore isnýt expected to be all that severe, the tides still come in
and out twice in twenty-four hours. The land west of Gloucester and the
river can be guaranteed to be flooded in weather as atrocious as that
October. Didnýt Buckingham seek advice before setting out? Or didnýt he have
any choice about the timing because all the plans had been firmly laid by
others who didnýt know how much the Severn had to be taken into account?
I have never really considered what Buckingham actually intended, and speak
only as someone intrigued by things in general. Was Buckingham planning to
join up with Henry Tudorýs invasion? He would choose Gloucester for this.
But if he intended to take the throne for himself, Iým convinced that to get
to Richard first, he would have set out at the beginning to cross further
north. But what do I know?
The Severn is still a sod of a river, and has to be treated with very
healthy respect. It claims a life or two every year even now, and until
recently there were always stories of people walking the sands near
Newnham-Arlingham at low water, families out for a stroll on a summer
evening, etc. That part of the river is a favourite beauty spot, with a
grand pub and lots of families on summer evenings. The inland sands are
golden and very inviting ý and then people are caught when the bore scurries
in. You can hear its roar long before you actually see it. No wonder the
Romans made offerings to this river. Iýve lived in and around Gloucester
since 1963, and no one here takes her lightly. My skin crawls when I am near
that silent, muddy, tidal water, then comes the noise, the bore and for a
couple of hours the river flows backward. Buckingham must have been stupid
(always likely) or forced to go ahead because other plans, i.e. Henry Tudor,
for the
rebellion gave him no option (possible). Either way he needed his bumps felt
IMHO. It cost him dear in the end.
On May 14, 2013, at 3:42 AM, "Hilary Jones" <hjnatdat@...<mailto:hjnatdat@...>> wrote:
I'm with you. When I joined this forum about six months' ago I thought the events of 1483 were the results of a few headless chickens (Hastings, Woodvilles, Buckingham) running round in an effort to stake out a new position in a new reign and that Richard was the unintended victim who just got in the way. Having dug a lot deeper round the edges I've come to believe it was much more complex and that the intended victim was the House of York which for some reason, despite Edward's affability, did not suit the Church and some landed magnates (Stanley comes to mind). MB is of course another matter; but why really would so many support her cause unless it suited their ends?
The Church? Well the two people who perceivably had no motive in 1483 were Stillington and Morton - yet the first arguably started the beginning of the end. Morton had been Lancastrian but he'd done well under Edward. I'm sure York or Canterbury would have come up for him before long and the Woodvilles, had they seized power with the new king, had no real need to discard him; he was a formidably intelligent man. We know he'd been exposed to Jasper Tudor in France, but why support his cause? There are so many unanswered questions and so much that answered them has been expunged. Oh how we need that box in the attic!
________________________________
From: SandraMachin <sandramachin@...<mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk>>
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 23:33
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Still thinking, I'm afraid. Never a good sign. Did Buckingham's choice of
Gloucester indicate his initial intention to support Henry Tudor's claim?
And did the floods leave him with three choices - (1) Take the long detour
and still go to Henry, in the south of the realm, hoping not to be
side-swiped and skirmished by Richard before he got there. On the hoof, so
to speak. (2) Disband his army, call it a day and go home to Brecon in time
for tea and tiffin in front of the roaring log fire. (3) Make use of the
army to go after Richard on his own account? It was a more direct thing to
go north up the higher land on the west bank of the river, cross at the
first opportunity above Worcester, and go face to face in battle formation
with Richard in the centre of the kingdom. By then he certainly would not be
thinking of Henry Tudor, but of himself. Buckingham had the claim,
Buckingham raised the army, Buckingham had taken on Richard, and if
Buckingham won it would be to put Buckingham on the throne, not some
Lancastrian half-Beaufort upstart without a legitimate claim. It all went
pear-shaped, of course, but that is how I am beginning to view Buckingham's
actions. Whatever his motives, I cannot respect him. He was no adornment to
his family or dukedom. Richard, already embittered by his treachery, would
have made mincemeat of him on a battlefield.
But yes, altogether there was a HUGE conspiracy going on across England,
working on so many levels it cannot be deciphered. Perhaps it could not be
deciphered even then. How many of them actually knew what others were up to?
All they knew was that they had the same aim. It had probably been building
from the moment the House of York settled on the throne. Only Edward IV's
strength as king kept them at bay. Richard was the conspiracy's ultimate
victim. His actions, justified and inevitable as they were, finally tipped
the balance and he paid the price for the removal of Henry VI and the House
of Lancaster. The fact that he was a good king made no difference at all. He
was the wrong House, and personal tragedy wounded and weakened him. The pack
moved in on their prey. I think it would have happened even if Edward V came
to the throne. They all wanted rid of York, and Edward V could only be
manipulated until he was of an age to think for himself. By then he might
have come to think well of his blood line. He might even think Uncle Richard
had some good ideas! So he would have to go, because he was House of York,
regardless of how much influence the Woodvilles had over him. Well, it all
succeeded...York was disposed of, and they got Tudor instead. Good luck to
them.
Sandra
-----Original Message-----
From: Pamela Bain
Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 10:05 PM
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>>
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
Very good thoughts..... And the plot to rid England of the Plantagenets went
on long before Richard. I am sure someone has taken a comprehensive look at
the Dynasty, but from a Ricardian viewpoint? Out of the bios for certain
would give much to think about and explore.
On May 13, 2013, at 3:59 PM, "Hilary Jones"
<mailto:hjnatdat%40yahoo.com<http://40yahoo.com><mailto:mailto:hjnatdat%40yahoo.com<http://40yahoo.com>>> wrote:
Sandra, I think this yet again enforces that there are so many things we
don't know. And it's intriguing how so much has disappeared, though by whose
hands we don't know.
Sometimes when you think we have only the 'chronicles' to rely on it's as
though we are back a millennium before, but then read a few wills and a few
Exchequer docs and these people lived in an age we could recognise. I like
you know the Severn, in fact I dodged its floods less than a decade ago on a
journey home from Bristol. What you say is very important. I think we have
to look outside the box, we seem to go over and over the same material.
Richard wasn't necessarily the centre of this, it was the plan to topple him
which was. I know others may disagree, but everything I've found out so far
points to it.
________________________________
From: SandraMachin
<mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk<http://40live.co.uk><mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk<http://40live.co.uk>>>
To:
mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com><mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>>
Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 18:41
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
Long post. Sorry. I found one thing about Buckinghamýs Flood, and one
thought led to another. You know how it is.
*October 1483 flood: ý'In the second year of Richard III in the month of
October 1483, as the Duke of Buckingham was advancing by long marches
through the Forest of Dean to Gloucester, where he designed to pass with his
army over the Severn, there was so great an inundation of water that men
were drowned in their beds, houses were overturned, children were carried
about the fields swimming in cradles, beasts were drowned on the hills.
Which rage of water lasted for ten days and nights, and it is to this day in
the counties thereabout called ýThe Great Waterý or ýThe Duke of Buckinghamýs
Waterý' (Gloucester Journal, November 1770).*
Not sure about the ýsecond yearý of Richard III, for surely it was the
first? But the October 1483 is definite enough as the time of Buckinghamýs
Rebellion. I cannot understand Buckingham attempting to cross the Severn at
Gloucester in a particularly wet October. Clearly he did not go back and
forth from Brecon all that often---once is all it would have taken me to get
the picture. It is the worst possible time---or around March---because
downstream of Worcester the tides are at their highest and most hazardous,
what with the Severn Bore and so on. The bridge at Gloucester would have
been isolated to the west by water. In the 15th century, before weirs and so
on stopped the Bore at Maisemore, the wave went far inland, past Tewkesbury
and as far as Worcester. It also went up the Avon from Tewkesbury.
Attempting to cross in bad weather anywhere below that, especially with an
army and everything that had to accompany it, would have been even more
hazardous than heavy-rain floods, because of the tides. Upstream of
Worcester, there would not be the Bore, but the floods themselves would have
been too wide and treacherous to even think of entering them. Even as far
north as Shrewsbury the river floods very badly and makes crossing
dangerous.
South of Worcester, floods AND the Bore combined would have been a
particularly fearful mix. And if Buckingham did indeed intend to cross at
Gloucester, which is why he is said to have approached through the Forest of
Dean, he would definitely encounter floods and strong tides together. Even
when the bore isnýt expected to be all that severe, the tides still come in
and out twice in twenty-four hours. The land west of Gloucester and the
river can be guaranteed to be flooded in weather as atrocious as that
October. Didnýt Buckingham seek advice before setting out? Or didnýt he have
any choice about the timing because all the plans had been firmly laid by
others who didnýt know how much the Severn had to be taken into account?
I have never really considered what Buckingham actually intended, and speak
only as someone intrigued by things in general. Was Buckingham planning to
join up with Henry Tudorýs invasion? He would choose Gloucester for this.
But if he intended to take the throne for himself, Iým convinced that to get
to Richard first, he would have set out at the beginning to cross further
north. But what do I know?
The Severn is still a sod of a river, and has to be treated with very
healthy respect. It claims a life or two every year even now, and until
recently there were always stories of people walking the sands near
Newnham-Arlingham at low water, families out for a stroll on a summer
evening, etc. That part of the river is a favourite beauty spot, with a
grand pub and lots of families on summer evenings. The inland sands are
golden and very inviting ý and then people are caught when the bore scurries
in. You can hear its roar long before you actually see it. No wonder the
Romans made offerings to this river. Iýve lived in and around Gloucester
since 1963, and no one here takes her lightly. My skin crawls when I am near
that silent, muddy, tidal water, then comes the noise, the bore and for a
couple of hours the river flows backward. Buckingham must have been stupid
(always likely) or forced to go ahead because other plans, i.e. Henry Tudor,
for the
rebellion gave him no option (possible). Either way he needed his bumps felt
IMHO. It cost him dear in the end.
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-14 14:26:45
It's not at all a stupid question. The fact that the unlovely H8 was happy to get rid of the influence of the Pope etc (potentially at the cost of damnation of his soul) says a lot.
________________________________
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...>
To: "<>" <>
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 13:58
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Just a probably stupid question. Would any of the records have been secreted by the Church and then eventually to the Vatican Archives? Those Archives seem to have secrets no one knows about.
On May 14, 2013, at 3:42 AM, "Hilary Jones" <hjnatdat@...<mailto:hjnatdat@...>> wrote:
I'm with you. When I joined this forum about six months' ago I thought the events of 1483 were the results of a few headless chickens (Hastings, Woodvilles, Buckingham) running round in an effort to stake out a new position in a new reign and that Richard was the unintended victim who just got in the way. Having dug a lot deeper round the edges I've come to believe it was much more complex and that the intended victim was the House of York which for some reason, despite Edward's affability, did not suit the Church and some landed magnates (Stanley comes to mind). MB is of course another matter; but why really would so many support her cause unless it suited their ends?
The Church? Well the two people who perceivably had no motive in 1483 were Stillington and Morton - yet the first arguably started the beginning of the end. Morton had been Lancastrian but he'd done well under Edward. I'm sure York or Canterbury would have come up for him before long and the Woodvilles, had they seized power with the new king, had no real need to discard him; he was a formidably intelligent man. We know he'd been exposed to Jasper Tudor in France, but why support his cause? There are so many unanswered questions and so much that answered them has been expunged. Oh how we need that box in the attic!
________________________________
From: SandraMachin <sandramachin@...<mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk>>
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 23:33
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Still thinking, I'm afraid. Never a good sign. Did Buckingham's choice of
Gloucester indicate his initial intention to support Henry Tudor's claim?
And did the floods leave him with three choices - (1) Take the long detour
and still go to Henry, in the south of the realm, hoping not to be
side-swiped and skirmished by Richard before he got there. On the hoof, so
to speak. (2) Disband his army, call it a day and go home to Brecon in time
for tea and tiffin in front of the roaring log fire. (3) Make use of the
army to go after Richard on his own account? It was a more direct thing to
go north up the higher land on the west bank of the river, cross at the
first opportunity above Worcester, and go face to face in battle formation
with Richard in the centre of the kingdom. By then he certainly would not be
thinking of Henry Tudor, but of himself. Buckingham had the claim,
Buckingham raised the army, Buckingham had taken on Richard, and if
Buckingham won it would be to put Buckingham on the throne, not some
Lancastrian half-Beaufort upstart without a legitimate claim. It all went
pear-shaped, of course, but that is how I am beginning to view Buckingham's
actions. Whatever his motives, I cannot respect him. He was no adornment to
his family or dukedom. Richard, already embittered by his treachery, would
have made mincemeat of him on a battlefield.
But yes, altogether there was a HUGE conspiracy going on across England,
working on so many levels it cannot be deciphered. Perhaps it could not be
deciphered even then. How many of them actually knew what others were up to?
All they knew was that they had the same aim. It had probably been building
from the moment the House of York settled on the throne. Only Edward IV's
strength as king kept them at bay. Richard was the conspiracy's ultimate
victim. His actions, justified and inevitable as they were, finally tipped
the balance and he paid the price for the removal of Henry VI and the House
of Lancaster. The fact that he was a good king made no difference at all. He
was the wrong House, and personal tragedy wounded and weakened him. The pack
moved in on their prey. I think it would have happened even if Edward V came
to the throne. They all wanted rid of York, and Edward V could only be
manipulated until he was of an age to think for himself. By then he might
have come to think well of his blood line. He might even think Uncle Richard
had some good ideas! So he would have to go, because he was House of York,
regardless of how much influence the Woodvilles had over him. Well, it all
succeeded...York was disposed of, and they got Tudor instead. Good luck to
them.
Sandra
-----Original Message-----
From: Pamela Bain
Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 10:05 PM
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>>
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
Very good thoughts..... And the plot to rid England of the Plantagenets went
on long before Richard. I am sure someone has taken a comprehensive look at
the Dynasty, but from a Ricardian viewpoint? Out of the bios for certain
would give much to think about and explore.
On May 13, 2013, at 3:59 PM, "Hilary Jones"
<mailto:hjnatdat%40yahoo.com<http://40yahoo.com><mailto:mailto:hjnatdat%40yahoo.com<http://40yahoo.com>>> wrote:
Sandra, I think this yet again enforces that there are so many things we
don't know. And it's intriguing how so much has disappeared, though by whose
hands we don't know.
Sometimes when you think we have only the 'chronicles' to rely on it's as
though we are back a millennium before, but then read a few wills and a few
Exchequer docs and these people lived in an age we could recognise. I like
you know the Severn, in fact I dodged its floods less than a decade ago on a
journey home from Bristol. What you say is very important. I think we have
to look outside the box, we seem to go over and over the same material.
Richard wasn't necessarily the centre of this, it was the plan to topple him
which was. I know others may disagree, but everything I've found out so far
points to it.
________________________________
From: SandraMachin
<mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk<http://40live.co.uk><mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk<http://40live.co.uk>>>
To:
mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com><mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>>
Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 18:41
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
Long post. Sorry. I found one thing about Buckingham's Flood, and one
thought led to another. You know how it is.
*October 1483 flood: 'In the second year of Richard III in the month of
October 1483, as the Duke of Buckingham was advancing by long marches
through the Forest of Dean to Gloucester, where he designed to pass with his
army over the Severn, there was so great an inundation of water that men
were drowned in their beds, houses were overturned, children were carried
about the fields swimming in cradles, beasts were drowned on the hills.
Which rage of water lasted for ten days and nights, and it is to this day in
the counties thereabout called The Great Water' or The Duke of Buckingham's
Water'' (Gloucester Journal, November 1770).*
Not sure about the second year' of Richard III, for surely it was the
first? But the October 1483 is definite enough as the time of Buckingham's
Rebellion. I cannot understand Buckingham attempting to cross the Severn at
Gloucester in a particularly wet October. Clearly he did not go back and
forth from Brecon all that often---once is all it would have taken me to get
the picture. It is the worst possible time---or around March---because
downstream of Worcester the tides are at their highest and most hazardous,
what with the Severn Bore and so on. The bridge at Gloucester would have
been isolated to the west by water. In the 15th century, before weirs and so
on stopped the Bore at Maisemore, the wave went far inland, past Tewkesbury
and as far as Worcester. It also went up the Avon from Tewkesbury.
Attempting to cross in bad weather anywhere below that, especially with an
army and everything that had to accompany it, would have been even more
hazardous than heavy-rain floods, because of the tides. Upstream of
Worcester, there would not be the Bore, but the floods themselves would have
been too wide and treacherous to even think of entering them. Even as far
north as Shrewsbury the river floods very badly and makes crossing
dangerous.
South of Worcester, floods AND the Bore combined would have been a
particularly fearful mix. And if Buckingham did indeed intend to cross at
Gloucester, which is why he is said to have approached through the Forest of
Dean, he would definitely encounter floods and strong tides together. Even
when the bore isn't expected to be all that severe, the tides still come in
and out twice in twenty-four hours. The land west of Gloucester and the
river can be guaranteed to be flooded in weather as atrocious as that
October. Didn't Buckingham seek advice before setting out? Or didn't he have
any choice about the timing because all the plans had been firmly laid by
others who didn't know how much the Severn had to be taken into account?
I have never really considered what Buckingham actually intended, and speak
only as someone intrigued by things in general. Was Buckingham planning to
join up with Henry Tudor's invasion? He would choose Gloucester for this.
But if he intended to take the throne for himself, I'm convinced that to get
to Richard first, he would have set out at the beginning to cross further
north. But what do I know?
The Severn is still a sod of a river, and has to be treated with very
healthy respect. It claims a life or two every year even now, and until
recently there were always stories of people walking the sands near
Newnham-Arlingham at low water, families out for a stroll on a summer
evening, etc. That part of the river is a favourite beauty spot, with a
grand pub and lots of families on summer evenings. The inland sands are
golden and very inviting and then people are caught when the bore scurries
in. You can hear its roar long before you actually see it. No wonder the
Romans made offerings to this river. I've lived in and around Gloucester
since 1963, and no one here takes her lightly. My skin crawls when I am near
that silent, muddy, tidal water, then comes the noise, the bore and for a
couple of hours the river flows backward. Buckingham must have been stupid
(always likely) or forced to go ahead because other plans, i.e. Henry Tudor,
for the
rebellion gave him no option (possible). Either way he needed his bumps felt
IMHO. It cost him dear in the end.
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
________________________________
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...>
To: "<>" <>
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 13:58
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Just a probably stupid question. Would any of the records have been secreted by the Church and then eventually to the Vatican Archives? Those Archives seem to have secrets no one knows about.
On May 14, 2013, at 3:42 AM, "Hilary Jones" <hjnatdat@...<mailto:hjnatdat@...>> wrote:
I'm with you. When I joined this forum about six months' ago I thought the events of 1483 were the results of a few headless chickens (Hastings, Woodvilles, Buckingham) running round in an effort to stake out a new position in a new reign and that Richard was the unintended victim who just got in the way. Having dug a lot deeper round the edges I've come to believe it was much more complex and that the intended victim was the House of York which for some reason, despite Edward's affability, did not suit the Church and some landed magnates (Stanley comes to mind). MB is of course another matter; but why really would so many support her cause unless it suited their ends?
The Church? Well the two people who perceivably had no motive in 1483 were Stillington and Morton - yet the first arguably started the beginning of the end. Morton had been Lancastrian but he'd done well under Edward. I'm sure York or Canterbury would have come up for him before long and the Woodvilles, had they seized power with the new king, had no real need to discard him; he was a formidably intelligent man. We know he'd been exposed to Jasper Tudor in France, but why support his cause? There are so many unanswered questions and so much that answered them has been expunged. Oh how we need that box in the attic!
________________________________
From: SandraMachin <sandramachin@...<mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk>>
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 23:33
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Still thinking, I'm afraid. Never a good sign. Did Buckingham's choice of
Gloucester indicate his initial intention to support Henry Tudor's claim?
And did the floods leave him with three choices - (1) Take the long detour
and still go to Henry, in the south of the realm, hoping not to be
side-swiped and skirmished by Richard before he got there. On the hoof, so
to speak. (2) Disband his army, call it a day and go home to Brecon in time
for tea and tiffin in front of the roaring log fire. (3) Make use of the
army to go after Richard on his own account? It was a more direct thing to
go north up the higher land on the west bank of the river, cross at the
first opportunity above Worcester, and go face to face in battle formation
with Richard in the centre of the kingdom. By then he certainly would not be
thinking of Henry Tudor, but of himself. Buckingham had the claim,
Buckingham raised the army, Buckingham had taken on Richard, and if
Buckingham won it would be to put Buckingham on the throne, not some
Lancastrian half-Beaufort upstart without a legitimate claim. It all went
pear-shaped, of course, but that is how I am beginning to view Buckingham's
actions. Whatever his motives, I cannot respect him. He was no adornment to
his family or dukedom. Richard, already embittered by his treachery, would
have made mincemeat of him on a battlefield.
But yes, altogether there was a HUGE conspiracy going on across England,
working on so many levels it cannot be deciphered. Perhaps it could not be
deciphered even then. How many of them actually knew what others were up to?
All they knew was that they had the same aim. It had probably been building
from the moment the House of York settled on the throne. Only Edward IV's
strength as king kept them at bay. Richard was the conspiracy's ultimate
victim. His actions, justified and inevitable as they were, finally tipped
the balance and he paid the price for the removal of Henry VI and the House
of Lancaster. The fact that he was a good king made no difference at all. He
was the wrong House, and personal tragedy wounded and weakened him. The pack
moved in on their prey. I think it would have happened even if Edward V came
to the throne. They all wanted rid of York, and Edward V could only be
manipulated until he was of an age to think for himself. By then he might
have come to think well of his blood line. He might even think Uncle Richard
had some good ideas! So he would have to go, because he was House of York,
regardless of how much influence the Woodvilles had over him. Well, it all
succeeded...York was disposed of, and they got Tudor instead. Good luck to
them.
Sandra
-----Original Message-----
From: Pamela Bain
Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 10:05 PM
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>>
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
Very good thoughts..... And the plot to rid England of the Plantagenets went
on long before Richard. I am sure someone has taken a comprehensive look at
the Dynasty, but from a Ricardian viewpoint? Out of the bios for certain
would give much to think about and explore.
On May 13, 2013, at 3:59 PM, "Hilary Jones"
<mailto:hjnatdat%40yahoo.com<http://40yahoo.com><mailto:mailto:hjnatdat%40yahoo.com<http://40yahoo.com>>> wrote:
Sandra, I think this yet again enforces that there are so many things we
don't know. And it's intriguing how so much has disappeared, though by whose
hands we don't know.
Sometimes when you think we have only the 'chronicles' to rely on it's as
though we are back a millennium before, but then read a few wills and a few
Exchequer docs and these people lived in an age we could recognise. I like
you know the Severn, in fact I dodged its floods less than a decade ago on a
journey home from Bristol. What you say is very important. I think we have
to look outside the box, we seem to go over and over the same material.
Richard wasn't necessarily the centre of this, it was the plan to topple him
which was. I know others may disagree, but everything I've found out so far
points to it.
________________________________
From: SandraMachin
<mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk<http://40live.co.uk><mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk<http://40live.co.uk>>>
To:
mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com><mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>>
Sent: Monday, 13 May 2013, 18:41
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
Long post. Sorry. I found one thing about Buckingham's Flood, and one
thought led to another. You know how it is.
*October 1483 flood: 'In the second year of Richard III in the month of
October 1483, as the Duke of Buckingham was advancing by long marches
through the Forest of Dean to Gloucester, where he designed to pass with his
army over the Severn, there was so great an inundation of water that men
were drowned in their beds, houses were overturned, children were carried
about the fields swimming in cradles, beasts were drowned on the hills.
Which rage of water lasted for ten days and nights, and it is to this day in
the counties thereabout called The Great Water' or The Duke of Buckingham's
Water'' (Gloucester Journal, November 1770).*
Not sure about the second year' of Richard III, for surely it was the
first? But the October 1483 is definite enough as the time of Buckingham's
Rebellion. I cannot understand Buckingham attempting to cross the Severn at
Gloucester in a particularly wet October. Clearly he did not go back and
forth from Brecon all that often---once is all it would have taken me to get
the picture. It is the worst possible time---or around March---because
downstream of Worcester the tides are at their highest and most hazardous,
what with the Severn Bore and so on. The bridge at Gloucester would have
been isolated to the west by water. In the 15th century, before weirs and so
on stopped the Bore at Maisemore, the wave went far inland, past Tewkesbury
and as far as Worcester. It also went up the Avon from Tewkesbury.
Attempting to cross in bad weather anywhere below that, especially with an
army and everything that had to accompany it, would have been even more
hazardous than heavy-rain floods, because of the tides. Upstream of
Worcester, there would not be the Bore, but the floods themselves would have
been too wide and treacherous to even think of entering them. Even as far
north as Shrewsbury the river floods very badly and makes crossing
dangerous.
South of Worcester, floods AND the Bore combined would have been a
particularly fearful mix. And if Buckingham did indeed intend to cross at
Gloucester, which is why he is said to have approached through the Forest of
Dean, he would definitely encounter floods and strong tides together. Even
when the bore isn't expected to be all that severe, the tides still come in
and out twice in twenty-four hours. The land west of Gloucester and the
river can be guaranteed to be flooded in weather as atrocious as that
October. Didn't Buckingham seek advice before setting out? Or didn't he have
any choice about the timing because all the plans had been firmly laid by
others who didn't know how much the Severn had to be taken into account?
I have never really considered what Buckingham actually intended, and speak
only as someone intrigued by things in general. Was Buckingham planning to
join up with Henry Tudor's invasion? He would choose Gloucester for this.
But if he intended to take the throne for himself, I'm convinced that to get
to Richard first, he would have set out at the beginning to cross further
north. But what do I know?
The Severn is still a sod of a river, and has to be treated with very
healthy respect. It claims a life or two every year even now, and until
recently there were always stories of people walking the sands near
Newnham-Arlingham at low water, families out for a stroll on a summer
evening, etc. That part of the river is a favourite beauty spot, with a
grand pub and lots of families on summer evenings. The inland sands are
golden and very inviting and then people are caught when the bore scurries
in. You can hear its roar long before you actually see it. No wonder the
Romans made offerings to this river. I've lived in and around Gloucester
since 1963, and no one here takes her lightly. My skin crawls when I am near
that silent, muddy, tidal water, then comes the noise, the bore and for a
couple of hours the river flows backward. Buckingham must have been stupid
(always likely) or forced to go ahead because other plans, i.e. Henry Tudor,
for the
rebellion gave him no option (possible). Either way he needed his bumps felt
IMHO. It cost him dear in the end.
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-14 14:36:01
Hi, All
Well, is there any place that personal papers of a person like Morton would have been retained? At his episcopal seat, perhaps, assuming he didn't have relatives. I could see a man like Morton doing a lot of shredding and burning in his day!
I've got a copy of *The Deceivers* I haven't opened as of this date, something I'm looking forward to. Something else occurs to me . . . has anyone done a definitive bio of Morton? Now, wouldn't that be a fascinating study!
Regardless, searches of the Vatican archives might turn up a lot of interesting stuff, I would think, for our period. I wish I could do it but I don't have the knowledge of the languages and scripts that would be necessary. Pity!
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From: [mailto:] On Behalf Of Hilary Jones
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 10:27 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
It's not at all a stupid question. The fact that the unlovely H8 was happy to get rid of the influence of the Pope etc (potentially at the cost of damnation of his soul) says a lot.
________________________________
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@... <mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com> >
To: "< <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> >" < <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> >
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 13:58
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Just a probably stupid question. Would any of the records have been secreted by the Church and then eventually to the Vatican Archives? Those Archives seem to have secrets no one knows about.
_._,_.___
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Well, is there any place that personal papers of a person like Morton would have been retained? At his episcopal seat, perhaps, assuming he didn't have relatives. I could see a man like Morton doing a lot of shredding and burning in his day!
I've got a copy of *The Deceivers* I haven't opened as of this date, something I'm looking forward to. Something else occurs to me . . . has anyone done a definitive bio of Morton? Now, wouldn't that be a fascinating study!
Regardless, searches of the Vatican archives might turn up a lot of interesting stuff, I would think, for our period. I wish I could do it but I don't have the knowledge of the languages and scripts that would be necessary. Pity!
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From: [mailto:] On Behalf Of Hilary Jones
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 10:27 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
It's not at all a stupid question. The fact that the unlovely H8 was happy to get rid of the influence of the Pope etc (potentially at the cost of damnation of his soul) says a lot.
________________________________
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@... <mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com> >
To: "< <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> >" < <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> >
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 13:58
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Just a probably stupid question. Would any of the records have been secreted by the Church and then eventually to the Vatican Archives? Those Archives seem to have secrets no one knows about.
_._,_.___
<http://groups.yahoo.com/group//post;_ylc=X3oDMTJxbGZmYXZ0BF9TAzk3MzU5NzE0BGdycElkAzU1Mjc3OTEEZ3Jwc3BJZAMxNzA1Mjk3MzMzBG1zZ0lkAzM1ODU5BHNlYwNmdHIEc2xrA3JwbHkEc3RpbWUDMTM2ODUzODAwNg--?act=reply&messageNum=35859> Reply via web post
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Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-14 14:50:50
Don't know what this is, but here's the link anyway. http://www.amazon.co.uk/Life-John-Morton-Archbishop-Canterbury/dp/1103690094/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1368539271&sr=8-2&keywords=archbishop+morton There's only one at Amazon. If it's something stupid, I didn't tell anyone.
Sandra
Sandra
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-14 14:52:44
Erm, no. There's more than one.
From: SandraMachin
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 2:50 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Don't know what this is, but here's the link anyway. http://www.amazon.co.uk/Life-John-Morton-Archbishop-Canterbury/dp/1103690094/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1368539271&sr=8-2&keywords=archbishop+morton There's only one at Amazon. If it's something stupid, I didn't tell anyone.
Sandra
From: SandraMachin
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 2:50 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Don't know what this is, but here's the link anyway. http://www.amazon.co.uk/Life-John-Morton-Archbishop-Canterbury/dp/1103690094/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1368539271&sr=8-2&keywords=archbishop+morton There's only one at Amazon. If it's something stupid, I didn't tell anyone.
Sandra
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-14 14:53:11
So, could we perhaps "suggest" some Vatican scholar to study the "last Catholic Plantagenet"?
On May 14, 2013, at 8:36 AM, "Johanne Tournier" <jltournier60@...<mailto:jltournier60@...>> wrote:
Hi, All
Well, is there any place that personal papers of a person like Morton would have been retained? At his episcopal seat, perhaps, assuming he didn't have relatives. I could see a man like Morton doing a lot of shredding and burning in his day!
I've got a copy of *The Deceivers* I haven't opened as of this date, something I'm looking forward to. Something else occurs to me . . . has anyone done a definitive bio of Morton? Now, wouldn't that be a fascinating study!
Regardless, searches of the Vatican archives might turn up a lot of interesting stuff, I would think, for our period. I wish I could do it but I don't have the knowledge of the languages and scripts that would be necessary. Pity!
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...<mailto:jltournier60%40hotmail.com>
or jltournier@...<mailto:jltournier%40xcountry.tv>
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> [mailto:<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>] On Behalf Of Hilary Jones
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 10:27 AM
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
It's not at all a stupid question. The fact that the unlovely H8 was happy to get rid of the influence of the Pope etc (potentially at the cost of damnation of his soul) says a lot.
________________________________
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...<mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com> <mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com<http://40bmbi.com>> >
To: "<<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>> >" <<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>> >
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 13:58
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Just a probably stupid question. Would any of the records have been secreted by the Church and then eventually to the Vatican Archives? Those Archives seem to have secrets no one knows about.
_._,_.___
<http://groups.yahoo.com/group//post;_ylc=X3oDMTJxbGZmYXZ0BF9TAzk3MzU5NzE0BGdycElkAzU1Mjc3OTEEZ3Jwc3BJZAMxNzA1Mjk3MzMzBG1zZ0lkAzM1ODU5BHNlYwNmdHIEc2xrA3JwbHkEc3RpbWUDMTM2ODUzODAwNg--?act=reply&messageNum=35859> Reply via web post
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On May 14, 2013, at 8:36 AM, "Johanne Tournier" <jltournier60@...<mailto:jltournier60@...>> wrote:
Hi, All
Well, is there any place that personal papers of a person like Morton would have been retained? At his episcopal seat, perhaps, assuming he didn't have relatives. I could see a man like Morton doing a lot of shredding and burning in his day!
I've got a copy of *The Deceivers* I haven't opened as of this date, something I'm looking forward to. Something else occurs to me . . . has anyone done a definitive bio of Morton? Now, wouldn't that be a fascinating study!
Regardless, searches of the Vatican archives might turn up a lot of interesting stuff, I would think, for our period. I wish I could do it but I don't have the knowledge of the languages and scripts that would be necessary. Pity!
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...<mailto:jltournier60%40hotmail.com>
or jltournier@...<mailto:jltournier%40xcountry.tv>
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> [mailto:<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>] On Behalf Of Hilary Jones
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 10:27 AM
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
It's not at all a stupid question. The fact that the unlovely H8 was happy to get rid of the influence of the Pope etc (potentially at the cost of damnation of his soul) says a lot.
________________________________
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...<mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com> <mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com<http://40bmbi.com>> >
To: "<<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>> >" <<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>> >
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 13:58
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Just a probably stupid question. Would any of the records have been secreted by the Church and then eventually to the Vatican Archives? Those Archives seem to have secrets no one knows about.
_._,_.___
<http://groups.yahoo.com/group//post;_ylc=X3oDMTJxbGZmYXZ0BF9TAzk3MzU5NzE0BGdycElkAzU1Mjc3OTEEZ3Jwc3BJZAMxNzA1Mjk3MzMzBG1zZ0lkAzM1ODU5BHNlYwNmdHIEc2xrA3JwbHkEc3RpbWUDMTM2ODUzODAwNg--?act=reply&messageNum=35859> Reply via web post
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Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-14 15:06:40
A good R3 scholarship I'd have thought?
________________________________
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...>
To: "<>" <>
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 14:53
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
So, could we perhaps "suggest" some Vatican scholar to study the "last Catholic Plantagenet"?
On May 14, 2013, at 8:36 AM, "Johanne Tournier" <jltournier60@...<mailto:jltournier60@...>> wrote:
Hi, All
Well, is there any place that personal papers of a person like Morton would have been retained? At his episcopal seat, perhaps, assuming he didn't have relatives. I could see a man like Morton doing a lot of shredding and burning in his day!
I've got a copy of *The Deceivers* I haven't opened as of this date, something I'm looking forward to. Something else occurs to me . . . has anyone done a definitive bio of Morton? Now, wouldn't that be a fascinating study!
Regardless, searches of the Vatican archives might turn up a lot of interesting stuff, I would think, for our period. I wish I could do it but I don't have the knowledge of the languages and scripts that would be necessary. Pity!
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...<mailto:jltournier60%40hotmail.com>
or jltournier@...<mailto:jltournier%40xcountry.tv>
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> [mailto:<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>] On Behalf Of Hilary Jones
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 10:27 AM
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
It's not at all a stupid question. The fact that the unlovely H8 was happy to get rid of the influence of the Pope etc (potentially at the cost of damnation of his soul) says a lot.
________________________________
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...<mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com> <mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com<http://40bmbi.com>> >
To: "<<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>> >" <<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>> >
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 13:58
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Just a probably stupid question. Would any of the records have been secreted by the Church and then eventually to the Vatican Archives? Those Archives seem to have secrets no one knows about.
_._,_.___
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________________________________
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...>
To: "<>" <>
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 14:53
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
So, could we perhaps "suggest" some Vatican scholar to study the "last Catholic Plantagenet"?
On May 14, 2013, at 8:36 AM, "Johanne Tournier" <jltournier60@...<mailto:jltournier60@...>> wrote:
Hi, All
Well, is there any place that personal papers of a person like Morton would have been retained? At his episcopal seat, perhaps, assuming he didn't have relatives. I could see a man like Morton doing a lot of shredding and burning in his day!
I've got a copy of *The Deceivers* I haven't opened as of this date, something I'm looking forward to. Something else occurs to me . . . has anyone done a definitive bio of Morton? Now, wouldn't that be a fascinating study!
Regardless, searches of the Vatican archives might turn up a lot of interesting stuff, I would think, for our period. I wish I could do it but I don't have the knowledge of the languages and scripts that would be necessary. Pity!
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...<mailto:jltournier60%40hotmail.com>
or jltournier@...<mailto:jltournier%40xcountry.tv>
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> [mailto:<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>] On Behalf Of Hilary Jones
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 10:27 AM
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
It's not at all a stupid question. The fact that the unlovely H8 was happy to get rid of the influence of the Pope etc (potentially at the cost of damnation of his soul) says a lot.
________________________________
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...<mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com> <mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com<http://40bmbi.com>> >
To: "<<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>> >" <<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>> >
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 13:58
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Just a probably stupid question. Would any of the records have been secreted by the Church and then eventually to the Vatican Archives? Those Archives seem to have secrets no one knows about.
_._,_.___
<http://groups.yahoo.com/group//post;_ylc=X3oDMTJxbGZmYXZ0BF9TAzk3MzU5NzE0BGdycElkAzU1Mjc3OTEEZ3Jwc3BJZAMxNzA1Mjk3MzMzBG1zZ0lkAzM1ODU5BHNlYwNmdHIEc2xrA3JwbHkEc3RpbWUDMTM2ODUzODAwNg--?act=reply&messageNum=35859> Reply via web post
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Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-14 15:07:12
He seems to be going cheap!! :)
________________________________
From: SandraMachin <sandramachin@...>
To:
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 14:52
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Erm, no. There's more than one.
From: SandraMachin
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 2:50 PM
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Don't know what this is, but here's the link anyway. http://www.amazon.co.uk/Life-John-Morton-Archbishop-Canterbury/dp/1103690094/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1368539271&sr=8-2&keywords=archbishop+morton There's only one at Amazon. If it's something stupid, I didn't tell anyone.
Sandra
________________________________
From: SandraMachin <sandramachin@...>
To:
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 14:52
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Erm, no. There's more than one.
From: SandraMachin
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 2:50 PM
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Don't know what this is, but here's the link anyway. http://www.amazon.co.uk/Life-John-Morton-Archbishop-Canterbury/dp/1103690094/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1368539271&sr=8-2&keywords=archbishop+morton There's only one at Amazon. If it's something stupid, I didn't tell anyone.
Sandra
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-14 15:16:21
Or you can go to Google Books & download from there (at least I just did).
http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=l1ILAAAAYAAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA1&dq=reginald+illingworth+woodhouse&ots=U72DK76hOv&sig=43mpBVnMo49rKeR3_ufc5wfwxuY
A J
On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 8:50 AM, SandraMachin <sandramachin@...>wrote:
> **
>
>
> Donýt know what this is, but hereýs the link anyway.
> http://www.amazon.co.uk/Life-John-Morton-Archbishop-Canterbury/dp/1103690094/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1368539271&sr=8-2&keywords=archbishop+mortonThere%ef%bf%bds only one at Amazon. If itýs something stupid, I didnýt tell anyone.
>
> Sandra
>
>
>
>
>
>
http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=l1ILAAAAYAAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA1&dq=reginald+illingworth+woodhouse&ots=U72DK76hOv&sig=43mpBVnMo49rKeR3_ufc5wfwxuY
A J
On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 8:50 AM, SandraMachin <sandramachin@...>wrote:
> **
>
>
> Donýt know what this is, but hereýs the link anyway.
> http://www.amazon.co.uk/Life-John-Morton-Archbishop-Canterbury/dp/1103690094/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1368539271&sr=8-2&keywords=archbishop+mortonThere%ef%bf%bds only one at Amazon. If itýs something stupid, I didnýt tell anyone.
>
> Sandra
>
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-14 15:17:23
I'm sure there's an equally witty answer to that. I just can't think of it. <grin>
From: Hilary Jones
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 3:07 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
He seems to be going cheap!! :)
________________________________
From: SandraMachin <mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk>
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 14:52
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Erm, no. There's more than one.
From: SandraMachin
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 2:50 PM
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Don't know what this is, but here's the link anyway. http://www.amazon.co.uk/Life-John-Morton-Archbishop-Canterbury/dp/1103690094/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1368539271&sr=8-2&keywords=archbishop+morton There's only one at Amazon. If it's something stupid, I didn't tell anyone.
From: Hilary Jones
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 3:07 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
He seems to be going cheap!! :)
________________________________
From: SandraMachin <mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk>
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 14:52
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Erm, no. There's more than one.
From: SandraMachin
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 2:50 PM
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Don't know what this is, but here's the link anyway. http://www.amazon.co.uk/Life-John-Morton-Archbishop-Canterbury/dp/1103690094/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1368539271&sr=8-2&keywords=archbishop+morton There's only one at Amazon. If it's something stupid, I didn't tell anyone.
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-14 15:20:17
Oh great idea....Maybe University of Leicester could encourage that!!! Since they are taking claim to everything else, this should be a natural for the Uni.
________________________________
From: [mailto:] On Behalf Of Hilary Jones
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 9:07 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
A good R3 scholarship I'd have thought?
________________________________
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...<mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com>>
To: "<<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>>" <<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>>
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 14:53
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
So, could we perhaps "suggest" some Vatican scholar to study the "last Catholic Plantagenet"?
On May 14, 2013, at 8:36 AM, "Johanne Tournier" <jltournier60@...<mailto:jltournier60%40hotmail.com><mailto:jltournier60@...<mailto:jltournier60%40hotmail.com>>> wrote:
Hi, All -
Well, is there any place that personal papers of a person like Morton would have been retained? At his episcopal seat, perhaps, assuming he didn't have relatives. I could see a man like Morton doing a lot of shredding and burning in his day!
I've got a copy of *The Deceivers* I haven't opened as of this date, something I'm looking forward to. Something else occurs to me . . . has anyone done a definitive bio of Morton? Now, wouldn't that be a fascinating study!
Regardless, searches of the Vatican archives might turn up a lot of interesting stuff, I would think, for our period. I wish I could do it - but I don't have the knowledge of the languages and scripts that would be necessary. Pity!
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...<mailto:jltournier60%40hotmail.com><mailto:jltournier60%40hotmail.com>
or jltournier@...<mailto:jltournier%40xcountry.tv><mailto:jltournier%40xcountry.tv>
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com><mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> [mailto:<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com><mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>] On Behalf Of Hilary Jones
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 10:27 AM
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com><mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
It's not at all a stupid question. The fact that the unlovely H8 was happy to get rid of the influence of the Pope etc (potentially at the cost of damnation of his soul) says a lot.
________________________________
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...<mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com><mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com> <mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com<http://40bmbi.com>> >
To: "<<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com><mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>> >" <<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com><mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>> >
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 13:58
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Just a probably stupid question. Would any of the records have been secreted by the Church and then eventually to the Vatican Archives? Those Archives seem to have secrets no one knows about.
_._,_.___
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________________________________
From: [mailto:] On Behalf Of Hilary Jones
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 9:07 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
A good R3 scholarship I'd have thought?
________________________________
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...<mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com>>
To: "<<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>>" <<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>>
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 14:53
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
So, could we perhaps "suggest" some Vatican scholar to study the "last Catholic Plantagenet"?
On May 14, 2013, at 8:36 AM, "Johanne Tournier" <jltournier60@...<mailto:jltournier60%40hotmail.com><mailto:jltournier60@...<mailto:jltournier60%40hotmail.com>>> wrote:
Hi, All -
Well, is there any place that personal papers of a person like Morton would have been retained? At his episcopal seat, perhaps, assuming he didn't have relatives. I could see a man like Morton doing a lot of shredding and burning in his day!
I've got a copy of *The Deceivers* I haven't opened as of this date, something I'm looking forward to. Something else occurs to me . . . has anyone done a definitive bio of Morton? Now, wouldn't that be a fascinating study!
Regardless, searches of the Vatican archives might turn up a lot of interesting stuff, I would think, for our period. I wish I could do it - but I don't have the knowledge of the languages and scripts that would be necessary. Pity!
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...<mailto:jltournier60%40hotmail.com><mailto:jltournier60%40hotmail.com>
or jltournier@...<mailto:jltournier%40xcountry.tv><mailto:jltournier%40xcountry.tv>
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com><mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> [mailto:<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com><mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>] On Behalf Of Hilary Jones
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 10:27 AM
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com><mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
It's not at all a stupid question. The fact that the unlovely H8 was happy to get rid of the influence of the Pope etc (potentially at the cost of damnation of his soul) says a lot.
________________________________
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...<mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com><mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com> <mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com<http://40bmbi.com>> >
To: "<<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com><mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>> >" <<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com><mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>> >
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 13:58
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Just a probably stupid question. Would any of the records have been secreted by the Church and then eventually to the Vatican Archives? Those Archives seem to have secrets no one knows about.
_._,_.___
<http://groups.yahoo.com/group//post;_ylc=X3oDMTJxbGZmYXZ0BF9TAzk3MzU5NzE0BGdycElkAzU1Mjc3OTEEZ3Jwc3BJZAMxNzA1Mjk3MzMzBG1zZ0lkAzM1ODU5BHNlYwNmdHIEc2xrA3JwbHkEc3RpbWUDMTM2ODUzODAwNg--?act=reply&messageNum=35859> Reply via web post
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Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-14 15:21:03
How? It says no ebook available to me when I follow your links
________________________________
From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
To: "" <>
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 15:16
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Or you can go to Google Books & download from there (at least I just did).
http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=l1ILAAAAYAAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA1&dq=reginald+illingworth+woodhouse&ots=U72DK76hOv&sig=43mpBVnMo49rKeR3_ufc5wfwxuY
A J
On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 8:50 AM, SandraMachin <sandramachin@...>wrote:
> **
>
>
> Don't know what this is, but here's the link anyway.
> http://www.amazon.co.uk/Life-John-Morton-Archbishop-Canterbury/dp/1103690094/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1368539271&sr=8-2&keywords=archbishop+mortonThere%e2%80%99s only one at Amazon. If it's something stupid, I didn't tell anyone.
>
> Sandra
>
>
>
>
>
>
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
________________________________
From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
To: "" <>
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 15:16
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Or you can go to Google Books & download from there (at least I just did).
http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=l1ILAAAAYAAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA1&dq=reginald+illingworth+woodhouse&ots=U72DK76hOv&sig=43mpBVnMo49rKeR3_ufc5wfwxuY
A J
On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 8:50 AM, SandraMachin <sandramachin@...>wrote:
> **
>
>
> Don't know what this is, but here's the link anyway.
> http://www.amazon.co.uk/Life-John-Morton-Archbishop-Canterbury/dp/1103690094/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1368539271&sr=8-2&keywords=archbishop+mortonThere%e2%80%99s only one at Amazon. If it's something stupid, I didn't tell anyone.
>
> Sandra
>
>
>
>
>
>
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-14 15:26:04
Perhaps it's a country (copyright) restriction? I'm in the US, & my screen
says eBook free, so I just clicked on the pdf - et voila. Some of my
European colleagues on another list have been able to find a work around,
something involving mirror sites, perhaps? (Spoken like the true
computer-illiterate I am).
Skimming the Preface is enough to make me gag, though. Perhaps I'd better
motor through to the end to see what sources are given, since that seems to
be how this thread started.
A J
On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 9:21 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
> How? It says no ebook available to me when I follow your links
>
> ________________________________
> From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
> To: "" <
> >
> Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 15:16
>
> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
> Disappearance
>
>
> Or you can go to Google Books & download from there (at least I just did).
>
>
> http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=l1ILAAAAYAAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA1&dq=reginald+illingworth+woodhouse&ots=U72DK76hOv&sig=43mpBVnMo49rKeR3_ufc5wfwxuY
>
> A J
>
> On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 8:50 AM, SandraMachin <sandramachin@...
> >wrote:
>
> > **
>
> >
> >
> > Donýt know what this is, but hereýs the link anyway.
> >
> http://www.amazon.co.uk/Life-John-Morton-Archbishop-Canterbury/dp/1103690094/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1368539271&sr=8-2&keywords=archbishop+mortonThere%ef%bf%bds
> only one at Amazon. If itýs something stupid, I didnýt tell anyone.
>
> >
> > Sandra
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
>
>
says eBook free, so I just clicked on the pdf - et voila. Some of my
European colleagues on another list have been able to find a work around,
something involving mirror sites, perhaps? (Spoken like the true
computer-illiterate I am).
Skimming the Preface is enough to make me gag, though. Perhaps I'd better
motor through to the end to see what sources are given, since that seems to
be how this thread started.
A J
On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 9:21 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
> How? It says no ebook available to me when I follow your links
>
> ________________________________
> From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
> To: "" <
> >
> Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 15:16
>
> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
> Disappearance
>
>
> Or you can go to Google Books & download from there (at least I just did).
>
>
> http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=l1ILAAAAYAAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA1&dq=reginald+illingworth+woodhouse&ots=U72DK76hOv&sig=43mpBVnMo49rKeR3_ufc5wfwxuY
>
> A J
>
> On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 8:50 AM, SandraMachin <sandramachin@...
> >wrote:
>
> > **
>
> >
> >
> > Donýt know what this is, but hereýs the link anyway.
> >
> http://www.amazon.co.uk/Life-John-Morton-Archbishop-Canterbury/dp/1103690094/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1368539271&sr=8-2&keywords=archbishop+mortonThere%ef%bf%bds
> only one at Amazon. If itýs something stupid, I didnýt tell anyone.
>
> >
> > Sandra
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-14 15:26:30
What a good idea; but I doubt they have much interest in the history behind it all. It's a shame as the Uni has a good reputation for historical scholarship.
________________________________
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...>
To: "" <>
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 15:20
Subject: RE: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Oh great idea....Maybe University of Leicester could encourage that!!! Since they are taking claim to everything else, this should be a natural for the Uni.
________________________________
From: [mailto:] On Behalf Of Hilary Jones
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 9:07 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
A good R3 scholarship I'd have thought?
________________________________
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...<mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com>>
To: "<<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>>" <<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>>
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 14:53
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
So, could we perhaps "suggest" some Vatican scholar to study the "last Catholic Plantagenet"?
On May 14, 2013, at 8:36 AM, "Johanne Tournier" <jltournier60@...<mailto:jltournier60%40hotmail.com><mailto:jltournier60@...<mailto:jltournier60%40hotmail.com>>> wrote:
Hi, All -
Well, is there any place that personal papers of a person like Morton would have been retained? At his episcopal seat, perhaps, assuming he didn't have relatives. I could see a man like Morton doing a lot of shredding and burning in his day!
I've got a copy of *The Deceivers* I haven't opened as of this date, something I'm looking forward to. Something else occurs to me . . . has anyone done a definitive bio of Morton? Now, wouldn't that be a fascinating study!
Regardless, searches of the Vatican archives might turn up a lot of interesting stuff, I would think, for our period. I wish I could do it - but I don't have the knowledge of the languages and scripts that would be necessary. Pity!
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...<mailto:jltournier60%40hotmail.com><mailto:jltournier60%40hotmail.com>
or jltournier@...<mailto:jltournier%40xcountry.tv><mailto:jltournier%40xcountry.tv>
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com><mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> [mailto:<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com><mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>] On Behalf Of Hilary Jones
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 10:27 AM
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com><mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
It's not at all a stupid question. The fact that the unlovely H8 was happy to get rid of the influence of the Pope etc (potentially at the cost of damnation of his soul) says a lot.
________________________________
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...<mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com><mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com> <mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com<http://40bmbi.com>> >
To: "<<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com><mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>> >" <<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com><mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>> >
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 13:58
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Just a probably stupid question. Would any of the records have been secreted by the Church and then eventually to the Vatican Archives? Those Archives seem to have secrets no one knows about.
_._,_.___
<http://groups.yahoo.com/group//post;_ylc=X3oDMTJxbGZmYXZ0BF9TAzk3MzU5NzE0BGdycElkAzU1Mjc3OTEEZ3Jwc3BJZAMxNzA1Mjk3MzMzBG1zZ0lkAzM1ODU5BHNlYwNmdHIEc2xrA3JwbHkEc3RpbWUDMTM2ODUzODAwNg--?act=reply&messageNum=35859> Reply via web post
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________________________________
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...>
To: "" <>
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 15:20
Subject: RE: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Oh great idea....Maybe University of Leicester could encourage that!!! Since they are taking claim to everything else, this should be a natural for the Uni.
________________________________
From: [mailto:] On Behalf Of Hilary Jones
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 9:07 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
A good R3 scholarship I'd have thought?
________________________________
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...<mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com>>
To: "<<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>>" <<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>>
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 14:53
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
So, could we perhaps "suggest" some Vatican scholar to study the "last Catholic Plantagenet"?
On May 14, 2013, at 8:36 AM, "Johanne Tournier" <jltournier60@...<mailto:jltournier60%40hotmail.com><mailto:jltournier60@...<mailto:jltournier60%40hotmail.com>>> wrote:
Hi, All -
Well, is there any place that personal papers of a person like Morton would have been retained? At his episcopal seat, perhaps, assuming he didn't have relatives. I could see a man like Morton doing a lot of shredding and burning in his day!
I've got a copy of *The Deceivers* I haven't opened as of this date, something I'm looking forward to. Something else occurs to me . . . has anyone done a definitive bio of Morton? Now, wouldn't that be a fascinating study!
Regardless, searches of the Vatican archives might turn up a lot of interesting stuff, I would think, for our period. I wish I could do it - but I don't have the knowledge of the languages and scripts that would be necessary. Pity!
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...<mailto:jltournier60%40hotmail.com><mailto:jltournier60%40hotmail.com>
or jltournier@...<mailto:jltournier%40xcountry.tv><mailto:jltournier%40xcountry.tv>
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com><mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> [mailto:<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com><mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>] On Behalf Of Hilary Jones
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 10:27 AM
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com><mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
It's not at all a stupid question. The fact that the unlovely H8 was happy to get rid of the influence of the Pope etc (potentially at the cost of damnation of his soul) says a lot.
________________________________
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...<mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com><mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com> <mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com<http://40bmbi.com>> >
To: "<<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com><mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>> >" <<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com><mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>> >
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 13:58
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Just a probably stupid question. Would any of the records have been secreted by the Church and then eventually to the Vatican Archives? Those Archives seem to have secrets no one knows about.
_._,_.___
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Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-14 15:28:34
P S - it is impressively documented. So if you are not successful in
downloading, I can probably be persuaded to list the references (although
maybe not all of them, since most pages also have footnotes to specific
references.
A J
On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 9:26 AM, A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...> wrote:
> Perhaps it's a country (copyright) restriction? I'm in the US, & my
> screen says eBook free, so I just clicked on the pdf - et voila. Some of
> my European colleagues on another list have been able to find a work
> around, something involving mirror sites, perhaps? (Spoken like the true
> computer-illiterate I am).
>
> Skimming the Preface is enough to make me gag, though. Perhaps I'd better
> motor through to the end to see what sources are given, since that seems to
> be how this thread started.
>
> A J
>
>
> On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 9:21 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
>
>> **
>>
>>
>> How? It says no ebook available to me when I follow your links
>>
>> ________________________________
>> From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
>> To: "" <
>> >
>> Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 15:16
>>
>> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
>> Disappearance
>>
>>
>> Or you can go to Google Books & download from there (at least I just did).
>>
>>
>> http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=l1ILAAAAYAAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA1&dq=reginald+illingworth+woodhouse&ots=U72DK76hOv&sig=43mpBVnMo49rKeR3_ufc5wfwxuY
>>
>> A J
>>
>> On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 8:50 AM, SandraMachin <sandramachin@...
>> >wrote:
>>
>> > **
>>
>> >
>> >
>> > Donýt know what this is, but hereýs the link anyway.
>> >
>> http://www.amazon.co.uk/Life-John-Morton-Archbishop-Canterbury/dp/1103690094/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1368539271&sr=8-2&keywords=archbishop+mortonThere%ef%bf%bds
>> only one at Amazon. If itýs something stupid, I didnýt tell anyone.
>>
>> >
>> > Sandra
>> >
>> >
>> >
>> >
>> >
>> >
>>
>>
>>
>> ------------------------------------
>>
>> Yahoo! Groups Links
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>
>
downloading, I can probably be persuaded to list the references (although
maybe not all of them, since most pages also have footnotes to specific
references.
A J
On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 9:26 AM, A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...> wrote:
> Perhaps it's a country (copyright) restriction? I'm in the US, & my
> screen says eBook free, so I just clicked on the pdf - et voila. Some of
> my European colleagues on another list have been able to find a work
> around, something involving mirror sites, perhaps? (Spoken like the true
> computer-illiterate I am).
>
> Skimming the Preface is enough to make me gag, though. Perhaps I'd better
> motor through to the end to see what sources are given, since that seems to
> be how this thread started.
>
> A J
>
>
> On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 9:21 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
>
>> **
>>
>>
>> How? It says no ebook available to me when I follow your links
>>
>> ________________________________
>> From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
>> To: "" <
>> >
>> Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 15:16
>>
>> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
>> Disappearance
>>
>>
>> Or you can go to Google Books & download from there (at least I just did).
>>
>>
>> http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=l1ILAAAAYAAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA1&dq=reginald+illingworth+woodhouse&ots=U72DK76hOv&sig=43mpBVnMo49rKeR3_ufc5wfwxuY
>>
>> A J
>>
>> On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 8:50 AM, SandraMachin <sandramachin@...
>> >wrote:
>>
>> > **
>>
>> >
>> >
>> > Donýt know what this is, but hereýs the link anyway.
>> >
>> http://www.amazon.co.uk/Life-John-Morton-Archbishop-Canterbury/dp/1103690094/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1368539271&sr=8-2&keywords=archbishop+mortonThere%ef%bf%bds
>> only one at Amazon. If itýs something stupid, I didnýt tell anyone.
>>
>> >
>> > Sandra
>> >
>> >
>> >
>> >
>> >
>> >
>>
>>
>>
>> ------------------------------------
>>
>> Yahoo! Groups Links
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>
>
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-14 15:31:46
Sounds good. So probably worth its cheap price if I can't download it?
________________________________
From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
To: "" <>
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 15:28
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
P S - it is impressively documented. So if you are not successful in
downloading, I can probably be persuaded to list the references (although
maybe not all of them, since most pages also have footnotes to specific
references.
A J
On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 9:26 AM, A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...> wrote:
> Perhaps it's a country (copyright) restriction? I'm in the US, & my
> screen says eBook free, so I just clicked on the pdf - et voila. Some of
> my European colleagues on another list have been able to find a work
> around, something involving mirror sites, perhaps? (Spoken like the true
> computer-illiterate I am).
>
> Skimming the Preface is enough to make me gag, though. Perhaps I'd better
> motor through to the end to see what sources are given, since that seems to
> be how this thread started.
>
> A J
>
>
> On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 9:21 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
>
>> **
>>
>>
>> How? It says no ebook available to me when I follow your links
>>
>> ________________________________
>> From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
>> To: "" <
>> >
>> Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 15:16
>>
>> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
>> Disappearance
>>
>>
>> Or you can go to Google Books & download from there (at least I just did).
>>
>>
>> http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=l1ILAAAAYAAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA1&dq=reginald+illingworth+woodhouse&ots=U72DK76hOv&sig=43mpBVnMo49rKeR3_ufc5wfwxuY
>>
>> A J
>>
>> On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 8:50 AM, SandraMachin <sandramachin@...
>> >wrote:
>>
>> > **
>>
>> >
>> >
>> > Don't know what this is, but here's the link anyway.
>> >
>> http://www.amazon.co.uk/Life-John-Morton-Archbishop-Canterbury/dp/1103690094/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1368539271&sr=8-2&keywords=archbishop+mortonThere%e2%80%99s
>> only one at Amazon. If it's something stupid, I didn't tell anyone.
>>
>> >
>> > Sandra
>> >
>> >
>> >
>> >
>> >
>> >
>>
>>
>>
>> ------------------------------------
>>
>> Yahoo! Groups Links
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>
>
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
________________________________
From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
To: "" <>
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 15:28
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
P S - it is impressively documented. So if you are not successful in
downloading, I can probably be persuaded to list the references (although
maybe not all of them, since most pages also have footnotes to specific
references.
A J
On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 9:26 AM, A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...> wrote:
> Perhaps it's a country (copyright) restriction? I'm in the US, & my
> screen says eBook free, so I just clicked on the pdf - et voila. Some of
> my European colleagues on another list have been able to find a work
> around, something involving mirror sites, perhaps? (Spoken like the true
> computer-illiterate I am).
>
> Skimming the Preface is enough to make me gag, though. Perhaps I'd better
> motor through to the end to see what sources are given, since that seems to
> be how this thread started.
>
> A J
>
>
> On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 9:21 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
>
>> **
>>
>>
>> How? It says no ebook available to me when I follow your links
>>
>> ________________________________
>> From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
>> To: "" <
>> >
>> Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 15:16
>>
>> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
>> Disappearance
>>
>>
>> Or you can go to Google Books & download from there (at least I just did).
>>
>>
>> http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=l1ILAAAAYAAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA1&dq=reginald+illingworth+woodhouse&ots=U72DK76hOv&sig=43mpBVnMo49rKeR3_ufc5wfwxuY
>>
>> A J
>>
>> On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 8:50 AM, SandraMachin <sandramachin@...
>> >wrote:
>>
>> > **
>>
>> >
>> >
>> > Don't know what this is, but here's the link anyway.
>> >
>> http://www.amazon.co.uk/Life-John-Morton-Archbishop-Canterbury/dp/1103690094/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1368539271&sr=8-2&keywords=archbishop+mortonThere%e2%80%99s
>> only one at Amazon. If it's something stupid, I didn't tell anyone.
>>
>> >
>> > Sandra
>> >
>> >
>> >
>> >
>> >
>> >
>>
>>
>>
>> ------------------------------------
>>
>> Yahoo! Groups Links
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>
>
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-14 15:38:26
I've managed to read it from archive.org it by googling it. Not as good as downloading but fine. Thanks for your help.
________________________________
From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
To: "" <>
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 15:26
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Perhaps it's a country (copyright) restriction? I'm in the US, & my screen
says eBook free, so I just clicked on the pdf - et voila. Some of my
European colleagues on another list have been able to find a work around,
something involving mirror sites, perhaps? (Spoken like the true
computer-illiterate I am).
Skimming the Preface is enough to make me gag, though. Perhaps I'd better
motor through to the end to see what sources are given, since that seems to
be how this thread started.
A J
On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 9:21 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
> How? It says no ebook available to me when I follow your links
>
> ________________________________
> From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
> To: "" <
> >
> Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 15:16
>
> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
> Disappearance
>
>
> Or you can go to Google Books & download from there (at least I just did).
>
>
> http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=l1ILAAAAYAAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA1&dq=reginald+illingworth+woodhouse&ots=U72DK76hOv&sig=43mpBVnMo49rKeR3_ufc5wfwxuY
>
> A J
>
> On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 8:50 AM, SandraMachin <sandramachin@...
> >wrote:
>
> > **
>
> >
> >
> > Don't know what this is, but here's the link anyway.
> >
> http://www.amazon.co.uk/Life-John-Morton-Archbishop-Canterbury/dp/1103690094/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1368539271&sr=8-2&keywords=archbishop+mortonThere%e2%80%99s
> only one at Amazon. If it's something stupid, I didn't tell anyone.
>
> >
> > Sandra
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
>
>
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
________________________________
From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
To: "" <>
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 15:26
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Perhaps it's a country (copyright) restriction? I'm in the US, & my screen
says eBook free, so I just clicked on the pdf - et voila. Some of my
European colleagues on another list have been able to find a work around,
something involving mirror sites, perhaps? (Spoken like the true
computer-illiterate I am).
Skimming the Preface is enough to make me gag, though. Perhaps I'd better
motor through to the end to see what sources are given, since that seems to
be how this thread started.
A J
On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 9:21 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
> How? It says no ebook available to me when I follow your links
>
> ________________________________
> From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
> To: "" <
> >
> Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 15:16
>
> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
> Disappearance
>
>
> Or you can go to Google Books & download from there (at least I just did).
>
>
> http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=l1ILAAAAYAAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA1&dq=reginald+illingworth+woodhouse&ots=U72DK76hOv&sig=43mpBVnMo49rKeR3_ufc5wfwxuY
>
> A J
>
> On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 8:50 AM, SandraMachin <sandramachin@...
> >wrote:
>
> > **
>
> >
> >
> > Don't know what this is, but here's the link anyway.
> >
> http://www.amazon.co.uk/Life-John-Morton-Archbishop-Canterbury/dp/1103690094/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1368539271&sr=8-2&keywords=archbishop+mortonThere%e2%80%99s
> only one at Amazon. If it's something stupid, I didn't tell anyone.
>
> >
> > Sandra
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
>
>
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-14 15:44:28
I'd say yes - although it might be difficult to stomach the text, judging
from the Preface.
It has a lengthy Appendix of about 40 pages with References & summaries of
what they say, for instance --
Patent Rolls (Public Record Office)
Close Rolls (ms. catalogues)
Charter & Close Rolls, Henry VII
Harley Charters
Harley ms 433
Harley Rolls
Additional ms, British Museum
Bishop Gray's Register [womment that there are no extracts from Bishop
Morton's Register]
Materials Illustrative of the History of the Reign of Henry VII, Rev Wm
Campbell, 1873-7
Syllabus of Rymer's Foedera
Calendar of Spanish State Papers, G A Bergenroth (1862)
Calendar of Venetian State Papers, Rawdon Brown (1864)
Archives of All Souls' College, Oxford
Historical mss Report V. Canterbury. Lambeth
Register of John Morton, Archbishop of Canterbury, AD 1486 & 1501, Lambeth
Palace [includes summaries of lots of papal bulls]
There's also a pedigree chart of Morton of Milborne S. Andrew. It must be
a foldout & is chopped up into 3 sections in the pdf.
A J
On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 9:30 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
> Sounds good. So probably worth its cheap price if I can't download it?
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
> To: "" <
> >
> Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 15:28
>
> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
> Disappearance
>
>
> P S - it is impressively documented. So if you are not successful in
> downloading, I can probably be persuaded to list the references (although
> maybe not all of them, since most pages also have footnotes to specific
> references.
>
> A J
>
> On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 9:26 AM, A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...> wrote:
>
> > Perhaps it's a country (copyright) restriction? I'm in the US, & my
> > screen says eBook free, so I just clicked on the pdf - et voila. Some of
> > my European colleagues on another list have been able to find a work
> > around, something involving mirror sites, perhaps? (Spoken like the true
> > computer-illiterate I am).
> >
> > Skimming the Preface is enough to make me gag, though. Perhaps I'd
> better
> > motor through to the end to see what sources are given, since that seems
> to
> > be how this thread started.
> >
> > A J
> >
> >
> > On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 9:21 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...>
> wrote:
> >
> >> **
>
> >>
> >>
> >> How? It says no ebook available to me when I follow your links
> >>
> >> ________________________________
> >> From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
> >> To: "" <
> >> >
> >> Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 15:16
> >>
> >> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
> >> Disappearance
> >>
> >>
> >> Or you can go to Google Books & download from there (at least I just
> did).
> >>
> >>
> >>
> http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=l1ILAAAAYAAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA1&dq=reginald+illingworth+woodhouse&ots=U72DK76hOv&sig=43mpBVnMo49rKeR3_ufc5wfwxuY
> >>
> >> A J
> >>
> >> On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 8:50 AM, SandraMachin <sandramachin@...
> >> >wrote:
> >>
> >> > **
> >>
> >> >
> >> >
> >> > Donýt know what this is, but hereýs the link anyway.
> >> >
> >>
> http://www.amazon.co.uk/Life-John-Morton-Archbishop-Canterbury/dp/1103690094/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1368539271&sr=8-2&keywords=archbishop+mortonThere
> ýs
> >> only one at Amazon. If itýs something stupid, I didnýt tell anyone.
> >>
> >> >
> >> > Sandra
> >> >
> >> >
> >> >
> >> >
> >> >
> >> >
> >>
> >>
> >>
> >> ------------------------------------
> >>
> >> Yahoo! Groups Links
> >>
> >>
> >>
> >>
> >>
> >>
> >
> >
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
>
from the Preface.
It has a lengthy Appendix of about 40 pages with References & summaries of
what they say, for instance --
Patent Rolls (Public Record Office)
Close Rolls (ms. catalogues)
Charter & Close Rolls, Henry VII
Harley Charters
Harley ms 433
Harley Rolls
Additional ms, British Museum
Bishop Gray's Register [womment that there are no extracts from Bishop
Morton's Register]
Materials Illustrative of the History of the Reign of Henry VII, Rev Wm
Campbell, 1873-7
Syllabus of Rymer's Foedera
Calendar of Spanish State Papers, G A Bergenroth (1862)
Calendar of Venetian State Papers, Rawdon Brown (1864)
Archives of All Souls' College, Oxford
Historical mss Report V. Canterbury. Lambeth
Register of John Morton, Archbishop of Canterbury, AD 1486 & 1501, Lambeth
Palace [includes summaries of lots of papal bulls]
There's also a pedigree chart of Morton of Milborne S. Andrew. It must be
a foldout & is chopped up into 3 sections in the pdf.
A J
On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 9:30 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
> Sounds good. So probably worth its cheap price if I can't download it?
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
> To: "" <
> >
> Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 15:28
>
> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
> Disappearance
>
>
> P S - it is impressively documented. So if you are not successful in
> downloading, I can probably be persuaded to list the references (although
> maybe not all of them, since most pages also have footnotes to specific
> references.
>
> A J
>
> On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 9:26 AM, A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...> wrote:
>
> > Perhaps it's a country (copyright) restriction? I'm in the US, & my
> > screen says eBook free, so I just clicked on the pdf - et voila. Some of
> > my European colleagues on another list have been able to find a work
> > around, something involving mirror sites, perhaps? (Spoken like the true
> > computer-illiterate I am).
> >
> > Skimming the Preface is enough to make me gag, though. Perhaps I'd
> better
> > motor through to the end to see what sources are given, since that seems
> to
> > be how this thread started.
> >
> > A J
> >
> >
> > On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 9:21 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...>
> wrote:
> >
> >> **
>
> >>
> >>
> >> How? It says no ebook available to me when I follow your links
> >>
> >> ________________________________
> >> From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
> >> To: "" <
> >> >
> >> Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 15:16
> >>
> >> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
> >> Disappearance
> >>
> >>
> >> Or you can go to Google Books & download from there (at least I just
> did).
> >>
> >>
> >>
> http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=l1ILAAAAYAAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA1&dq=reginald+illingworth+woodhouse&ots=U72DK76hOv&sig=43mpBVnMo49rKeR3_ufc5wfwxuY
> >>
> >> A J
> >>
> >> On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 8:50 AM, SandraMachin <sandramachin@...
> >> >wrote:
> >>
> >> > **
> >>
> >> >
> >> >
> >> > Donýt know what this is, but hereýs the link anyway.
> >> >
> >>
> http://www.amazon.co.uk/Life-John-Morton-Archbishop-Canterbury/dp/1103690094/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1368539271&sr=8-2&keywords=archbishop+mortonThere
> ýs
> >> only one at Amazon. If itýs something stupid, I didnýt tell anyone.
> >>
> >> >
> >> > Sandra
> >> >
> >> >
> >> >
> >> >
> >> >
> >> >
> >>
> >>
> >>
> >> ------------------------------------
> >>
> >> Yahoo! Groups Links
> >>
> >>
> >>
> >>
> >>
> >>
> >
> >
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-14 15:47:48
That's interesting. When I "go" to www.archive.org, I get a whole slew of
options, including read online, pdf, epub, kindle, etc, & it's busy paging
through the book from a cut & paste I made into this e-mail. Since Yahoo
doesn't store attachments, I'm also sending this to your individual e-mail,
to see what comes through...
A J
[image: [item image]] <http://archive.org/stream/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog>
(~216 pg)Read Online <http://archive.org/stream/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog>
(3.7 M)PDF (Google.com)<http://books.google.com/books?id=l1ILAAAAYAAJ&oe=UTF-8>
(~216 pg)EPUB<http://archive.org/download/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog.epub>
(~216 pg)Kindle<http://archive.org/download/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog.mobi>
(~216 pg)Daisy<http://archive.org/download/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog_daisy.zip>
(271.8 K)Full Text<http://archive.org/stream/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog_djvu.txt>
(5.6 M)DjVu<http://archive.org/stream/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog.djvu>
(68.2 K)Metadata<http://archive.org/download/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog_desc.html>
On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 9:38 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
> I've managed to read it from archive.org it by googling it. Not as good
> as downloading but fine. Thanks for your help.
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
> To: "" <
> >
> Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 15:26
>
> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
> Disappearance
>
>
> Perhaps it's a country (copyright) restriction? I'm in the US, & my screen
> says eBook free, so I just clicked on the pdf - et voila. Some of my
> European colleagues on another list have been able to find a work around,
> something involving mirror sites, perhaps? (Spoken like the true
> computer-illiterate I am).
>
> Skimming the Preface is enough to make me gag, though. Perhaps I'd better
> motor through to the end to see what sources are given, since that seems to
> be how this thread started.
>
> A J
>
> On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 9:21 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
>
> > **
>
> >
> >
> > How? It says no ebook available to me when I follow your links
> >
> > ________________________________
> > From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
> > To: "" <
> > >
> > Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 15:16
> >
> > Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
> > Disappearance
> >
> >
> > Or you can go to Google Books & download from there (at least I just
> did).
> >
> >
> >
> http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=l1ILAAAAYAAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA1&dq=reginald+illingworth+woodhouse&ots=U72DK76hOv&sig=43mpBVnMo49rKeR3_ufc5wfwxuY
> >
> > A J
> >
> > On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 8:50 AM, SandraMachin <sandramachin@...
> > >wrote:
> >
> > > **
> >
> > >
> > >
> > > Donýt know what this is, but hereýs the link anyway.
> > >
> >
> http://www.amazon.co.uk/Life-John-Morton-Archbishop-Canterbury/dp/1103690094/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1368539271&sr=8-2&keywords=archbishop+mortonThere
> ýs
> > only one at Amazon. If itýs something stupid, I didnýt tell anyone.
> >
> > >
> > > Sandra
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> >
> >
> >
> > ------------------------------------
> >
> > Yahoo! Groups Links
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
>
options, including read online, pdf, epub, kindle, etc, & it's busy paging
through the book from a cut & paste I made into this e-mail. Since Yahoo
doesn't store attachments, I'm also sending this to your individual e-mail,
to see what comes through...
A J
[image: [item image]] <http://archive.org/stream/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog>
(~216 pg)Read Online <http://archive.org/stream/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog>
(3.7 M)PDF (Google.com)<http://books.google.com/books?id=l1ILAAAAYAAJ&oe=UTF-8>
(~216 pg)EPUB<http://archive.org/download/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog.epub>
(~216 pg)Kindle<http://archive.org/download/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog.mobi>
(~216 pg)Daisy<http://archive.org/download/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog_daisy.zip>
(271.8 K)Full Text<http://archive.org/stream/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog_djvu.txt>
(5.6 M)DjVu<http://archive.org/stream/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog.djvu>
(68.2 K)Metadata<http://archive.org/download/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog_desc.html>
On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 9:38 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
> I've managed to read it from archive.org it by googling it. Not as good
> as downloading but fine. Thanks for your help.
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
> To: "" <
> >
> Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 15:26
>
> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
> Disappearance
>
>
> Perhaps it's a country (copyright) restriction? I'm in the US, & my screen
> says eBook free, so I just clicked on the pdf - et voila. Some of my
> European colleagues on another list have been able to find a work around,
> something involving mirror sites, perhaps? (Spoken like the true
> computer-illiterate I am).
>
> Skimming the Preface is enough to make me gag, though. Perhaps I'd better
> motor through to the end to see what sources are given, since that seems to
> be how this thread started.
>
> A J
>
> On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 9:21 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
>
> > **
>
> >
> >
> > How? It says no ebook available to me when I follow your links
> >
> > ________________________________
> > From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
> > To: "" <
> > >
> > Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 15:16
> >
> > Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
> > Disappearance
> >
> >
> > Or you can go to Google Books & download from there (at least I just
> did).
> >
> >
> >
> http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=l1ILAAAAYAAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA1&dq=reginald+illingworth+woodhouse&ots=U72DK76hOv&sig=43mpBVnMo49rKeR3_ufc5wfwxuY
> >
> > A J
> >
> > On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 8:50 AM, SandraMachin <sandramachin@...
> > >wrote:
> >
> > > **
> >
> > >
> > >
> > > Donýt know what this is, but hereýs the link anyway.
> > >
> >
> http://www.amazon.co.uk/Life-John-Morton-Archbishop-Canterbury/dp/1103690094/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1368539271&sr=8-2&keywords=archbishop+mortonThere
> ýs
> > only one at Amazon. If itýs something stupid, I didnýt tell anyone.
> >
> > >
> > > Sandra
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> >
> >
> >
> > ------------------------------------
> >
> > Yahoo! Groups Links
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-14 17:28:55
Thanks, AJ! I downloaded the kindle version, which appears to be one of
those versions that consists of scanned pages. Still, when I went to the
Google Books page, there was no option (that I could see) to download
anything. So I really appreciate you providing those links.
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
-----Original Message-----
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of A J Hibbard
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 11:48 AM
To: ; Hilary Jones
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
That's interesting. When I "go" to www.archive.org, I get a whole slew of
options, including read online, pdf, epub, kindle, etc, & it's busy paging
through the book from a cut & paste I made into this e-mail. Since Yahoo
doesn't store attachments, I'm also sending this to your individual e-mail,
to see what comes through...
A J
[image: [item image]] <http://archive.org/stream/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog>
(~216 pg)Read Online <http://archive.org/stream/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog>
(3.7 M)PDF
(Google.com)<http://books.google.com/books?id=l1ILAAAAYAAJ&oe=UTF-8>
(~216
pg)EPUB<http://archive.org/download/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog/lifejohnmorton
a00woodgoog.epub>
(~216
pg)Kindle<http://archive.org/download/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog/lifejohnmort
ona00woodgoog.mobi>
(~216
pg)Daisy<http://archive.org/download/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog/lifejohnmorto
na00woodgoog_daisy.zip>
(271.8 K)Full
Text<http://archive.org/stream/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog/lifejohnmortona00wo
odgoog_djvu.txt>
(5.6
M)DjVu<http://archive.org/stream/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog/lifejohnmortona00
woodgoog.djvu>
(68.2
K)Metadata<http://archive.org/download/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog/lifejohnmor
tona00woodgoog_desc.html>
On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 9:38 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
> I've managed to read it from archive.org it by googling it. Not as
> good as downloading but fine. Thanks for your help.
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
> To: "" <
> >
> Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 15:26
>
> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn -
> was Disappearance
>
>
> Perhaps it's a country (copyright) restriction? I'm in the US, & my
> screen says eBook free, so I just clicked on the pdf - et voila. Some
> of my European colleagues on another list have been able to find a
> work around, something involving mirror sites, perhaps? (Spoken like
> the true computer-illiterate I am).
>
> Skimming the Preface is enough to make me gag, though. Perhaps I'd
> better motor through to the end to see what sources are given, since
> that seems to be how this thread started.
>
> A J
>
> On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 9:21 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
>
> > **
>
> >
> >
> > How? It says no ebook available to me when I follow your links
> >
> > ________________________________
> > From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
> > To: "" <
> > >
> > Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 15:16
> >
> > Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn -
> > was Disappearance
> >
> >
> > Or you can go to Google Books & download from there (at least I just
> did).
> >
> >
> >
> http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=l1ILAAAAYAAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA1&
> dq=reginald+illingworth+woodhouse&ots=U72DK76hOv&sig=43mpBVnMo49rKeR3_
> ufc5wfwxuY
> >
> > A J
> >
> > On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 8:50 AM, SandraMachin
> > <sandramachin@...
> > >wrote:
> >
> > > **
> >
> > >
> > >
> > > Don't know what this is, but here's the link anyway.
> > >
> >
> http://www.amazon.co.uk/Life-John-Morton-Archbishop-Canterbury/dp/1103
> 690094/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1368539271&sr=8-2&keywords=archbishop+mo
> rtonThere
> 's
> > only one at Amazon. If it's something stupid, I didn't tell anyone.
> >
> > >
> > > Sandra
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> >
> >
> >
> > ------------------------------------
> >
> > Yahoo! Groups Links
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
>
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
those versions that consists of scanned pages. Still, when I went to the
Google Books page, there was no option (that I could see) to download
anything. So I really appreciate you providing those links.
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
-----Original Message-----
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of A J Hibbard
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 11:48 AM
To: ; Hilary Jones
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
That's interesting. When I "go" to www.archive.org, I get a whole slew of
options, including read online, pdf, epub, kindle, etc, & it's busy paging
through the book from a cut & paste I made into this e-mail. Since Yahoo
doesn't store attachments, I'm also sending this to your individual e-mail,
to see what comes through...
A J
[image: [item image]] <http://archive.org/stream/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog>
(~216 pg)Read Online <http://archive.org/stream/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog>
(3.7 M)PDF
(Google.com)<http://books.google.com/books?id=l1ILAAAAYAAJ&oe=UTF-8>
(~216
pg)EPUB<http://archive.org/download/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog/lifejohnmorton
a00woodgoog.epub>
(~216
pg)Kindle<http://archive.org/download/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog/lifejohnmort
ona00woodgoog.mobi>
(~216
pg)Daisy<http://archive.org/download/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog/lifejohnmorto
na00woodgoog_daisy.zip>
(271.8 K)Full
Text<http://archive.org/stream/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog/lifejohnmortona00wo
odgoog_djvu.txt>
(5.6
M)DjVu<http://archive.org/stream/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog/lifejohnmortona00
woodgoog.djvu>
(68.2
K)Metadata<http://archive.org/download/lifejohnmortona00woodgoog/lifejohnmor
tona00woodgoog_desc.html>
On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 9:38 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
> I've managed to read it from archive.org it by googling it. Not as
> good as downloading but fine. Thanks for your help.
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
> To: "" <
> >
> Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 15:26
>
> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn -
> was Disappearance
>
>
> Perhaps it's a country (copyright) restriction? I'm in the US, & my
> screen says eBook free, so I just clicked on the pdf - et voila. Some
> of my European colleagues on another list have been able to find a
> work around, something involving mirror sites, perhaps? (Spoken like
> the true computer-illiterate I am).
>
> Skimming the Preface is enough to make me gag, though. Perhaps I'd
> better motor through to the end to see what sources are given, since
> that seems to be how this thread started.
>
> A J
>
> On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 9:21 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
>
> > **
>
> >
> >
> > How? It says no ebook available to me when I follow your links
> >
> > ________________________________
> > From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
> > To: "" <
> > >
> > Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 15:16
> >
> > Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn -
> > was Disappearance
> >
> >
> > Or you can go to Google Books & download from there (at least I just
> did).
> >
> >
> >
> http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=l1ILAAAAYAAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA1&
> dq=reginald+illingworth+woodhouse&ots=U72DK76hOv&sig=43mpBVnMo49rKeR3_
> ufc5wfwxuY
> >
> > A J
> >
> > On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 8:50 AM, SandraMachin
> > <sandramachin@...
> > >wrote:
> >
> > > **
> >
> > >
> > >
> > > Don't know what this is, but here's the link anyway.
> > >
> >
> http://www.amazon.co.uk/Life-John-Morton-Archbishop-Canterbury/dp/1103
> 690094/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1368539271&sr=8-2&keywords=archbishop+mo
> rtonThere
> 's
> > only one at Amazon. If it's something stupid, I didn't tell anyone.
> >
> > >
> > > Sandra
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> >
> >
> >
> > ------------------------------------
> >
> > Yahoo! Groups Links
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
>
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-14 17:30:44
From: Johanne Tournier
To:
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 12:05 PM
Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
> Also the unlikelihood
of the princes' bones being found 10 feet deep under or alongside the stairs
going into the White Tower.
Quite apart from the fact that the depth suggests a Roman or Anglo-Saxon
burial, if the steps in question are on the *outside* of the White Tower,
which I hadn't realised, then they must be overlooked by the buildings all
around. Unless there were a lot more bushes around the tower than there are
now, anybody digging a 10ft hole there would be conspicuously visible for
hours. It would be a daft place to choose.
I've always understood More to mean that the bodies were temporarily
concealed at suface level under some builders' rubble which was already
there - which at least makes logical sense, even if it's almost certainly a
lie. To dig a grave-sized hole 10ft deep in a public space overlooked by
buildings all around makes much less sense. Even if the idea is supposed to
be that the 10ft hole was, or was presented as being, part of the work being
done on the stair, there must have been hordes of stonemasons there who
would notice if somebody had been buried in one of their holes.
To:
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 12:05 PM
Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
> Also the unlikelihood
of the princes' bones being found 10 feet deep under or alongside the stairs
going into the White Tower.
Quite apart from the fact that the depth suggests a Roman or Anglo-Saxon
burial, if the steps in question are on the *outside* of the White Tower,
which I hadn't realised, then they must be overlooked by the buildings all
around. Unless there were a lot more bushes around the tower than there are
now, anybody digging a 10ft hole there would be conspicuously visible for
hours. It would be a daft place to choose.
I've always understood More to mean that the bodies were temporarily
concealed at suface level under some builders' rubble which was already
there - which at least makes logical sense, even if it's almost certainly a
lie. To dig a grave-sized hole 10ft deep in a public space overlooked by
buildings all around makes much less sense. Even if the idea is supposed to
be that the 10ft hole was, or was presented as being, part of the work being
done on the stair, there must have been hordes of stonemasons there who
would notice if somebody had been buried in one of their holes.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-14 17:35:52
wednesday_mc wrote:
"Ngh!
(NOTE: This is a word used when a Ricardian's brain hurts after she has
tried for days to make sense of the details surrounding the disappearance of
the Little Terrors in the Tower. Other words used are not suitable for use
here.)
After reading Carol's erudite post (per below) and literally screeching like
a barn owl in frustration at the tangle provided by the available resources,
and the unavailability of reliable resources regarding everything to do with
those Tower Brats, I've come to believe that what separates the
Traditionalist from the Ricardian is that the Traditionalist throws up
his/her hands when looking at anything pre-1485 and flees in horror back to
the plethora of Tudor documentation/propaganda -- and *not* because Richard
did it."
Doug here:
Giving them (Trads) the benefit of the doubt, maybe it's because there's so
little solid, documentary proof that Richard *didn't* have his nephews
killed? Their reliance of More is less excusable as, to the best of my
knowledge, while the RCC might declare someone a saint, I've never heard of
*any* historian being required to take something the RCC says as, well,
dogma! I definitely don't mean that as an attack on the RCC (or and faith,
for that matter), but on those historians who seem to place too much
reliance on "who" wrote something rather than on *what* was written.
weds continues:
"By comparison, anyone loyal to Richard -- and like the most loyal horse or
dog imaginable -- keeps tracing and retracing what is available, no matter
how reliable/unreliable. There is something inside us that won't give up. We
continue hoping and believing if we just keep teasing through whatever we
have, we'll find something something -- anything -- we haven't seen or heard
or discovered before. Surely it's there...?
It has also occurred to me that the tangle of non-information may exist
precisely because Richard is innocent. Because heaven knows that the
documentation of the Tudors many judicial murders and off-with-their-heads
moments is solid and multiple and nauseatingly plentiful -- witness the many
books, textbooks, biographies, movies, romances, mini-series, documentaries
that make much money for their producers. And also because heaven knows if
The Tudor Company Ltd could have come up with any sort of original
documentation to damn Richard, they would have.
More and more, I'm thinking that we don't have proof of Richard's innocence
because the proof of his guilt was never there either. Because if Richard
were guilty, The Tudor Company Ltd would have seen it published in a hundred
gleeful, better forms than Vergil or More or Mancini or the Chronicles or
Old Bill.
I guess what I'm trying to say (and think) is that if Richard were guilty of
killing the littles, the proof should be there in spades. A murderer
*always* leaves evidence behind, but all we have evidence of is gossip.
That's not evidence of murder. Either Richard was the most gifted judicial
murderer ever (who managed to cover all his tracks and all the tracks of
those who helped him do this while he was on progress), or something's
rotten in the records.
Maybe we should do what criminal investigators in the U.S. do to determine
whether they have evidence that will stand in court. Per Wikipedia, in US
Criminal law, "means, motive, and opportunity" is a popular cultural
summation of the three aspects of a crime that must be established before
guilt can be determined in a criminal proceeding.
Respectively, they refer to:
(1) the ability of the defendant to commit the crime (means)
(2) the reason the defendant felt the need to commit the crime (motive)
(3) and whether or not the defendant had the chance to commit the crime
(opportunity)
Maybe we should list possible other suspects for the murder of the little
Brats? If none of those people had the means, motive and opportunity to kill
the darlings, then perhaps the argument of Richard having the means, motive
and opportunity to get them out of reach?"
Doug again:
Interestingly enough (to me anyway), is that I first came across Richard as
someone who likes mysteries. I spotted Audrey Williamson's book in a shop in
Cheltenham because of the little blurb on the cover saying it was winner of
the Crime Writers' Gold Dagger Award - usually a very good recommendation
for *any* mystery. That led to Tey's "The Daughter of Time" and finally
here.
Going by the criteria you've provided, Richard certainly had the means and
opportunity but, as we know now via Titulus Regius, he *didn't* have a
motive. Only psychopaths kill without a motive and neither the Tudor
propaganda machine nor Shakespeare ever stooped to that!
Buckingham, OTOH, certainly had a motive and possibly had the means and
opportunity. The attempt to get the boys out of the Tower would, if
Buckingham *was* involved in it, also have given him both the means and
opportunity.
After that, however, I start running short of suspects who even come near
meeting more than one of the requirements. There are lots of people who
benefited from the boy's disappearance, but who lacked means and opportunity
to see that they did.
Doug
(who personally is fond of "Gyack!", but more than happy to expand his
voabulary!)
"Ngh!
(NOTE: This is a word used when a Ricardian's brain hurts after she has
tried for days to make sense of the details surrounding the disappearance of
the Little Terrors in the Tower. Other words used are not suitable for use
here.)
After reading Carol's erudite post (per below) and literally screeching like
a barn owl in frustration at the tangle provided by the available resources,
and the unavailability of reliable resources regarding everything to do with
those Tower Brats, I've come to believe that what separates the
Traditionalist from the Ricardian is that the Traditionalist throws up
his/her hands when looking at anything pre-1485 and flees in horror back to
the plethora of Tudor documentation/propaganda -- and *not* because Richard
did it."
Doug here:
Giving them (Trads) the benefit of the doubt, maybe it's because there's so
little solid, documentary proof that Richard *didn't* have his nephews
killed? Their reliance of More is less excusable as, to the best of my
knowledge, while the RCC might declare someone a saint, I've never heard of
*any* historian being required to take something the RCC says as, well,
dogma! I definitely don't mean that as an attack on the RCC (or and faith,
for that matter), but on those historians who seem to place too much
reliance on "who" wrote something rather than on *what* was written.
weds continues:
"By comparison, anyone loyal to Richard -- and like the most loyal horse or
dog imaginable -- keeps tracing and retracing what is available, no matter
how reliable/unreliable. There is something inside us that won't give up. We
continue hoping and believing if we just keep teasing through whatever we
have, we'll find something something -- anything -- we haven't seen or heard
or discovered before. Surely it's there...?
It has also occurred to me that the tangle of non-information may exist
precisely because Richard is innocent. Because heaven knows that the
documentation of the Tudors many judicial murders and off-with-their-heads
moments is solid and multiple and nauseatingly plentiful -- witness the many
books, textbooks, biographies, movies, romances, mini-series, documentaries
that make much money for their producers. And also because heaven knows if
The Tudor Company Ltd could have come up with any sort of original
documentation to damn Richard, they would have.
More and more, I'm thinking that we don't have proof of Richard's innocence
because the proof of his guilt was never there either. Because if Richard
were guilty, The Tudor Company Ltd would have seen it published in a hundred
gleeful, better forms than Vergil or More or Mancini or the Chronicles or
Old Bill.
I guess what I'm trying to say (and think) is that if Richard were guilty of
killing the littles, the proof should be there in spades. A murderer
*always* leaves evidence behind, but all we have evidence of is gossip.
That's not evidence of murder. Either Richard was the most gifted judicial
murderer ever (who managed to cover all his tracks and all the tracks of
those who helped him do this while he was on progress), or something's
rotten in the records.
Maybe we should do what criminal investigators in the U.S. do to determine
whether they have evidence that will stand in court. Per Wikipedia, in US
Criminal law, "means, motive, and opportunity" is a popular cultural
summation of the three aspects of a crime that must be established before
guilt can be determined in a criminal proceeding.
Respectively, they refer to:
(1) the ability of the defendant to commit the crime (means)
(2) the reason the defendant felt the need to commit the crime (motive)
(3) and whether or not the defendant had the chance to commit the crime
(opportunity)
Maybe we should list possible other suspects for the murder of the little
Brats? If none of those people had the means, motive and opportunity to kill
the darlings, then perhaps the argument of Richard having the means, motive
and opportunity to get them out of reach?"
Doug again:
Interestingly enough (to me anyway), is that I first came across Richard as
someone who likes mysteries. I spotted Audrey Williamson's book in a shop in
Cheltenham because of the little blurb on the cover saying it was winner of
the Crime Writers' Gold Dagger Award - usually a very good recommendation
for *any* mystery. That led to Tey's "The Daughter of Time" and finally
here.
Going by the criteria you've provided, Richard certainly had the means and
opportunity but, as we know now via Titulus Regius, he *didn't* have a
motive. Only psychopaths kill without a motive and neither the Tudor
propaganda machine nor Shakespeare ever stooped to that!
Buckingham, OTOH, certainly had a motive and possibly had the means and
opportunity. The attempt to get the boys out of the Tower would, if
Buckingham *was* involved in it, also have given him both the means and
opportunity.
After that, however, I start running short of suspects who even come near
meeting more than one of the requirements. There are lots of people who
benefited from the boy's disappearance, but who lacked means and opportunity
to see that they did.
Doug
(who personally is fond of "Gyack!", but more than happy to expand his
voabulary!)
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-14 17:39:30
As Eileen would say - DOH, yes, it is quite obvious now. Which once again begs to question, there needs to be a comprehensive look at all aspects of the last years of the Plantagenet Dynasty, from rivers to buildings, plotters and planners, documents, lands confiscated and bestowed, and on and on! Ah to be a young graduate student of unlimited means, with superb connections, and with the blessing of the Monarchy, the State, the Church, and whoever or whatever else is necessary to find the answers.
________________________________
From: [mailto:] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 6:24 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
From: Johanne Tournier
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 12:05 PM
Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
> Also the unlikelihood
of the princes' bones being found 10 feet deep under or alongside the stairs
going into the White Tower.
Quite apart from the fact that the depth suggests a Roman or Anglo-Saxon
burial, if the steps in question are on the *outside* of the White Tower,
which I hadn't realised, then they must be overlooked by the buildings all
around. Unless there were a lot more bushes around the tower than there are
now, anybody digging a 10ft hole there would be conspicuously visible for
hours. It would be a daft place to choose.
I've always understood More to mean that the bodies were temporarily
concealed at suface level under some builders' rubble which was already
there - which at least makes logical sense, even if it's almost certainly a
lie. To dig a grave-sized hole 10ft deep in a public space overlooked by
buildings all around makes much less sense. Even if the idea is supposed to
be that the 10ft hole was, or was presented as being, part of the work being
done on the stair, there must have been hordes of stonemasons there who
would notice if somebody had been buried in one of their holes.
________________________________
From: [mailto:] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 6:24 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
From: Johanne Tournier
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 12:05 PM
Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
> Also the unlikelihood
of the princes' bones being found 10 feet deep under or alongside the stairs
going into the White Tower.
Quite apart from the fact that the depth suggests a Roman or Anglo-Saxon
burial, if the steps in question are on the *outside* of the White Tower,
which I hadn't realised, then they must be overlooked by the buildings all
around. Unless there were a lot more bushes around the tower than there are
now, anybody digging a 10ft hole there would be conspicuously visible for
hours. It would be a daft place to choose.
I've always understood More to mean that the bodies were temporarily
concealed at suface level under some builders' rubble which was already
there - which at least makes logical sense, even if it's almost certainly a
lie. To dig a grave-sized hole 10ft deep in a public space overlooked by
buildings all around makes much less sense. Even if the idea is supposed to
be that the 10ft hole was, or was presented as being, part of the work being
done on the stair, there must have been hordes of stonemasons there who
would notice if somebody had been buried in one of their holes.
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-14 18:17:59
SandraMachin wrote:
"Still thinking, I'm afraid. Never a good sign. Did Buckingham's choice of
Gloucester indicate his initial intention to support Henry Tudor's claim?
And did the floods leave him with three choices - (1) Take the long detour
and still go to Henry, in the south of the realm, hoping not to be
side-swiped and skirmished by Richard before he got there. On the hoof, so
to speak. (2) Disband his army, call it a day and go home to Brecon in time
for tea and tiffin in front of the roaring log fire. (3) Make use of the
army to go after Richard on his own account? It was a more direct thing to
go north up the higher land on the west bank of the river, cross at the
first opportunity above Worcester, and go face to face in battle formation
with Richard in the centre of the kingdom. By then he certainly would not be
thinking of Henry Tudor, but of himself. Buckingham had the claim,
Buckingham raised the army, Buckingham had taken on Richard, and if
Buckingham won it would be to put Buckingham on the throne, not some
Lancastrian half-Beaufort upstart without a legitimate claim. It all went
pear-shaped, of course, but that is how I am beginning to view Buckingham's
actions. Whatever his motives, I cannot respect him. He was no adornment to
his family or dukedom. Richard, already embittered by his treachery, would
have made mincemeat of him on a battlefield."
//snip//
Doug here:
Buckingham's movements looked to me as if he didn't want (dare?) to risk
meeting Richard *before* his (B's) forces were united with Tudor's. Hence
his determination to cross the Severn as far south as, usually, possible
might have been due to his simply lacking enough men to resist Richard if
they met in battle.
Any move by Buckingham northwards then, towards crossings that *were*
usable, would have taken him *away* from the troops he desperately needed in
order to put up *any* resistance at all, let alone possibly defeat, Richard.
Do we know where Tudor was *supposed* to land? Could his original goal been
Bristol?
Doug
"Still thinking, I'm afraid. Never a good sign. Did Buckingham's choice of
Gloucester indicate his initial intention to support Henry Tudor's claim?
And did the floods leave him with three choices - (1) Take the long detour
and still go to Henry, in the south of the realm, hoping not to be
side-swiped and skirmished by Richard before he got there. On the hoof, so
to speak. (2) Disband his army, call it a day and go home to Brecon in time
for tea and tiffin in front of the roaring log fire. (3) Make use of the
army to go after Richard on his own account? It was a more direct thing to
go north up the higher land on the west bank of the river, cross at the
first opportunity above Worcester, and go face to face in battle formation
with Richard in the centre of the kingdom. By then he certainly would not be
thinking of Henry Tudor, but of himself. Buckingham had the claim,
Buckingham raised the army, Buckingham had taken on Richard, and if
Buckingham won it would be to put Buckingham on the throne, not some
Lancastrian half-Beaufort upstart without a legitimate claim. It all went
pear-shaped, of course, but that is how I am beginning to view Buckingham's
actions. Whatever his motives, I cannot respect him. He was no adornment to
his family or dukedom. Richard, already embittered by his treachery, would
have made mincemeat of him on a battlefield."
//snip//
Doug here:
Buckingham's movements looked to me as if he didn't want (dare?) to risk
meeting Richard *before* his (B's) forces were united with Tudor's. Hence
his determination to cross the Severn as far south as, usually, possible
might have been due to his simply lacking enough men to resist Richard if
they met in battle.
Any move by Buckingham northwards then, towards crossings that *were*
usable, would have taken him *away* from the troops he desperately needed in
order to put up *any* resistance at all, let alone possibly defeat, Richard.
Do we know where Tudor was *supposed* to land? Could his original goal been
Bristol?
Doug
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-14 18:59:07
From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 7:18 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Do we know where Tudor was *supposed* to land? Could his original goal been
Bristol?
Doug
Sandra: That's a good point, Doug. Hadn't thought of Bristol. Mind you, the weather would have made that destination difficult as well, since it's still in the Bristol Channel/Severn Sea, October 1483, with all the atrocious weather, floodwater, dangerous tides and so on. If Henry had made for there, it would be nice to think of him sinking to the bottom, into all that evil Severn mud. I'm inclined to think Henry would have intended somewhere along the south coast, but have no idea where. With the collapse of his plans, Buckingham did indeed ride north along the Severn frantically, as I understand and then days later is in Salisbury to be executed. So clearly he crossed somewhere. I hazard a guess at Shrewsbury. But getting one man/a few men across isn't quite the same as an army.
And I still find it hard to believe an English nobleman of Buckingham's vanity, status and lineage would be prepared to support the claim of the relatively obscure son of the Welsh Earl of Richmond. But who can say what the heck Buckingham thought?
Whatever, luck was still with Richard on this occasion. It certainly wasn't for the rest of his reign. I feeling like kicking fate' for turning upon him to such a cruel and monstrous degree at the same time favouring Henry Tudor to the point of gross injustice. (spits teeth)
Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 7:18 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Do we know where Tudor was *supposed* to land? Could his original goal been
Bristol?
Doug
Sandra: That's a good point, Doug. Hadn't thought of Bristol. Mind you, the weather would have made that destination difficult as well, since it's still in the Bristol Channel/Severn Sea, October 1483, with all the atrocious weather, floodwater, dangerous tides and so on. If Henry had made for there, it would be nice to think of him sinking to the bottom, into all that evil Severn mud. I'm inclined to think Henry would have intended somewhere along the south coast, but have no idea where. With the collapse of his plans, Buckingham did indeed ride north along the Severn frantically, as I understand and then days later is in Salisbury to be executed. So clearly he crossed somewhere. I hazard a guess at Shrewsbury. But getting one man/a few men across isn't quite the same as an army.
And I still find it hard to believe an English nobleman of Buckingham's vanity, status and lineage would be prepared to support the claim of the relatively obscure son of the Welsh Earl of Richmond. But who can say what the heck Buckingham thought?
Whatever, luck was still with Richard on this occasion. It certainly wasn't for the rest of his reign. I feeling like kicking fate' for turning upon him to such a cruel and monstrous degree at the same time favouring Henry Tudor to the point of gross injustice. (spits teeth)
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-14 20:40:43
Hi, Claire & Everyone -
Annette Carson goes into a tremendous amount of detail about all the stories
about the discovery of children's bones in the Tower, as there is also the
tale that two sets of children's remains were found in a small walled-up
room inside the White Tower, as well as a few other instances (one of which
turned out to be the skeleton of a baboon that had escaped from the Tower
menagerie).
About the remains found under/next to the stairs, Carson provides a number
of diagrams and pictures illustrating the layout of the Tower, both the
outer perimeter wall with their towers and the White Tower itself. In the
earliest period, access to the Tower was by a defensible removable wooden
stairway that led to the main door on the first (i.e. second in North
America) floor. A squarish "forebuilding" was built (probably in the 12th.
century) which was attached to the South side of the White Tower and
included permanent stone steps in place of the removable wooden ones. Carson
also says that there was a small doorway added probably around 1350 that
gave onto the ground floor and a stairway near it extended in a spiral,
probably also in the 14th. century, to allow access to St. John's Chapel
from the exterior for the first time. It was under the exterior stone
stairway leading to the door that the bones were found in 1674.
"Given that we cannot fault authoritative reports by Knight and Wren of the
bones being found 10 ft. in the ground while men were 'digging down' the
stairs that led to the chapel, with Gibbon confirming they were digging
foundations, it is surprising that opinions differ as to exactly where the
discovery took place. Can this be because the eyewitness descriptions are
impossible to reconcile with Thomas More?" (pg. 183, original edition)
Carson also discusses the forensics in detail, including the question of the
sex and ages of the bones, which were not definitely ascertained. She also
considers the question of the diseased jaw of the elder, noting that he may
have suffered from osteomyelitis, which very well could have been fatal, or
osteitis, which at the least would have caused excruciating pain. She notes
that no early observer noted that Edward suffered from any debilitating
condition, although it would have been significant if he had, thus making it
probable that he didn't suffer from any such condition.
Finally, there were some original evidences that were used to suggest
kinship between the two boys, especially some congenitally missing teeth in
both skulls, and large, similarly-shaped "Wormian bones," which are extra
bones in the skull. Carson says it is known now that such similarities don't
necessarily prove kinship, as the similarities in teeth (like missing wisdom
teeth) and Wormian bones are shared by a fairly high percentage of the
population.
Carson notes that Hicks, the only modern biographer of Edward V, although
seeming to accept that these are the bones of the boys, ". . . confines
himself to just two brief references to the bones. His stance as to their
identity even then is equivocal. Having wagged a metaphorical finger at
'those who do not wish to believe' in the face of 'the best medical opinion
of the day', the professor thereafter tells us that he himself has yet to be
convinced: 'If the bones were those of the princes, it remains to be
demonstrated' and later, 'The evidence, however, is far from conclusive.'
Sitting squarely on the fence, he opines: 'If they are the right bodies,
modern anatomical skills ought to locate their deaths within or beyond the
reign - where it already appears certain that they belong.' A safe assertion
if there ever was one!
"It is particularly revealing that Hicks omits any mention of the condition
of the jaw of the elder skull, thus failing to investigate the conspicuous
disease from which the young Edward, on the evidence of the bones, is
claimed to have suffered. Can it be that Professor Hicks is as skeptical
about the bones as are the revisionists he so disdains?" (pg. 191, original
edition)
I hope this is of some interest! I certainly believe that Hicks, from
Carson's description, seems to want to have his cake and eat it, too!
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 8:24 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
From: Johanne Tournier
To:
<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 12:05 PM
Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
> Also the unlikelihood
of the princes' bones being found 10 feet deep under or alongside the stairs
going into the White Tower.
Quite apart from the fact that the depth suggests a Roman or Anglo-Saxon
burial, if the steps in question are on the *outside* of the White Tower,
which I hadn't realised, then they must be overlooked by the buildings all
around. Unless there were a lot more bushes around the tower than there are
now, anybody digging a 10ft hole there would be conspicuously visible for
hours. It would be a daft place to choose.
I've always understood More to mean that the bodies were temporarily
concealed at suface level under some builders' rubble which was already
there - which at least makes logical sense, even if it's almost certainly a
lie. To dig a grave-sized hole 10ft deep in a public space overlooked by
buildings all around makes much less sense. Even if the idea is supposed to
be that the 10ft hole was, or was presented as being, part of the work being
done on the stair, there must have been hordes of stonemasons there who
would notice if somebody had been buried in one of their holes.
Annette Carson goes into a tremendous amount of detail about all the stories
about the discovery of children's bones in the Tower, as there is also the
tale that two sets of children's remains were found in a small walled-up
room inside the White Tower, as well as a few other instances (one of which
turned out to be the skeleton of a baboon that had escaped from the Tower
menagerie).
About the remains found under/next to the stairs, Carson provides a number
of diagrams and pictures illustrating the layout of the Tower, both the
outer perimeter wall with their towers and the White Tower itself. In the
earliest period, access to the Tower was by a defensible removable wooden
stairway that led to the main door on the first (i.e. second in North
America) floor. A squarish "forebuilding" was built (probably in the 12th.
century) which was attached to the South side of the White Tower and
included permanent stone steps in place of the removable wooden ones. Carson
also says that there was a small doorway added probably around 1350 that
gave onto the ground floor and a stairway near it extended in a spiral,
probably also in the 14th. century, to allow access to St. John's Chapel
from the exterior for the first time. It was under the exterior stone
stairway leading to the door that the bones were found in 1674.
"Given that we cannot fault authoritative reports by Knight and Wren of the
bones being found 10 ft. in the ground while men were 'digging down' the
stairs that led to the chapel, with Gibbon confirming they were digging
foundations, it is surprising that opinions differ as to exactly where the
discovery took place. Can this be because the eyewitness descriptions are
impossible to reconcile with Thomas More?" (pg. 183, original edition)
Carson also discusses the forensics in detail, including the question of the
sex and ages of the bones, which were not definitely ascertained. She also
considers the question of the diseased jaw of the elder, noting that he may
have suffered from osteomyelitis, which very well could have been fatal, or
osteitis, which at the least would have caused excruciating pain. She notes
that no early observer noted that Edward suffered from any debilitating
condition, although it would have been significant if he had, thus making it
probable that he didn't suffer from any such condition.
Finally, there were some original evidences that were used to suggest
kinship between the two boys, especially some congenitally missing teeth in
both skulls, and large, similarly-shaped "Wormian bones," which are extra
bones in the skull. Carson says it is known now that such similarities don't
necessarily prove kinship, as the similarities in teeth (like missing wisdom
teeth) and Wormian bones are shared by a fairly high percentage of the
population.
Carson notes that Hicks, the only modern biographer of Edward V, although
seeming to accept that these are the bones of the boys, ". . . confines
himself to just two brief references to the bones. His stance as to their
identity even then is equivocal. Having wagged a metaphorical finger at
'those who do not wish to believe' in the face of 'the best medical opinion
of the day', the professor thereafter tells us that he himself has yet to be
convinced: 'If the bones were those of the princes, it remains to be
demonstrated' and later, 'The evidence, however, is far from conclusive.'
Sitting squarely on the fence, he opines: 'If they are the right bodies,
modern anatomical skills ought to locate their deaths within or beyond the
reign - where it already appears certain that they belong.' A safe assertion
if there ever was one!
"It is particularly revealing that Hicks omits any mention of the condition
of the jaw of the elder skull, thus failing to investigate the conspicuous
disease from which the young Edward, on the evidence of the bones, is
claimed to have suffered. Can it be that Professor Hicks is as skeptical
about the bones as are the revisionists he so disdains?" (pg. 191, original
edition)
I hope this is of some interest! I certainly believe that Hicks, from
Carson's description, seems to want to have his cake and eat it, too!
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 8:24 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
From: Johanne Tournier
To:
<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 12:05 PM
Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
> Also the unlikelihood
of the princes' bones being found 10 feet deep under or alongside the stairs
going into the White Tower.
Quite apart from the fact that the depth suggests a Roman or Anglo-Saxon
burial, if the steps in question are on the *outside* of the White Tower,
which I hadn't realised, then they must be overlooked by the buildings all
around. Unless there were a lot more bushes around the tower than there are
now, anybody digging a 10ft hole there would be conspicuously visible for
hours. It would be a daft place to choose.
I've always understood More to mean that the bodies were temporarily
concealed at suface level under some builders' rubble which was already
there - which at least makes logical sense, even if it's almost certainly a
lie. To dig a grave-sized hole 10ft deep in a public space overlooked by
buildings all around makes much less sense. Even if the idea is supposed to
be that the 10ft hole was, or was presented as being, part of the work being
done on the stair, there must have been hordes of stonemasons there who
would notice if somebody had been buried in one of their holes.
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-14 20:59:37
From: SandraMachin
To:
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 11:45 AM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
> OMG, Claire, what a disgusting thought. Imagine catching the royal eye and
> then seeing the ominously beckoning finger. One would just have to tell
> him it was the wrong time of the month and hope it put him off! He seems
> to have been so like Henry VIII it's incredible.
To be fair, he only doubled his wives up - he didn't judicially murder them.
But there seems to be more of Edward IV then Henry VII in Henry VIII, so in
effect York won - although not in a good way.
> How on earth could someone as elegant, refined and honest as Richard be
> Edward's brother???? I believe he was elegant. and refined. Both seem to
> be written right across his portraits. If he turned out to be a boor, I'd
> be truly astonished.
I could imagine him being rowdy if he'd had a skinfull, and if he was a
normal teenage boy he probably went through a phase when he had a face like
a pizza and thought that competition belching was the height of
sophisticated humour. But the fact that his books were second-hand
(suggesting he had them to read, not for show), and his possession of a
Wycliffe Bible, and his interest in the law and in hearing theological
debates, and his concern for women and for common soldiers, all suggest that
he was scholarly, thoughtful and considerate, so it's unlikely that he would
ever intentionally be crass or offensicve.
To:
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 11:45 AM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
> OMG, Claire, what a disgusting thought. Imagine catching the royal eye and
> then seeing the ominously beckoning finger. One would just have to tell
> him it was the wrong time of the month and hope it put him off! He seems
> to have been so like Henry VIII it's incredible.
To be fair, he only doubled his wives up - he didn't judicially murder them.
But there seems to be more of Edward IV then Henry VII in Henry VIII, so in
effect York won - although not in a good way.
> How on earth could someone as elegant, refined and honest as Richard be
> Edward's brother???? I believe he was elegant. and refined. Both seem to
> be written right across his portraits. If he turned out to be a boor, I'd
> be truly astonished.
I could imagine him being rowdy if he'd had a skinfull, and if he was a
normal teenage boy he probably went through a phase when he had a face like
a pizza and thought that competition belching was the height of
sophisticated humour. But the fact that his books were second-hand
(suggesting he had them to read, not for show), and his possession of a
Wycliffe Bible, and his interest in the law and in hearing theological
debates, and his concern for women and for common soldiers, all suggest that
he was scholarly, thoughtful and considerate, so it's unlikely that he would
ever intentionally be crass or offensicve.
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-15 00:56:26
Richard also seems to have spent every minute he could away from Edward's court, so it seems doubtful they shared the same tastes in much of anything. Including selling out English honor for a French pension.
~Weds
--- In , "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...> wrote:
>
> I could imagine him being rowdy if he'd had a skinfull, and if he was a normal teenage boy he probably went through a phase when he had a face like a pizza and thought that competition belching was the height of sophisticated humour. But the fact that his books were second-hand (suggesting he had them to read, not for show), and his possession of a Wycliffe Bible, and his interest in the law and in hearing theological debates, and his concern for women and for common soldiers, all suggest that he was scholarly, thoughtful and considerate, so it's unlikely that he would ever intentionally be crass or offensicve.
~Weds
--- In , "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...> wrote:
>
> I could imagine him being rowdy if he'd had a skinfull, and if he was a normal teenage boy he probably went through a phase when he had a face like a pizza and thought that competition belching was the height of sophisticated humour. But the fact that his books were second-hand (suggesting he had them to read, not for show), and his possession of a Wycliffe Bible, and his interest in the law and in hearing theological debates, and his concern for women and for common soldiers, all suggest that he was scholarly, thoughtful and considerate, so it's unlikely that he would ever intentionally be crass or offensicve.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 04:50:33
Judging by the position of the staircase indicated in Isolde Wigram's article it's quite possible that while outside now, in the 15th century it may very well have been inside: It looks to be located where the White Tower adjoined the royal apartments where from everything I've read the princes were housed. Much of what constituted the Tower of London in the 15th century no longer exists and that includes the royal apartments which was essentially a palace within the tower walls.
http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b9/Scale_Model_Of_The_Tower_Of_London_In_The_Tower_Of_London.jpg
In the picture linked above the royal apartments are those from the south face of the White Tower to the wall that parallels the river (which includes the Wakefield Tower and the river gate later named Traitor's Gate).
James
--- In , "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...> wrote:
>
> From: Johanne Tournier
> To:
> Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 12:05 PM
> Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
>
>
> > Also the unlikelihood
> of the princes' bones being found 10 feet deep under or alongside the stairs
> going into the White Tower.
>
> Quite apart from the fact that the depth suggests a Roman or Anglo-Saxon
> burial, if the steps in question are on the *outside* of the White Tower,
> which I hadn't realised, then they must be overlooked by the buildings all
> around. Unless there were a lot more bushes around the tower than there are
> now, anybody digging a 10ft hole there would be conspicuously visible for
> hours. It would be a daft place to choose.
>
> I've always understood More to mean that the bodies were temporarily
> concealed at suface level under some builders' rubble which was already
> there - which at least makes logical sense, even if it's almost certainly a
> lie. To dig a grave-sized hole 10ft deep in a public space overlooked by
> buildings all around makes much less sense. Even if the idea is supposed to
> be that the 10ft hole was, or was presented as being, part of the work being
> done on the stair, there must have been hordes of stonemasons there who
> would notice if somebody had been buried in one of their holes.
>
http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b9/Scale_Model_Of_The_Tower_Of_London_In_The_Tower_Of_London.jpg
In the picture linked above the royal apartments are those from the south face of the White Tower to the wall that parallels the river (which includes the Wakefield Tower and the river gate later named Traitor's Gate).
James
--- In , "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...> wrote:
>
> From: Johanne Tournier
> To:
> Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 12:05 PM
> Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
>
>
> > Also the unlikelihood
> of the princes' bones being found 10 feet deep under or alongside the stairs
> going into the White Tower.
>
> Quite apart from the fact that the depth suggests a Roman or Anglo-Saxon
> burial, if the steps in question are on the *outside* of the White Tower,
> which I hadn't realised, then they must be overlooked by the buildings all
> around. Unless there were a lot more bushes around the tower than there are
> now, anybody digging a 10ft hole there would be conspicuously visible for
> hours. It would be a daft place to choose.
>
> I've always understood More to mean that the bodies were temporarily
> concealed at suface level under some builders' rubble which was already
> there - which at least makes logical sense, even if it's almost certainly a
> lie. To dig a grave-sized hole 10ft deep in a public space overlooked by
> buildings all around makes much less sense. Even if the idea is supposed to
> be that the 10ft hole was, or was presented as being, part of the work being
> done on the stair, there must have been hordes of stonemasons there who
> would notice if somebody had been buried in one of their holes.
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 06:29:55
Thanks for that, very interesting. It begs the question as to where the boys were seen playing and who saw them.
Poet <virginia_bard@...> wrote:
Judging by the position of the staircase indicated in Isolde Wigram's article it's quite possible that while outside now, in the 15th century it may very well have been inside: It looks to be located where the White Tower adjoined the royal apartments where from everything I've read the princes were housed. Much of what constituted the Tower of London in the 15th century no longer exists and that includes the royal apartments which was essentially a palace within the tower walls.
http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b9/Scale_Model_Of_The_Tower_Of_London_In_The_Tower_Of_London.jpg
In the picture linked above the royal apartments are those from the south face of the White Tower to the wall that parallels the river (which includes the Wakefield Tower and the river gate later named Traitor's Gate).
James
--- In , "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...> wrote:
>
> From: Johanne Tournier
> To:
> Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 12:05 PM
> Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
>
>
> > Also the unlikelihood
> of the princes' bones being found 10 feet deep under or alongside the stairs
> going into the White Tower.
>
> Quite apart from the fact that the depth suggests a Roman or Anglo-Saxon
> burial, if the steps in question are on the *outside* of the White Tower,
> which I hadn't realised, then they must be overlooked by the buildings all
> around. Unless there were a lot more bushes around the tower than there are
> now, anybody digging a 10ft hole there would be conspicuously visible for
> hours. It would be a daft place to choose.
>
> I've always understood More to mean that the bodies were temporarily
> concealed at suface level under some builders' rubble which was already
> there - which at least makes logical sense, even if it's almost certainly a
> lie. To dig a grave-sized hole 10ft deep in a public space overlooked by
> buildings all around makes much less sense. Even if the idea is supposed to
> be that the 10ft hole was, or was presented as being, part of the work being
> done on the stair, there must have been hordes of stonemasons there who
> would notice if somebody had been buried in one of their holes.
>
Poet <virginia_bard@...> wrote:
Judging by the position of the staircase indicated in Isolde Wigram's article it's quite possible that while outside now, in the 15th century it may very well have been inside: It looks to be located where the White Tower adjoined the royal apartments where from everything I've read the princes were housed. Much of what constituted the Tower of London in the 15th century no longer exists and that includes the royal apartments which was essentially a palace within the tower walls.
http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b9/Scale_Model_Of_The_Tower_Of_London_In_The_Tower_Of_London.jpg
In the picture linked above the royal apartments are those from the south face of the White Tower to the wall that parallels the river (which includes the Wakefield Tower and the river gate later named Traitor's Gate).
James
--- In , "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...> wrote:
>
> From: Johanne Tournier
> To:
> Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 12:05 PM
> Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
>
>
> > Also the unlikelihood
> of the princes' bones being found 10 feet deep under or alongside the stairs
> going into the White Tower.
>
> Quite apart from the fact that the depth suggests a Roman or Anglo-Saxon
> burial, if the steps in question are on the *outside* of the White Tower,
> which I hadn't realised, then they must be overlooked by the buildings all
> around. Unless there were a lot more bushes around the tower than there are
> now, anybody digging a 10ft hole there would be conspicuously visible for
> hours. It would be a daft place to choose.
>
> I've always understood More to mean that the bodies were temporarily
> concealed at suface level under some builders' rubble which was already
> there - which at least makes logical sense, even if it's almost certainly a
> lie. To dig a grave-sized hole 10ft deep in a public space overlooked by
> buildings all around makes much less sense. Even if the idea is supposed to
> be that the 10ft hole was, or was presented as being, part of the work being
> done on the stair, there must have been hordes of stonemasons there who
> would notice if somebody had been buried in one of their holes.
>
Re: Lady Day
2013-05-15 07:39:05
Can anyone confirm that I am correct to believe that Lady Day 1487 would be New Year's Day? It seems fairly clear the two were the same, but I'd appreciate someone else telling me it is. Thank you.
Sandra
Sandra
Re: Lady Day
2013-05-15 09:10:03
Yes.
----- Original Message -----
From: SandraMachin
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 7:39 AM
Subject: Re: Lady Day
Can anyone confirm that I am correct to believe that Lady Day 1487 would be New Year's Day? It seems fairly clear the two were the same, but I'd appreciate someone else telling me it is. Thank you.
Sandra
----- Original Message -----
From: SandraMachin
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 7:39 AM
Subject: Re: Lady Day
Can anyone confirm that I am correct to believe that Lady Day 1487 would be New Year's Day? It seems fairly clear the two were the same, but I'd appreciate someone else telling me it is. Thank you.
Sandra
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-15 10:34:42
Yes I would agree with that. He was very hands on as an adminstrator, his annotations are on a lot of boring daily stuff (in fact one could say he was as hands on as H7). I have him as someone who would shine at the chamber of commerce meetings (ie the City of London merchant meetings) he hosted several of those. He was in many respects a modern man; modernity began with Edward, not Henry. And remember this image of him as the overweight eating, drinking man is as much propeganda as his brother's hump. He was a charismatic man, a kiss from him didn't make women recoil, it made them give him more money! He wasn't his grandson. A womaniser he might have been but that doesn't make him gross; think of that charmer Charles II (ah Rufus Sewall again).
Where did he go wrong? He arguably married the wrong woman (though she was not a bad queen) and he dabbled in land like a nobleman, not a king.
________________________________
From: Claire M Jordan <whitehound@...>
To:
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 19:58
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
From: SandraMachin
To:
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 11:45 AM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
> OMG, Claire, what a disgusting thought. Imagine catching the royal eye and
> then seeing the ominously beckoning finger. One would just have to tell
> him it was the wrong time of the month and hope it put him off! He seems
> to have been so like Henry VIII it's incredible.
To be fair, he only doubled his wives up - he didn't judicially murder them.
But there seems to be more of Edward IV then Henry VII in Henry VIII, so in
effect York won - although not in a good way.
> How on earth could someone as elegant, refined and honest as Richard be
> Edward's brother???? I believe he was elegant. and refined. Both seem to
> be written right across his portraits. If he turned out to be a boor, I'd
> be truly astonished.
I could imagine him being rowdy if he'd had a skinfull, and if he was a
normal teenage boy he probably went through a phase when he had a face like
a pizza and thought that competition belching was the height of
sophisticated humour. But the fact that his books were second-hand
(suggesting he had them to read, not for show), and his possession of a
Wycliffe Bible, and his interest in the law and in hearing theological
debates, and his concern for women and for common soldiers, all suggest that
he was scholarly, thoughtful and considerate, so it's unlikely that he would
ever intentionally be crass or offensicve.
Where did he go wrong? He arguably married the wrong woman (though she was not a bad queen) and he dabbled in land like a nobleman, not a king.
________________________________
From: Claire M Jordan <whitehound@...>
To:
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 19:58
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
From: SandraMachin
To:
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 11:45 AM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
> OMG, Claire, what a disgusting thought. Imagine catching the royal eye and
> then seeing the ominously beckoning finger. One would just have to tell
> him it was the wrong time of the month and hope it put him off! He seems
> to have been so like Henry VIII it's incredible.
To be fair, he only doubled his wives up - he didn't judicially murder them.
But there seems to be more of Edward IV then Henry VII in Henry VIII, so in
effect York won - although not in a good way.
> How on earth could someone as elegant, refined and honest as Richard be
> Edward's brother???? I believe he was elegant. and refined. Both seem to
> be written right across his portraits. If he turned out to be a boor, I'd
> be truly astonished.
I could imagine him being rowdy if he'd had a skinfull, and if he was a
normal teenage boy he probably went through a phase when he had a face like
a pizza and thought that competition belching was the height of
sophisticated humour. But the fact that his books were second-hand
(suggesting he had them to read, not for show), and his possession of a
Wycliffe Bible, and his interest in the law and in hearing theological
debates, and his concern for women and for common soldiers, all suggest that
he was scholarly, thoughtful and considerate, so it's unlikely that he would
ever intentionally be crass or offensicve.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 11:10:41
On 13/05/2013 18:23, wednesday_mc wrote:
> Was MB actually on the progress? Because Kendall has her staying behind in London when the progress set out from Windsor. He has MB sending Reginald Bray to Morton/Buckingham when the latter needed him (to carry messages?) Perhaps she was on the progress until Anne left Richard? (See below.)
A bit delayed in getting back to you.
I wasn't saying that MB was for certain on the progress, but was
wondering why, as her husband had for some reason I fail to understand,
been taken back into favour by Richard, why his wife, as a former lady
in waiting to the queen, not also been taken back into favour. She was
at the coronation after all. Something I have always questioned Kendall
about [not literally of course!]
Paul
--
Richard Liveth Yet!
> Was MB actually on the progress? Because Kendall has her staying behind in London when the progress set out from Windsor. He has MB sending Reginald Bray to Morton/Buckingham when the latter needed him (to carry messages?) Perhaps she was on the progress until Anne left Richard? (See below.)
A bit delayed in getting back to you.
I wasn't saying that MB was for certain on the progress, but was
wondering why, as her husband had for some reason I fail to understand,
been taken back into favour by Richard, why his wife, as a former lady
in waiting to the queen, not also been taken back into favour. She was
at the coronation after all. Something I have always questioned Kendall
about [not literally of course!]
Paul
--
Richard Liveth Yet!
Re: Lady Day
2013-05-15 12:27:16
Regarding Lady Day. I have come upon a problem in David Baldwin's Stoke Field book. In it (p. 22, published Pen & Sword Military, chapter entitled The Lambert Simnel Conspiracy) he identifies Lady Day by the modern date, 25th March, which is clearly wrong. But even so I cannot understand the dates of the Earl of Lincoln's pre-defection weeks. A party of Lincoln's men was apparently intercepted near Doncaster on Lady Day by Henry's agent, Tait, who identified them because they had Lincoln's recognisable white horse with them - or his rare white hobby falcon, not entirely sure which. Tait learned they were conveying much gold and silver on the earl's business, and by some things they said Tait gained the impression they were up to no good on Lincoln's behalf. He duly reported this to Henry. Presumably fairly quickly? Lady Day to March 9th is two months, surely Tait would not have dithered that long? Not much of an agent if that were the case. OK, so this is Lady Day, January 1st. Lincoln apparently remained unsuspected of anything until he defected on March 9th. So where was Tait's information in the meantime? Surely Henry would have learned of it before Lincoln's departure for Malines? Yet most accounts state that Henry was taken by surprise by Lincoln's abrupt departure.
Am I misunderstanding something here? Has anyone any thoughts on this?
Sandra
From: Stephen Lark
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 9:10 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Lady Day
Yes.
----- Original Message -----
From: SandraMachin
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 7:39 AM
Subject: Re: Lady Day
Can anyone confirm that I am correct to believe that Lady Day 1487 would be New Year's Day? It seems fairly clear the two were the same, but I'd appreciate someone else telling me it is. Thank you.
Sandra
Am I misunderstanding something here? Has anyone any thoughts on this?
Sandra
From: Stephen Lark
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 9:10 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Lady Day
Yes.
----- Original Message -----
From: SandraMachin
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 7:39 AM
Subject: Re: Lady Day
Can anyone confirm that I am correct to believe that Lady Day 1487 would be New Year's Day? It seems fairly clear the two were the same, but I'd appreciate someone else telling me it is. Thank you.
Sandra
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 12:44:39
Well said Pammy. Too many traditionalist have been able to get away with minimal research for too long.
--- In , Pamela Bain <pbain@...> wrote:
>
> As Eileen would say - DOH, yes, it is quite obvious now. Which once again begs to question, there needs to be a comprehensive look at all aspects of the last years of the Plantagenet Dynasty, from rivers to buildings, plotters and planners, documents, lands confiscated and bestowed, and on and on! Ah to be a young graduate student of unlimited means, with superb connections, and with the blessing of the Monarchy, the State, the Church, and whoever or whatever else is necessary to find the answers.
>
> ________________________________
> From: [mailto:] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
> Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 6:24 AM
> To:
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
>
>
> From: Johanne Tournier
> To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 12:05 PM
> Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
>
> > Also the unlikelihood
> of the princes' bones being found 10 feet deep under or alongside the stairs
> going into the White Tower.
>
> Quite apart from the fact that the depth suggests a Roman or Anglo-Saxon
> burial, if the steps in question are on the *outside* of the White Tower,
> which I hadn't realised, then they must be overlooked by the buildings all
> around. Unless there were a lot more bushes around the tower than there are
> now, anybody digging a 10ft hole there would be conspicuously visible for
> hours. It would be a daft place to choose.
>
> I've always understood More to mean that the bodies were temporarily
> concealed at suface level under some builders' rubble which was already
> there - which at least makes logical sense, even if it's almost certainly a
> lie. To dig a grave-sized hole 10ft deep in a public space overlooked by
> buildings all around makes much less sense. Even if the idea is supposed to
> be that the 10ft hole was, or was presented as being, part of the work being
> done on the stair, there must have been hordes of stonemasons there who
> would notice if somebody had been buried in one of their holes.
>
>
>
>
>
--- In , Pamela Bain <pbain@...> wrote:
>
> As Eileen would say - DOH, yes, it is quite obvious now. Which once again begs to question, there needs to be a comprehensive look at all aspects of the last years of the Plantagenet Dynasty, from rivers to buildings, plotters and planners, documents, lands confiscated and bestowed, and on and on! Ah to be a young graduate student of unlimited means, with superb connections, and with the blessing of the Monarchy, the State, the Church, and whoever or whatever else is necessary to find the answers.
>
> ________________________________
> From: [mailto:] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
> Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 6:24 AM
> To:
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
>
>
> From: Johanne Tournier
> To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 12:05 PM
> Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
>
> > Also the unlikelihood
> of the princes' bones being found 10 feet deep under or alongside the stairs
> going into the White Tower.
>
> Quite apart from the fact that the depth suggests a Roman or Anglo-Saxon
> burial, if the steps in question are on the *outside* of the White Tower,
> which I hadn't realised, then they must be overlooked by the buildings all
> around. Unless there were a lot more bushes around the tower than there are
> now, anybody digging a 10ft hole there would be conspicuously visible for
> hours. It would be a daft place to choose.
>
> I've always understood More to mean that the bodies were temporarily
> concealed at suface level under some builders' rubble which was already
> there - which at least makes logical sense, even if it's almost certainly a
> lie. To dig a grave-sized hole 10ft deep in a public space overlooked by
> buildings all around makes much less sense. Even if the idea is supposed to
> be that the 10ft hole was, or was presented as being, part of the work being
> done on the stair, there must have been hordes of stonemasons there who
> would notice if somebody had been buried in one of their holes.
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 13:09:12
Lovely, thanks....
On May 14, 2013, at 10:50 PM, "Poet" <virginia_bard@...<mailto:virginia_bard@...>> wrote:
Judging by the position of the staircase indicated in Isolde Wigram's article it's quite possible that while outside now, in the 15th century it may very well have been inside: It looks to be located where the White Tower adjoined the royal apartments where from everything I've read the princes were housed. Much of what constituted the Tower of London in the 15th century no longer exists and that includes the royal apartments which was essentially a palace within the tower walls.
http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b9/Scale_Model_Of_The_Tower_Of_London_In_The_Tower_Of_London.jpg
In the picture linked above the royal apartments are those from the south face of the White Tower to the wall that parallels the river (which includes the Wakefield Tower and the river gate later named Traitor's Gate).
James
--- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...> wrote:
>
> From: Johanne Tournier
> To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 12:05 PM
> Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
>
>
> > Also the unlikelihood
> of the princes' bones being found 10 feet deep under or alongside the stairs
> going into the White Tower.
>
> Quite apart from the fact that the depth suggests a Roman or Anglo-Saxon
> burial, if the steps in question are on the *outside* of the White Tower,
> which I hadn't realised, then they must be overlooked by the buildings all
> around. Unless there were a lot more bushes around the tower than there are
> now, anybody digging a 10ft hole there would be conspicuously visible for
> hours. It would be a daft place to choose.
>
> I've always understood More to mean that the bodies were temporarily
> concealed at suface level under some builders' rubble which was already
> there - which at least makes logical sense, even if it's almost certainly a
> lie. To dig a grave-sized hole 10ft deep in a public space overlooked by
> buildings all around makes much less sense. Even if the idea is supposed to
> be that the 10ft hole was, or was presented as being, part of the work being
> done on the stair, there must have been hordes of stonemasons there who
> would notice if somebody had been buried in one of their holes.
>
On May 14, 2013, at 10:50 PM, "Poet" <virginia_bard@...<mailto:virginia_bard@...>> wrote:
Judging by the position of the staircase indicated in Isolde Wigram's article it's quite possible that while outside now, in the 15th century it may very well have been inside: It looks to be located where the White Tower adjoined the royal apartments where from everything I've read the princes were housed. Much of what constituted the Tower of London in the 15th century no longer exists and that includes the royal apartments which was essentially a palace within the tower walls.
http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b9/Scale_Model_Of_The_Tower_Of_London_In_The_Tower_Of_London.jpg
In the picture linked above the royal apartments are those from the south face of the White Tower to the wall that parallels the river (which includes the Wakefield Tower and the river gate later named Traitor's Gate).
James
--- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...> wrote:
>
> From: Johanne Tournier
> To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 12:05 PM
> Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
>
>
> > Also the unlikelihood
> of the princes' bones being found 10 feet deep under or alongside the stairs
> going into the White Tower.
>
> Quite apart from the fact that the depth suggests a Roman or Anglo-Saxon
> burial, if the steps in question are on the *outside* of the White Tower,
> which I hadn't realised, then they must be overlooked by the buildings all
> around. Unless there were a lot more bushes around the tower than there are
> now, anybody digging a 10ft hole there would be conspicuously visible for
> hours. It would be a daft place to choose.
>
> I've always understood More to mean that the bodies were temporarily
> concealed at suface level under some builders' rubble which was already
> there - which at least makes logical sense, even if it's almost certainly a
> lie. To dig a grave-sized hole 10ft deep in a public space overlooked by
> buildings all around makes much less sense. Even if the idea is supposed to
> be that the 10ft hole was, or was presented as being, part of the work being
> done on the stair, there must have been hordes of stonemasons there who
> would notice if somebody had been buried in one of their holes.
>
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-15 13:10:08
Also Doug, having lived near the River Severn, the river after heavy rain is pretty high and floods, but then it gets worse as days go by because the water from above Shrewsbury starts comming down and making the flooding even worse in places like Bridgnorth, Bewdley and Worcester. Water coming down the hills alongside the Severn drains into the River and makes the flooding worse. What I am trying to say is that if Buckingham had decided to go North he probably would have met with worse conditions.
I agree with you about him wanting to meet up with Tudor and taking the quickest route. Another reason for him not wanting to go north as far as Bewdley for instance could have been that he would then have been in Richard's "territory". The Bowmen of Bewdley fought for Richard at Tewkesbury and he was responsible for Edward giving them a Charter in 1472 allowing them to have a market, which made Bewdley a prosperous town. Added to that Tickenhill Palace in Bewdley was part of Edward's Mortimer inheritance and was then owned by Richard as King. I am not sure about allegiance of the people of Worcester but Richard had just been there on his progress so it is possible that they were loyal too As possibly the people of Tewkesbury. Just some thoughts to add to the mix.
--- In , "Douglas Eugene Stamate" <destama@...> wrote:
>
>
> SandraMachin wrote:
>
> "Still thinking, I'm afraid. Never a good sign. Did Buckingham's choice of
> Gloucester indicate his initial intention to support Henry Tudor's claim?
> And did the floods leave him with three choices - (1) Take the long detour
> and still go to Henry, in the south of the realm, hoping not to be
> side-swiped and skirmished by Richard before he got there. On the hoof, so
> to speak. (2) Disband his army, call it a day and go home to Brecon in time
> for tea and tiffin in front of the roaring log fire. (3) Make use of the
> army to go after Richard on his own account? It was a more direct thing to
> go north up the higher land on the west bank of the river, cross at the
> first opportunity above Worcester, and go face to face in battle formation
> with Richard in the centre of the kingdom. By then he certainly would not be
> thinking of Henry Tudor, but of himself. Buckingham had the claim,
> Buckingham raised the army, Buckingham had taken on Richard, and if
> Buckingham won it would be to put Buckingham on the throne, not some
> Lancastrian half-Beaufort upstart without a legitimate claim. It all went
> pear-shaped, of course, but that is how I am beginning to view Buckingham's
> actions. Whatever his motives, I cannot respect him. He was no adornment to
> his family or dukedom. Richard, already embittered by his treachery, would
> have made mincemeat of him on a battlefield."
> //snip//
>
> Doug here:
> Buckingham's movements looked to me as if he didn't want (dare?) to risk
> meeting Richard *before* his (B's) forces were united with Tudor's. Hence
> his determination to cross the Severn as far south as, usually, possible
> might have been due to his simply lacking enough men to resist Richard if
> they met in battle.
> Any move by Buckingham northwards then, towards crossings that *were*
> usable, would have taken him *away* from the troops he desperately needed in
> order to put up *any* resistance at all, let alone possibly defeat, Richard.
> Do we know where Tudor was *supposed* to land? Could his original goal been
> Bristol?
> Doug
>
I agree with you about him wanting to meet up with Tudor and taking the quickest route. Another reason for him not wanting to go north as far as Bewdley for instance could have been that he would then have been in Richard's "territory". The Bowmen of Bewdley fought for Richard at Tewkesbury and he was responsible for Edward giving them a Charter in 1472 allowing them to have a market, which made Bewdley a prosperous town. Added to that Tickenhill Palace in Bewdley was part of Edward's Mortimer inheritance and was then owned by Richard as King. I am not sure about allegiance of the people of Worcester but Richard had just been there on his progress so it is possible that they were loyal too As possibly the people of Tewkesbury. Just some thoughts to add to the mix.
--- In , "Douglas Eugene Stamate" <destama@...> wrote:
>
>
> SandraMachin wrote:
>
> "Still thinking, I'm afraid. Never a good sign. Did Buckingham's choice of
> Gloucester indicate his initial intention to support Henry Tudor's claim?
> And did the floods leave him with three choices - (1) Take the long detour
> and still go to Henry, in the south of the realm, hoping not to be
> side-swiped and skirmished by Richard before he got there. On the hoof, so
> to speak. (2) Disband his army, call it a day and go home to Brecon in time
> for tea and tiffin in front of the roaring log fire. (3) Make use of the
> army to go after Richard on his own account? It was a more direct thing to
> go north up the higher land on the west bank of the river, cross at the
> first opportunity above Worcester, and go face to face in battle formation
> with Richard in the centre of the kingdom. By then he certainly would not be
> thinking of Henry Tudor, but of himself. Buckingham had the claim,
> Buckingham raised the army, Buckingham had taken on Richard, and if
> Buckingham won it would be to put Buckingham on the throne, not some
> Lancastrian half-Beaufort upstart without a legitimate claim. It all went
> pear-shaped, of course, but that is how I am beginning to view Buckingham's
> actions. Whatever his motives, I cannot respect him. He was no adornment to
> his family or dukedom. Richard, already embittered by his treachery, would
> have made mincemeat of him on a battlefield."
> //snip//
>
> Doug here:
> Buckingham's movements looked to me as if he didn't want (dare?) to risk
> meeting Richard *before* his (B's) forces were united with Tudor's. Hence
> his determination to cross the Severn as far south as, usually, possible
> might have been due to his simply lacking enough men to resist Richard if
> they met in battle.
> Any move by Buckingham northwards then, towards crossings that *were*
> usable, would have taken him *away* from the troops he desperately needed in
> order to put up *any* resistance at all, let alone possibly defeat, Richard.
> Do we know where Tudor was *supposed* to land? Could his original goal been
> Bristol?
> Doug
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 13:17:57
From: Poet
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 4:50 AM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> Judging by the position of the staircase indicated in Isolde Wigram's
> article it's quite possible that while outside now, in the 15th century it
> may very well have been inside: It looks to be located where the White
> Tower adjoined the royal apartments
Whereabouts are you placing it on this model? In those little external
add-on towers at near-left of the White Tower?
> In the picture linked above the royal apartments are those from the south
> face of the White Tower to the wall that parallels the river (which
> includes the Wakefield Tower and the river gate later named Traitor's
> Gate).
If they were already living in that little area at bottom right, which is a
courtyard within a courtyard, again I wonder what moving "deeper" into the
Tower could mean.
As for how they were seen playing and shooting, I wonder if there were
archery butts on one of the long strips of grass between the outer and inner
walls. They would provide a good long line-of-sight in an area where
passing men at arms weren't likely to walk in front of the target and get
spiked, and because the outer wall isn't all that high it might be possible
for people on the upper floors of nearby houses to see over the top of the
wall and catch a glimpse of the archers.
I can testify that the elevation of the top floor of a double-decker bus,
for example, is enough to give one a view of the tops of the outer
corner-towers: I once saw somebody's washing flapping on a line up there,
invisible from the street but clearly visible from the bus. A two-storey
building might enable one to look over the wall, and a three-storey one
almsot certainly would.
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 4:50 AM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> Judging by the position of the staircase indicated in Isolde Wigram's
> article it's quite possible that while outside now, in the 15th century it
> may very well have been inside: It looks to be located where the White
> Tower adjoined the royal apartments
Whereabouts are you placing it on this model? In those little external
add-on towers at near-left of the White Tower?
> In the picture linked above the royal apartments are those from the south
> face of the White Tower to the wall that parallels the river (which
> includes the Wakefield Tower and the river gate later named Traitor's
> Gate).
If they were already living in that little area at bottom right, which is a
courtyard within a courtyard, again I wonder what moving "deeper" into the
Tower could mean.
As for how they were seen playing and shooting, I wonder if there were
archery butts on one of the long strips of grass between the outer and inner
walls. They would provide a good long line-of-sight in an area where
passing men at arms weren't likely to walk in front of the target and get
spiked, and because the outer wall isn't all that high it might be possible
for people on the upper floors of nearby houses to see over the top of the
wall and catch a glimpse of the archers.
I can testify that the elevation of the top floor of a double-decker bus,
for example, is enough to give one a view of the tops of the outer
corner-towers: I once saw somebody's washing flapping on a line up there,
invisible from the street but clearly visible from the bus. A two-storey
building might enable one to look over the wall, and a three-storey one
almsot certainly would.
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-15 13:22:52
See an earlier reply to Doug re riding North up the Severn and why the flood water would be worse further North. I did not realise that he had rode North, so could he have arrived in say Shrewsbury after the flood water subsided and then crossed. I have read about Buckingham rebellion but many years ago so not really up to speed on all of it.
--- In , "SandraMachin" <sandramachin@...> wrote:
>
> From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
> Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 7:18 PM
> To:
> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
> Do we know where Tudor was *supposed* to land? Could his original goal been
> Bristol?
> Doug
> Sandra: That’s a good point, Doug. Hadn’t thought of Bristol. Mind you, the weather would have made that destination difficult as well, since it’s still in the Bristol Channel/Severn Sea, October 1483, with all the atrocious weather, floodwater, dangerous tides and so on. If Henry had made for there, it would be nice to think of him sinking to the bottom, into all that evil Severn mud. I’m inclined to think Henry would have intended somewhere along the south coast, but have no idea where. With the collapse of his plans, Buckingham did indeed ride north along the Severn â€" frantically, as I understand â€" and then days later is in Salisbury to be executed. So clearly he crossed somewhere. I hazard a guess at Shrewsbury. But getting one man/a few men across isn’t quite the same as an army.
> And I still find it hard to believe an English nobleman of Buckingham’s vanity, status and lineage would be prepared to support the claim of the relatively obscure son of the Welsh Earl of Richmond. But who can say what the heck Buckingham thought?
> Whatever, luck was still with Richard on this occasion. It certainly wasn’t for the rest of his reign. I feeling like kicking ‘fate’ for turning upon him to such a cruel and monstrous degree â€" at the same time favouring Henry Tudor to the point of gross injustice. (spits teeth)
>
>
>
>
>
>
--- In , "SandraMachin" <sandramachin@...> wrote:
>
> From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
> Sent: Monday, May 13, 2013 7:18 PM
> To:
> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
> Do we know where Tudor was *supposed* to land? Could his original goal been
> Bristol?
> Doug
> Sandra: That’s a good point, Doug. Hadn’t thought of Bristol. Mind you, the weather would have made that destination difficult as well, since it’s still in the Bristol Channel/Severn Sea, October 1483, with all the atrocious weather, floodwater, dangerous tides and so on. If Henry had made for there, it would be nice to think of him sinking to the bottom, into all that evil Severn mud. I’m inclined to think Henry would have intended somewhere along the south coast, but have no idea where. With the collapse of his plans, Buckingham did indeed ride north along the Severn â€" frantically, as I understand â€" and then days later is in Salisbury to be executed. So clearly he crossed somewhere. I hazard a guess at Shrewsbury. But getting one man/a few men across isn’t quite the same as an army.
> And I still find it hard to believe an English nobleman of Buckingham’s vanity, status and lineage would be prepared to support the claim of the relatively obscure son of the Welsh Earl of Richmond. But who can say what the heck Buckingham thought?
> Whatever, luck was still with Richard on this occasion. It certainly wasn’t for the rest of his reign. I feeling like kicking ‘fate’ for turning upon him to such a cruel and monstrous degree â€" at the same time favouring Henry Tudor to the point of gross injustice. (spits teeth)
>
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-15 14:51:50
Reggie Bray hails from there - say no more! From the murky waters I'm dabbling in the 'West Country' (if you can just about put Worcester in with that) is a seething mass of complexity. Which is not surprising seeing that it borders on Wales. See my earlier note about funds from Gloucester going to our Jasper.
________________________________
From: ricard1an <maryfriend@...>
To:
Sent: Wednesday, 15 May 2013, 13:10
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Also Doug, having lived near the River Severn, the river after heavy rain is pretty high and floods, but then it gets worse as days go by because the water from above Shrewsbury starts comming down and making the flooding even worse in places like Bridgnorth, Bewdley and Worcester. Water coming down the hills alongside the Severn drains into the River and makes the flooding worse. What I am trying to say is that if Buckingham had decided to go North he probably would have met with worse conditions.
I agree with you about him wanting to meet up with Tudor and taking the quickest route. Another reason for him not wanting to go north as far as Bewdley for instance could have been that he would then have been in Richard's "territory". The Bowmen of Bewdley fought for Richard at Tewkesbury and he was responsible for Edward giving them a Charter in 1472 allowing them to have a market, which made Bewdley a prosperous town. Added to that Tickenhill Palace in Bewdley was part of Edward's Mortimer inheritance and was then owned by Richard as King. I am not sure about allegiance of the people of Worcester but Richard had just been there on his progress so it is possible that they were loyal too As possibly the people of Tewkesbury. Just some thoughts to add to the mix.
--- In , "Douglas Eugene Stamate" <destama@...> wrote:
>
>
> SandraMachin wrote:
>
> "Still thinking, I'm afraid. Never a good sign. Did Buckingham's choice of
> Gloucester indicate his initial intention to support Henry Tudor's claim?
> And did the floods leave him with three choices - (1) Take the long detour
> and still go to Henry, in the south of the realm, hoping not to be
> side-swiped and skirmished by Richard before he got there. On the hoof, so
> to speak. (2) Disband his army, call it a day and go home to Brecon in time
> for tea and tiffin in front of the roaring log fire. (3) Make use of the
> army to go after Richard on his own account? It was a more direct thing to
> go north up the higher land on the west bank of the river, cross at the
> first opportunity above Worcester, and go face to face in battle formation
> with Richard in the centre of the kingdom. By then he certainly would not be
> thinking of Henry Tudor, but of himself. Buckingham had the claim,
> Buckingham raised the army, Buckingham had taken on Richard, and if
> Buckingham won it would be to put Buckingham on the throne, not some
> Lancastrian half-Beaufort upstart without a legitimate claim. It all went
> pear-shaped, of course, but that is how I am beginning to view Buckingham's
> actions. Whatever his motives, I cannot respect him. He was no adornment to
> his family or dukedom. Richard, already embittered by his treachery, would
> have made mincemeat of him on a battlefield."
> //snip//
>
> Doug here:
> Buckingham's movements looked to me as if he didn't want (dare?) to risk
> meeting Richard *before* his (B's) forces were united with Tudor's. Hence
> his determination to cross the Severn as far south as, usually, possible
> might have been due to his simply lacking enough men to resist Richard if
> they met in battle.
> Any move by Buckingham northwards then, towards crossings that *were*
> usable, would have taken him *away* from the troops he desperately needed in
> order to put up *any* resistance at all, let alone possibly defeat, Richard.
> Do we know where Tudor was *supposed* to land? Could his original goal been
> Bristol?
> Doug
>
________________________________
From: ricard1an <maryfriend@...>
To:
Sent: Wednesday, 15 May 2013, 13:10
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Also Doug, having lived near the River Severn, the river after heavy rain is pretty high and floods, but then it gets worse as days go by because the water from above Shrewsbury starts comming down and making the flooding even worse in places like Bridgnorth, Bewdley and Worcester. Water coming down the hills alongside the Severn drains into the River and makes the flooding worse. What I am trying to say is that if Buckingham had decided to go North he probably would have met with worse conditions.
I agree with you about him wanting to meet up with Tudor and taking the quickest route. Another reason for him not wanting to go north as far as Bewdley for instance could have been that he would then have been in Richard's "territory". The Bowmen of Bewdley fought for Richard at Tewkesbury and he was responsible for Edward giving them a Charter in 1472 allowing them to have a market, which made Bewdley a prosperous town. Added to that Tickenhill Palace in Bewdley was part of Edward's Mortimer inheritance and was then owned by Richard as King. I am not sure about allegiance of the people of Worcester but Richard had just been there on his progress so it is possible that they were loyal too As possibly the people of Tewkesbury. Just some thoughts to add to the mix.
--- In , "Douglas Eugene Stamate" <destama@...> wrote:
>
>
> SandraMachin wrote:
>
> "Still thinking, I'm afraid. Never a good sign. Did Buckingham's choice of
> Gloucester indicate his initial intention to support Henry Tudor's claim?
> And did the floods leave him with three choices - (1) Take the long detour
> and still go to Henry, in the south of the realm, hoping not to be
> side-swiped and skirmished by Richard before he got there. On the hoof, so
> to speak. (2) Disband his army, call it a day and go home to Brecon in time
> for tea and tiffin in front of the roaring log fire. (3) Make use of the
> army to go after Richard on his own account? It was a more direct thing to
> go north up the higher land on the west bank of the river, cross at the
> first opportunity above Worcester, and go face to face in battle formation
> with Richard in the centre of the kingdom. By then he certainly would not be
> thinking of Henry Tudor, but of himself. Buckingham had the claim,
> Buckingham raised the army, Buckingham had taken on Richard, and if
> Buckingham won it would be to put Buckingham on the throne, not some
> Lancastrian half-Beaufort upstart without a legitimate claim. It all went
> pear-shaped, of course, but that is how I am beginning to view Buckingham's
> actions. Whatever his motives, I cannot respect him. He was no adornment to
> his family or dukedom. Richard, already embittered by his treachery, would
> have made mincemeat of him on a battlefield."
> //snip//
>
> Doug here:
> Buckingham's movements looked to me as if he didn't want (dare?) to risk
> meeting Richard *before* his (B's) forces were united with Tudor's. Hence
> his determination to cross the Severn as far south as, usually, possible
> might have been due to his simply lacking enough men to resist Richard if
> they met in battle.
> Any move by Buckingham northwards then, towards crossings that *were*
> usable, would have taken him *away* from the troops he desperately needed in
> order to put up *any* resistance at all, let alone possibly defeat, Richard.
> Do we know where Tudor was *supposed* to land? Could his original goal been
> Bristol?
> Doug
>
Re: Lady Day
2013-05-15 16:02:50
The New Year began on 25 March until the calendar changed in 1752. The Gregorian equivalent is 6 April when the UK tax year still begins.
----- Original Message -----
From: SandraMachin
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 12:27 PM
Subject: Re: Lady Day
Regarding Lady Day. I have come upon a problem in David Baldwin's Stoke Field book. In it (p. 22, published Pen & Sword Military, chapter entitled The Lambert Simnel Conspiracy) he identifies Lady Day by the modern date, 25th March, which is clearly wrong. But even so I cannot understand the dates of the Earl of Lincoln's pre-defection weeks. A party of Lincoln's men was apparently intercepted near Doncaster on Lady Day by Henry's agent, Tait, who identified them because they had Lincoln's recognisable white horse with them - or his rare white hobby falcon, not entirely sure which. Tait learned they were conveying much gold and silver on the earl's business, and by some things they said Tait gained the impression they were up to no good on Lincoln's behalf. He duly reported this to Henry. Presumably fairly quickly? Lady Day to March 9th is two months, surely Tait would not have dithered that long? Not much of an agent if that were the case. OK, so this is Lady Day, January 1st. Lincoln apparently remained unsuspected of anything until he defected on March 9th. So where was Tait's information in the meantime? Surely Henry would have learned of it before Lincoln's departure for Malines? Yet most accounts state that Henry was taken by surprise by Lincoln's abrupt departure.
Am I misunderstanding something here? Has anyone any thoughts on this?
Sandra
From: Stephen Lark
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 9:10 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Lady Day
Yes.
----- Original Message -----
From: SandraMachin
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 7:39 AM
Subject: Re: Lady Day
Can anyone confirm that I am correct to believe that Lady Day 1487 would be New Year's Day? It seems fairly clear the two were the same, but I'd appreciate someone else telling me it is. Thank you.
Sandra
----- Original Message -----
From: SandraMachin
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 12:27 PM
Subject: Re: Lady Day
Regarding Lady Day. I have come upon a problem in David Baldwin's Stoke Field book. In it (p. 22, published Pen & Sword Military, chapter entitled The Lambert Simnel Conspiracy) he identifies Lady Day by the modern date, 25th March, which is clearly wrong. But even so I cannot understand the dates of the Earl of Lincoln's pre-defection weeks. A party of Lincoln's men was apparently intercepted near Doncaster on Lady Day by Henry's agent, Tait, who identified them because they had Lincoln's recognisable white horse with them - or his rare white hobby falcon, not entirely sure which. Tait learned they were conveying much gold and silver on the earl's business, and by some things they said Tait gained the impression they were up to no good on Lincoln's behalf. He duly reported this to Henry. Presumably fairly quickly? Lady Day to March 9th is two months, surely Tait would not have dithered that long? Not much of an agent if that were the case. OK, so this is Lady Day, January 1st. Lincoln apparently remained unsuspected of anything until he defected on March 9th. So where was Tait's information in the meantime? Surely Henry would have learned of it before Lincoln's departure for Malines? Yet most accounts state that Henry was taken by surprise by Lincoln's abrupt departure.
Am I misunderstanding something here? Has anyone any thoughts on this?
Sandra
From: Stephen Lark
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 9:10 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Lady Day
Yes.
----- Original Message -----
From: SandraMachin
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 7:39 AM
Subject: Re: Lady Day
Can anyone confirm that I am correct to believe that Lady Day 1487 would be New Year's Day? It seems fairly clear the two were the same, but I'd appreciate someone else telling me it is. Thank you.
Sandra
Re: Lady Day
2013-05-15 16:10:59
Now I understand. I just could not put the dates together. Dumbo, especially as I think there has been something about it on-list recently. How aggravatingly confusing it all is. Thank you again, Stephen.
From: Stephen Lark
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 4:02 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Lady Day
The New Year began on 25 March until the calendar changed in 1752. The Gregorian equivalent is 6 April when the UK tax year still begins.
From: Stephen Lark
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 4:02 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Lady Day
The New Year began on 25 March until the calendar changed in 1752. The Gregorian equivalent is 6 April when the UK tax year still begins.
Re: Lady Day
2013-05-15 16:38:07
........ and the conception date of a child with a 25 December birthday is traditionally 25 March.
----- Original Message -----
From: SandraMachin
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 4:10 PM
Subject: Re: Lady Day
Now I understand. I just could not put the dates together. Dumbo, especially as I think there has been something about it on-list recently. How aggravatingly confusing it all is. Thank you again, Stephen.
From: Stephen Lark
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 4:02 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Lady Day
The New Year began on 25 March until the calendar changed in 1752. The Gregorian equivalent is 6 April when the UK tax year still begins.
----- Original Message -----
From: SandraMachin
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 4:10 PM
Subject: Re: Lady Day
Now I understand. I just could not put the dates together. Dumbo, especially as I think there has been something about it on-list recently. How aggravatingly confusing it all is. Thank you again, Stephen.
From: Stephen Lark
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 4:02 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Lady Day
The New Year began on 25 March until the calendar changed in 1752. The Gregorian equivalent is 6 April when the UK tax year still begins.
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-15 16:44:08
SandraMachin wrote:
"That's a good point, Doug. Hadn't thought of Bristol. Mind you, the weather
would have made that destination difficult as well, since it's still in the
Bristol Channel/Severn Sea, October 1483, with all the atrocious weather,
floodwater, dangerous tides and so on. If Henry had made for there, it would
be nice to think of him sinking to the bottom, into all that evil Severn
mud. I'm inclined to think Henry would have intended somewhere along the
south coast, but have no idea where. With the collapse of his plans,
Buckingham did indeed ride north along the Severn frantically, as I
understand and then days later is in Salisbury to be executed. So clearly
he crossed somewhere. I hazard a guess at Shrewsbury. But getting one man/a
few men across isn't quite the same as an army.
And I still find it hard to believe an English nobleman of Buckingham's
vanity, status and lineage would be prepared to support the claim of the
relatively obscure son of the Welsh Earl of Richmond. But who can say what
the heck Buckingham thought?
Whatever, luck was still with Richard on this occasion. It certainly wasn't
for the rest of his reign. I feeling like kicking fate' for turning upon
him to such a cruel and monstrous degree at the same time favouring Henry
Tudor to the point of gross injustice. (spits teeth)"
Doug here:
I thought of Bristol because of its size and being near to Gloucester.
There's also the fact that Bristol was the second biggest, and richest, city
in the kingdom. It may very well just be me, but I tend to think that the
original plan *must* have intended for Buckingham and Tudor to meet up as
quickly as possible and so the landing would *have* to be somewhere closer
than the south coast ports. There's also the point that *one* army of 5-6000
men would be a much better recruiting tool than *two* widely separated bands
of 1-2000 men; each of which ran the risk of possibly having to fight a
battle *before* they could unite.
I've also wondered if the whole affair wasn't supposed to have started off a
month or so earlier, say in early September? Even if Tudor wasn't aware of
the problems that the weather would likely cause in October, whether in the
Bristol Channel or along the south coast, surely his advisors would? Do we
know when Tudor began his preparations?
A final thought: could, weather permitting, Gloucester itself have been the
*original* intended landing place? IOW, was Gloucester capable of handling
the shipping involved in the projected "invasion"?
Doug
"That's a good point, Doug. Hadn't thought of Bristol. Mind you, the weather
would have made that destination difficult as well, since it's still in the
Bristol Channel/Severn Sea, October 1483, with all the atrocious weather,
floodwater, dangerous tides and so on. If Henry had made for there, it would
be nice to think of him sinking to the bottom, into all that evil Severn
mud. I'm inclined to think Henry would have intended somewhere along the
south coast, but have no idea where. With the collapse of his plans,
Buckingham did indeed ride north along the Severn frantically, as I
understand and then days later is in Salisbury to be executed. So clearly
he crossed somewhere. I hazard a guess at Shrewsbury. But getting one man/a
few men across isn't quite the same as an army.
And I still find it hard to believe an English nobleman of Buckingham's
vanity, status and lineage would be prepared to support the claim of the
relatively obscure son of the Welsh Earl of Richmond. But who can say what
the heck Buckingham thought?
Whatever, luck was still with Richard on this occasion. It certainly wasn't
for the rest of his reign. I feeling like kicking fate' for turning upon
him to such a cruel and monstrous degree at the same time favouring Henry
Tudor to the point of gross injustice. (spits teeth)"
Doug here:
I thought of Bristol because of its size and being near to Gloucester.
There's also the fact that Bristol was the second biggest, and richest, city
in the kingdom. It may very well just be me, but I tend to think that the
original plan *must* have intended for Buckingham and Tudor to meet up as
quickly as possible and so the landing would *have* to be somewhere closer
than the south coast ports. There's also the point that *one* army of 5-6000
men would be a much better recruiting tool than *two* widely separated bands
of 1-2000 men; each of which ran the risk of possibly having to fight a
battle *before* they could unite.
I've also wondered if the whole affair wasn't supposed to have started off a
month or so earlier, say in early September? Even if Tudor wasn't aware of
the problems that the weather would likely cause in October, whether in the
Bristol Channel or along the south coast, surely his advisors would? Do we
know when Tudor began his preparations?
A final thought: could, weather permitting, Gloucester itself have been the
*original* intended landing place? IOW, was Gloucester capable of handling
the shipping involved in the projected "invasion"?
Doug
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 16:51:40
The stair were in a 'forebuilding' alright...This is from Maligned King..."In 1674 some workmen were removing a forebuilding and stairs *adjoining* the White Tower.....in the course of the digging down to the foundations they came across some bones at a depth of about 10"...eileen
--- In , Pamela Furmidge <pamela.furmidge@...> wrote:
>
> Thanks for that, very interesting. Â It begs the question as to where the boys were seen playing and who saw them.
>
> Â Poet <virginia_bard@...> wrote:
>
>
>
> Â
> Judging by the position of the staircase indicated in Isolde Wigram's article it's quite possible that while outside now, in the 15th century it may very well have been inside: It looks to be located where the White Tower adjoined the royal apartments where from everything I've read the princes were housed. Much of what constituted the Tower of London in the 15th century no longer exists and that includes the royal apartments which was essentially a palace within the tower walls.
>
> http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b9/Scale_Model_Of_The_Tower_Of_London_In_The_Tower_Of_London.jpg
>
> In the picture linked above the royal apartments are those from the south face of the White Tower to the wall that parallels the river (which includes the Wakefield Tower and the river gate later named Traitor's Gate).
>
> James
>
> --- In , "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@> wrote:
> >
> > From: Johanne Tournier
> > To:
> > Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 12:05 PM
> > Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
> >
> >
> > > Also the unlikelihood
> > of the princes' bones being found 10 feet deep under or alongside the stairs
> > going into the White Tower.
> >
> > Quite apart from the fact that the depth suggests a Roman or Anglo-Saxon
> > burial, if the steps in question are on the *outside* of the White Tower,
> > which I hadn't realised, then they must be overlooked by the buildings all
> > around. Unless there were a lot more bushes around the tower than there are
> > now, anybody digging a 10ft hole there would be conspicuously visible for
> > hours. It would be a daft place to choose.
> >
> > I've always understood More to mean that the bodies were temporarily
> > concealed at suface level under some builders' rubble which was already
> > there - which at least makes logical sense, even if it's almost certainly a
> > lie. To dig a grave-sized hole 10ft deep in a public space overlooked by
> > buildings all around makes much less sense. Even if the idea is supposed to
> > be that the 10ft hole was, or was presented as being, part of the work being
> > done on the stair, there must have been hordes of stonemasons there who
> > would notice if somebody had been buried in one of their holes.
> >
>
>
>
>
>
>
--- In , Pamela Furmidge <pamela.furmidge@...> wrote:
>
> Thanks for that, very interesting. Â It begs the question as to where the boys were seen playing and who saw them.
>
> Â Poet <virginia_bard@...> wrote:
>
>
>
> Â
> Judging by the position of the staircase indicated in Isolde Wigram's article it's quite possible that while outside now, in the 15th century it may very well have been inside: It looks to be located where the White Tower adjoined the royal apartments where from everything I've read the princes were housed. Much of what constituted the Tower of London in the 15th century no longer exists and that includes the royal apartments which was essentially a palace within the tower walls.
>
> http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b9/Scale_Model_Of_The_Tower_Of_London_In_The_Tower_Of_London.jpg
>
> In the picture linked above the royal apartments are those from the south face of the White Tower to the wall that parallels the river (which includes the Wakefield Tower and the river gate later named Traitor's Gate).
>
> James
>
> --- In , "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@> wrote:
> >
> > From: Johanne Tournier
> > To:
> > Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 12:05 PM
> > Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
> >
> >
> > > Also the unlikelihood
> > of the princes' bones being found 10 feet deep under or alongside the stairs
> > going into the White Tower.
> >
> > Quite apart from the fact that the depth suggests a Roman or Anglo-Saxon
> > burial, if the steps in question are on the *outside* of the White Tower,
> > which I hadn't realised, then they must be overlooked by the buildings all
> > around. Unless there were a lot more bushes around the tower than there are
> > now, anybody digging a 10ft hole there would be conspicuously visible for
> > hours. It would be a daft place to choose.
> >
> > I've always understood More to mean that the bodies were temporarily
> > concealed at suface level under some builders' rubble which was already
> > there - which at least makes logical sense, even if it's almost certainly a
> > lie. To dig a grave-sized hole 10ft deep in a public space overlooked by
> > buildings all around makes much less sense. Even if the idea is supposed to
> > be that the 10ft hole was, or was presented as being, part of the work being
> > done on the stair, there must have been hordes of stonemasons there who
> > would notice if somebody had been buried in one of their holes.
> >
>
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Lady Day
2013-05-15 16:51:53
Ah, well that one I can more or less get to grips with. Nine months is nine months. Having just read Bacon recording that Henry VII kept Christmas in Norwich in April 1487 (when I'm led by others to understand it was Easter) and that he then went to Cambridge and straight back to London, without any mention of Coventry or Kenilworth, I'm not sure of anything. There are times when I want to throw everything at the nearest wall. You're going to tell me I shouldn't trust Bacon to spell his name right, aren't you? I can feel it.
From: Stephen Lark
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 4:38 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Lady Day
........ and the conception date of a child with a 25 December birthday is traditionally 25 March.
From: Stephen Lark
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 4:38 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Lady Day
........ and the conception date of a child with a 25 December birthday is traditionally 25 March.
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-15 17:10:44
Doug here:
A final thought: could, weather permitting, Gloucester itself have been the
*original* intended landing place? IOW, was Gloucester capable of handling
the shipping involved in the projected "invasion"?
Sandra here:
As I have always understood, the only time it is possible to sail up from the estuary to Gloucester in one go is on the Bore, and it's a very dodgy, skilled business. Otherwise it has to be done in stages, waiting for tides and so on. So Gloucester would not, IMHO, have been viable at all. And the original quay would not have accommodated the numbers of vessels, personnel involved. The floods simply would not make it possible anyway, even in the unlikely event that the pre-storm plans had been to make for Gloucester.
I'm still mystified by Buckingham. I wonder if he was drunk all the time and only sobered up when he saw the Severn in full flood. Surely a sight to clear the head.
A final thought: could, weather permitting, Gloucester itself have been the
*original* intended landing place? IOW, was Gloucester capable of handling
the shipping involved in the projected "invasion"?
Sandra here:
As I have always understood, the only time it is possible to sail up from the estuary to Gloucester in one go is on the Bore, and it's a very dodgy, skilled business. Otherwise it has to be done in stages, waiting for tides and so on. So Gloucester would not, IMHO, have been viable at all. And the original quay would not have accommodated the numbers of vessels, personnel involved. The floods simply would not make it possible anyway, even in the unlikely event that the pre-storm plans had been to make for Gloucester.
I'm still mystified by Buckingham. I wonder if he was drunk all the time and only sobered up when he saw the Severn in full flood. Surely a sight to clear the head.
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-15 17:31:55
ricard1an wrote:
"Also Doug, having lived near the River Severn, the river after heavy rain
is pretty high and floods, but then it gets worse as days go by because the
water from above Shrewsbury starts comming down and making the flooding even
worse in places like Bridgnorth, Bewdley and Worcester. Water coming down
the hills alongside the Severn drains into the River and makes the flooding
worse. What I am trying to say is that if Buckingham had decided to go North
he probably would have met with worse conditions."
Doug here:
If the Severn was in flood though, wouldn't the *only* chance Buckingham had
of getting his men on its' eastern shore was to march north until a
crossing, any crossing, could be found, cross *there*, and then march back
south? Even though it would take him further away from his intended goal
(Gloucester) in the short term, did he have any other option?
If Buckingham just sat and waited for the waters to recede, he had no chance
of uniteing his forces with Tudor's. And without Tudor's additional forces,
Buckingham knew he faced certain defeat.
Which is exactly what did happen.
"I agree with you about him wanting to meet up with Tudor and taking the
quickest route. Another reason for him not wanting to go north as far as
Bewdley for instance could have been that he would then have been in
Richard's "territory". The Bowmen of Bewdley fought for Richard at
Tewkesbury and he was responsible for Edward giving them a Charter in 1472
allowing them to have a market, which made Bewdley a prosperous town. Added
to that Tickenhill Palace in Bewdley was part of Edward's Mortimer
inheritance and was then owned by Richard as King. I am not sure about
allegiance of the people of Worcester but Richard had just been there on
his progress so it is possible that they were loyal too As possibly the
people of Tewkesbury. Just some thoughts to add to the mix."
Doug again:
Yes, that "meeting up with Tudor" is why I think Gloucester was originally
chosen as the crossing point but, because the weather proved unsuitable, (to
say the least), Buckingham was forced to try and find a ford further north.
And even if Tudor wasn't expected to land there or at Bristol (supposition
on my part), but was supposed to land at Weymouth. Bournemouth,
Southampton, or even Portsmouth, isn't there a Roman road that runs
northwards from one of them and intersects another Roamn road (Watling
Street?) running eastwards towards London?
I quite agree that Buckingham most certainly did *not* want to go northwards
but, because of the weather, it was only by going northwards and finding a
fordable crossing, that he stood any chance of getting into England, joining
his forces with Tudor's, and surviving.
Doug
(Sorry if my geography is off, I'm relying on a 1988 road atlas!)
"Also Doug, having lived near the River Severn, the river after heavy rain
is pretty high and floods, but then it gets worse as days go by because the
water from above Shrewsbury starts comming down and making the flooding even
worse in places like Bridgnorth, Bewdley and Worcester. Water coming down
the hills alongside the Severn drains into the River and makes the flooding
worse. What I am trying to say is that if Buckingham had decided to go North
he probably would have met with worse conditions."
Doug here:
If the Severn was in flood though, wouldn't the *only* chance Buckingham had
of getting his men on its' eastern shore was to march north until a
crossing, any crossing, could be found, cross *there*, and then march back
south? Even though it would take him further away from his intended goal
(Gloucester) in the short term, did he have any other option?
If Buckingham just sat and waited for the waters to recede, he had no chance
of uniteing his forces with Tudor's. And without Tudor's additional forces,
Buckingham knew he faced certain defeat.
Which is exactly what did happen.
"I agree with you about him wanting to meet up with Tudor and taking the
quickest route. Another reason for him not wanting to go north as far as
Bewdley for instance could have been that he would then have been in
Richard's "territory". The Bowmen of Bewdley fought for Richard at
Tewkesbury and he was responsible for Edward giving them a Charter in 1472
allowing them to have a market, which made Bewdley a prosperous town. Added
to that Tickenhill Palace in Bewdley was part of Edward's Mortimer
inheritance and was then owned by Richard as King. I am not sure about
allegiance of the people of Worcester but Richard had just been there on
his progress so it is possible that they were loyal too As possibly the
people of Tewkesbury. Just some thoughts to add to the mix."
Doug again:
Yes, that "meeting up with Tudor" is why I think Gloucester was originally
chosen as the crossing point but, because the weather proved unsuitable, (to
say the least), Buckingham was forced to try and find a ford further north.
And even if Tudor wasn't expected to land there or at Bristol (supposition
on my part), but was supposed to land at Weymouth. Bournemouth,
Southampton, or even Portsmouth, isn't there a Roman road that runs
northwards from one of them and intersects another Roamn road (Watling
Street?) running eastwards towards London?
I quite agree that Buckingham most certainly did *not* want to go northwards
but, because of the weather, it was only by going northwards and finding a
fordable crossing, that he stood any chance of getting into England, joining
his forces with Tudor's, and surviving.
Doug
(Sorry if my geography is off, I'm relying on a 1988 road atlas!)
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 17:37:58
From: EileenB
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 4:51 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> The stair were in a 'forebuilding' alright...This is from Maligned
> King..."In 1674 some workmen were removing a forebuilding and stairs
> *adjoining* the White Tower.....in the course of the digging down to the
> foundations they came across some bones at a depth of about 10"...eileen
OK, then it was probably undercover. Even so, if they dug a 10ft hole to
put them in that would take hours, and if they put them in a 10ft hole
already dug by workmen - even if they dug it a bit deeper and then covered
them well - they'd be running a major risk that the workmen would find them
within a few days. It really doesn't make much sense as a means of
disposing of bodies in such a public place (unless the workmen were in on
it) - it's far more likely that the bodies were there before the
foundations.
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 4:51 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> The stair were in a 'forebuilding' alright...This is from Maligned
> King..."In 1674 some workmen were removing a forebuilding and stairs
> *adjoining* the White Tower.....in the course of the digging down to the
> foundations they came across some bones at a depth of about 10"...eileen
OK, then it was probably undercover. Even so, if they dug a 10ft hole to
put them in that would take hours, and if they put them in a 10ft hole
already dug by workmen - even if they dug it a bit deeper and then covered
them well - they'd be running a major risk that the workmen would find them
within a few days. It really doesn't make much sense as a means of
disposing of bodies in such a public place (unless the workmen were in on
it) - it's far more likely that the bodies were there before the
foundations.
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-15 17:38:59
It was the thought of a vomit-flavoured kiss that repulsed me (thank you, Claire, for putting such a prospect in my mind). Edward could be as charismatic as he liked, but a bit of mouth hygiene first, please. A rinse and then a chew on a clove. Whatever. Just not the vomit. Otherwise, yes, he was clearly something else. But I'd rather have his little brother.
Sandra
From: Hilary Jones
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 10:33 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Yes I would agree with that. He was very hands on as an adminstrator, his annotations are on a lot of boring daily stuff (in fact one could say he was as hands on as H7). I have him as someone who would shine at the chamber of commerce meetings (ie the City of London merchant meetings) he hosted several of those. He was in many respects a modern man; modernity began with Edward, not Henry. And remember this image of him as the overweight eating, drinking man is as much propeganda as his brother's hump. He was a charismatic man, a kiss from him didn't make women recoil, it made them give him more money! He wasn't his grandson. A womaniser he might have been but that doesn't make him gross; think of that charmer Charles II (ah Rufus Sewall again).
Where did he go wrong? He arguably married the wrong woman (though she was not a bad queen) and he dabbled in land like a nobleman, not a king.
________________________________
From: Claire M Jordan <mailto:whitehound%40madasafish.com>
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 19:58
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
From: SandraMachin
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 11:45 AM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
> OMG, Claire, what a disgusting thought. Imagine catching the royal eye and
> then seeing the ominously beckoning finger. One would just have to tell
> him it was the wrong time of the month and hope it put him off! He seems
> to have been so like Henry VIII it's incredible.
To be fair, he only doubled his wives up - he didn't judicially murder them.
But there seems to be more of Edward IV then Henry VII in Henry VIII, so in
effect York won - although not in a good way.
> How on earth could someone as elegant, refined and honest as Richard be
> Edward's brother???? I believe he was elegant. and refined. Both seem to
> be written right across his portraits. If he turned out to be a boor, I'd
> be truly astonished.
I could imagine him being rowdy if he'd had a skinfull, and if he was a
normal teenage boy he probably went through a phase when he had a face like
a pizza and thought that competition belching was the height of
sophisticated humour. But the fact that his books were second-hand
(suggesting he had them to read, not for show), and his possession of a
Wycliffe Bible, and his interest in the law and in hearing theological
debates, and his concern for women and for common soldiers, all suggest that
he was scholarly, thoughtful and considerate, so it's unlikely that he would
ever intentionally be crass or offensicve.
Sandra
From: Hilary Jones
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 10:33 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Yes I would agree with that. He was very hands on as an adminstrator, his annotations are on a lot of boring daily stuff (in fact one could say he was as hands on as H7). I have him as someone who would shine at the chamber of commerce meetings (ie the City of London merchant meetings) he hosted several of those. He was in many respects a modern man; modernity began with Edward, not Henry. And remember this image of him as the overweight eating, drinking man is as much propeganda as his brother's hump. He was a charismatic man, a kiss from him didn't make women recoil, it made them give him more money! He wasn't his grandson. A womaniser he might have been but that doesn't make him gross; think of that charmer Charles II (ah Rufus Sewall again).
Where did he go wrong? He arguably married the wrong woman (though she was not a bad queen) and he dabbled in land like a nobleman, not a king.
________________________________
From: Claire M Jordan <mailto:whitehound%40madasafish.com>
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 19:58
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
From: SandraMachin
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 11:45 AM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
> OMG, Claire, what a disgusting thought. Imagine catching the royal eye and
> then seeing the ominously beckoning finger. One would just have to tell
> him it was the wrong time of the month and hope it put him off! He seems
> to have been so like Henry VIII it's incredible.
To be fair, he only doubled his wives up - he didn't judicially murder them.
But there seems to be more of Edward IV then Henry VII in Henry VIII, so in
effect York won - although not in a good way.
> How on earth could someone as elegant, refined and honest as Richard be
> Edward's brother???? I believe he was elegant. and refined. Both seem to
> be written right across his portraits. If he turned out to be a boor, I'd
> be truly astonished.
I could imagine him being rowdy if he'd had a skinfull, and if he was a
normal teenage boy he probably went through a phase when he had a face like
a pizza and thought that competition belching was the height of
sophisticated humour. But the fact that his books were second-hand
(suggesting he had them to read, not for show), and his possession of a
Wycliffe Bible, and his interest in the law and in hearing theological
debates, and his concern for women and for common soldiers, all suggest that
he was scholarly, thoughtful and considerate, so it's unlikely that he would
ever intentionally be crass or offensicve.
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-15 18:05:04
SandraMachin wrote:
"As I have always understood, the only time it is possible to sail up from
the estuary to Gloucester in one go is on the Bore, and it's a very dodgy,
skilled business. Otherwise it has to be done in stages, waiting for tides
and so on. So Gloucester would not, IMHO, have been viable at all. And the
original quay would not have accommodated the numbers of vessels, personnel
involved. The floods simply would not make it possible anyway, even in the
unlikely event that the pre-storm plans had been to make for Gloucester.
I'm still mystified by Buckingham. I wonder if he was drunk all the time and
only sobered up when he saw the Severn in full flood. Surely a sight to
clear the head."
Doug here:
Well, that rules Gloucester out as the original intended meeting place then!
Of course, there's still Bristol...
As for Buckingham himself, I think his opinion of his own abilities far
out-weighed the reality and it was that ego Morton played on. After all,
this was a period when kings wielded power directly and the closer to the
monarch one was, the more power one likely held, And Richard had sent
Buckingham off to Wales...
It could very well be that originally Buckingham *did* plan on restoring
Edward to the throne, replacing a Ricardian Protectorate with a Henrician
one; followed, of course, by years and years of Buckingham being the second
most powerful person in the kingdom because E(V) was sooo grateful. Morton
would certainly have supported that idea, if only because of the further
divisions it would cause among Yorkists, whether it succeeded or failed.
And then, sometime before the rescue attempt fails, that ego (aided by a few
well-chosen words from Morton?) came to the fore and Buckingham asks
himself: "Well, why *not* me on the throne?" and the next thing one knows,
Buckingham is deep in plans for a rebellion, still ostensibly to restore
E(V) because that would draw more support.
And then to discover after ousting Richard that the usurper had the boys
killed to prevent their being freed...
Doug
(who *can* be very cynical at times)
"As I have always understood, the only time it is possible to sail up from
the estuary to Gloucester in one go is on the Bore, and it's a very dodgy,
skilled business. Otherwise it has to be done in stages, waiting for tides
and so on. So Gloucester would not, IMHO, have been viable at all. And the
original quay would not have accommodated the numbers of vessels, personnel
involved. The floods simply would not make it possible anyway, even in the
unlikely event that the pre-storm plans had been to make for Gloucester.
I'm still mystified by Buckingham. I wonder if he was drunk all the time and
only sobered up when he saw the Severn in full flood. Surely a sight to
clear the head."
Doug here:
Well, that rules Gloucester out as the original intended meeting place then!
Of course, there's still Bristol...
As for Buckingham himself, I think his opinion of his own abilities far
out-weighed the reality and it was that ego Morton played on. After all,
this was a period when kings wielded power directly and the closer to the
monarch one was, the more power one likely held, And Richard had sent
Buckingham off to Wales...
It could very well be that originally Buckingham *did* plan on restoring
Edward to the throne, replacing a Ricardian Protectorate with a Henrician
one; followed, of course, by years and years of Buckingham being the second
most powerful person in the kingdom because E(V) was sooo grateful. Morton
would certainly have supported that idea, if only because of the further
divisions it would cause among Yorkists, whether it succeeded or failed.
And then, sometime before the rescue attempt fails, that ego (aided by a few
well-chosen words from Morton?) came to the fore and Buckingham asks
himself: "Well, why *not* me on the throne?" and the next thing one knows,
Buckingham is deep in plans for a rebellion, still ostensibly to restore
E(V) because that would draw more support.
And then to discover after ousting Richard that the usurper had the boys
killed to prevent their being freed...
Doug
(who *can* be very cynical at times)
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 18:28:55
In this picture the staircase in question would be on the right side of the White Tower close to the fore corner: Right on the line where a long building run from the White Tower to the outer wall on the right of the picture. It's at a spot where that long building, the Royal apartments, and the White Tower meet.
--- In , "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...> wrote:
>
> From: Poet
> To:
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 4:50 AM
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
> > Judging by the position of the staircase indicated in Isolde Wigram's
> > article it's quite possible that while outside now, in the 15th century it
> > may very well have been inside: It looks to be located where the White
> > Tower adjoined the royal apartments
>
> Whereabouts are you placing it on this model? In those little external
> add-on towers at near-left of the White Tower?
>
> > In the picture linked above the royal apartments are those from the south
> > face of the White Tower to the wall that parallels the river (which
> > includes the Wakefield Tower and the river gate later named Traitor's
> > Gate).
>
> If they were already living in that little area at bottom right, which is a
> courtyard within a courtyard, again I wonder what moving "deeper" into the
> Tower could mean.
>
> As for how they were seen playing and shooting, I wonder if there were
> archery butts on one of the long strips of grass between the outer and inner
> walls. They would provide a good long line-of-sight in an area where
> passing men at arms weren't likely to walk in front of the target and get
> spiked, and because the outer wall isn't all that high it might be possible
> for people on the upper floors of nearby houses to see over the top of the
> wall and catch a glimpse of the archers.
>
> I can testify that the elevation of the top floor of a double-decker bus,
> for example, is enough to give one a view of the tops of the outer
> corner-towers: I once saw somebody's washing flapping on a line up there,
> invisible from the street but clearly visible from the bus. A two-storey
> building might enable one to look over the wall, and a three-storey one
> almsot certainly would.
>
--- In , "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...> wrote:
>
> From: Poet
> To:
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 4:50 AM
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
> > Judging by the position of the staircase indicated in Isolde Wigram's
> > article it's quite possible that while outside now, in the 15th century it
> > may very well have been inside: It looks to be located where the White
> > Tower adjoined the royal apartments
>
> Whereabouts are you placing it on this model? In those little external
> add-on towers at near-left of the White Tower?
>
> > In the picture linked above the royal apartments are those from the south
> > face of the White Tower to the wall that parallels the river (which
> > includes the Wakefield Tower and the river gate later named Traitor's
> > Gate).
>
> If they were already living in that little area at bottom right, which is a
> courtyard within a courtyard, again I wonder what moving "deeper" into the
> Tower could mean.
>
> As for how they were seen playing and shooting, I wonder if there were
> archery butts on one of the long strips of grass between the outer and inner
> walls. They would provide a good long line-of-sight in an area where
> passing men at arms weren't likely to walk in front of the target and get
> spiked, and because the outer wall isn't all that high it might be possible
> for people on the upper floors of nearby houses to see over the top of the
> wall and catch a glimpse of the archers.
>
> I can testify that the elevation of the top floor of a double-decker bus,
> for example, is enough to give one a view of the tops of the outer
> corner-towers: I once saw somebody's washing flapping on a line up there,
> invisible from the street but clearly visible from the bus. A two-storey
> building might enable one to look over the wall, and a three-storey one
> almsot certainly would.
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 18:31:15
Wednesday wrote:
>
> You asked when Buckingham was in London in relation to Richard's progress. Kendall has Buckingham "apparently" remaining behind in London (perhaps to make arrangements for Morton's transport with him to Brecon?) when Richard left Windsor to begin his progress.
>
> Richard saw Buckingham for the last time in Gloucester (this is before the King's arrival in York) when the Duke was "riding home to Brecon by the main road." This is the last time they saw each other. (Anybody have a date for this?) [snip]
Carol responds:
As Kendall states in a note, he conjectures that Buckingham stayed behind in London because his name is not included in a list of Richard's companions during his visit to Magdalen College in Oxford on July 24-25, so he speculates that Buckingham must have briefly encountered Richard in Gloucester on his way to Brecon.
The problem with Kendall and anyone else who says that Richard met Buckingham in Gloucester (or stayed with him on progress until Gloucester) is that they are relying on More and Vergil. *No contemporary source states that such a meeting (or departure) occurred.* The Register of Magdalen College indicates, as Kendall states, that Buckingham was not with Richard on the progress at all, which would mean that either Buckingham remained in London at that point or was already on his way to Brecon but provides no evidence with regard to a meeting in Gloucester.
Mancini, of course, had left England before Richard left on his progress, so he is no help here. The Croyland chronicler says nothing about Buckingham being on the progress with Richard or meeting him at Gloucester, only that "Henry, duke of Buckingham, *who at this time was living at Brecknock in Wales*," became the "chief mover" in the rebellion against Richard, presumably some time after the investiture of EoM (September 8), when the chronicler states that the boys were definitely alive and in the Tower. The rumors appear to have been spread at about this same time, perhaps October. But *there is no date for a meeting between Buckingham and Richard because the chronicler does not mention any such meeting or give any indication that Buckingham was with Richard on his progress.
Neither, as far as I know, does Rous, but I can't check it to be sure. I don't think his "Historia Regum Angliae" is available in a full translation, only snippets in various biographies of Richard. (The Latin version is available on Google Books if anyone wants to attempt an unofficial translation!)
Since we have only unreliable Tudor sources for this meeting, we can't even be sure that it occurred. However, for what it's worth, Vergil has Buckingham accompanying Richard "as he journeyed towardes Yorke unto glocester, from thence with his [Richard's] consent he [Buckingham] repayred into Wales . . . . Heare . . . , provokyd partly by freshe memory of the late receavyd injury, partly repenting that hitherto of himself hee had not resystyd king Richardes evell enterpryse . . . he began to discover [reveal] his intent [to separate from Richard] to John bishop of Ely, whom . . . he had in Brechnoch castle." In other words, Vergil's Buckingham is already discontented when he leaves the progress and is ready to be stirred up by Morton. Vergil gives no date, but it can be determined by Richard's arrival in Gloucester. Soon after Buckingham's departure, Vergil's Richard, tormented by guilt for having usurped the kingdom, writes to Brackenbury from Gloucester with the order to kill his nephews. (Yes, Vergil, that will really help the king's "haynous guylt of wicked conscyence"!)
Sorry--too many details. In short, Vergil has Buckingham riding with Richard from London to Gloucester and leaving the progress at that point to go to Brecon, where Morton has already been taken, just before Richard writes his (imaginary) letter to Brackenbury.
More has a similar chronology, many more (imaginary) details, and two versions of Buckingham leaving Richard in Gloucester. In the first, he has Richard order Buckingham to accompany him on his progress, but since both of them hate and fear each other (according to some of More's informants), B. leaves the progress at Gloucester for fear of being murdered. More then denies this version of events given "the depe dissimuling nature of those bothe men" and suggests instead that Buckingham left the progress at Gloucester "in most louing trusty maner," apparently grateful for the "gret giftes & high behests" that Richard had given him, but after his return to Brecknock, his ostensible prisoner Morton "waxed with him familiar [and] abused his pride to his own [Morton's] deilueraunce & the dukes destruccion." So More has two versions of Buckingham's departure, one of which he rejects, but both have Buckingham going with Richard as far as Gloucester--the same version of events (except for motives) as Vergil. The stories diverge when Richard starts plotting to kill his nephews after B's departure, but that's irrelevant here.
If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the date of Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same in both chronicles), but *there's no contemporary evidence that any such meeting occurred*. It looks as if Buckingham remained in London for awhile or (if we look at various commissions that Richard sent him on) was on business for Richard, still seemingly deserving of his trust, until he arrived in Brecon where he was apparently seduced into rebellion by the manipulative Morton. I can find no *reliable* evidence that he was on progress with Richard (More and Vergil) *or* that he briefly encountered Richard at Gloucester (Kendall's way of reconciling Croyland and the Magdalen College register with More and Vergil).
By the way, I just noticed another glaring error in More along the lines of Edward IV's age being wrong by more than thirteen years, a reference to "Edwarde Duke of Buckingham, and Richard Lord Hastinges and chaumberlayn"--both first names are wrong! Surely, this error is another signal that either the whole "history" is false or that More's research is worse than inadequate. The wonder is that *anyone* has accepted a single word of his "historie" as true.
Sorry this post is so long. You should have seen it before I cut two paragraphs!
Carol
>
> You asked when Buckingham was in London in relation to Richard's progress. Kendall has Buckingham "apparently" remaining behind in London (perhaps to make arrangements for Morton's transport with him to Brecon?) when Richard left Windsor to begin his progress.
>
> Richard saw Buckingham for the last time in Gloucester (this is before the King's arrival in York) when the Duke was "riding home to Brecon by the main road." This is the last time they saw each other. (Anybody have a date for this?) [snip]
Carol responds:
As Kendall states in a note, he conjectures that Buckingham stayed behind in London because his name is not included in a list of Richard's companions during his visit to Magdalen College in Oxford on July 24-25, so he speculates that Buckingham must have briefly encountered Richard in Gloucester on his way to Brecon.
The problem with Kendall and anyone else who says that Richard met Buckingham in Gloucester (or stayed with him on progress until Gloucester) is that they are relying on More and Vergil. *No contemporary source states that such a meeting (or departure) occurred.* The Register of Magdalen College indicates, as Kendall states, that Buckingham was not with Richard on the progress at all, which would mean that either Buckingham remained in London at that point or was already on his way to Brecon but provides no evidence with regard to a meeting in Gloucester.
Mancini, of course, had left England before Richard left on his progress, so he is no help here. The Croyland chronicler says nothing about Buckingham being on the progress with Richard or meeting him at Gloucester, only that "Henry, duke of Buckingham, *who at this time was living at Brecknock in Wales*," became the "chief mover" in the rebellion against Richard, presumably some time after the investiture of EoM (September 8), when the chronicler states that the boys were definitely alive and in the Tower. The rumors appear to have been spread at about this same time, perhaps October. But *there is no date for a meeting between Buckingham and Richard because the chronicler does not mention any such meeting or give any indication that Buckingham was with Richard on his progress.
Neither, as far as I know, does Rous, but I can't check it to be sure. I don't think his "Historia Regum Angliae" is available in a full translation, only snippets in various biographies of Richard. (The Latin version is available on Google Books if anyone wants to attempt an unofficial translation!)
Since we have only unreliable Tudor sources for this meeting, we can't even be sure that it occurred. However, for what it's worth, Vergil has Buckingham accompanying Richard "as he journeyed towardes Yorke unto glocester, from thence with his [Richard's] consent he [Buckingham] repayred into Wales . . . . Heare . . . , provokyd partly by freshe memory of the late receavyd injury, partly repenting that hitherto of himself hee had not resystyd king Richardes evell enterpryse . . . he began to discover [reveal] his intent [to separate from Richard] to John bishop of Ely, whom . . . he had in Brechnoch castle." In other words, Vergil's Buckingham is already discontented when he leaves the progress and is ready to be stirred up by Morton. Vergil gives no date, but it can be determined by Richard's arrival in Gloucester. Soon after Buckingham's departure, Vergil's Richard, tormented by guilt for having usurped the kingdom, writes to Brackenbury from Gloucester with the order to kill his nephews. (Yes, Vergil, that will really help the king's "haynous guylt of wicked conscyence"!)
Sorry--too many details. In short, Vergil has Buckingham riding with Richard from London to Gloucester and leaving the progress at that point to go to Brecon, where Morton has already been taken, just before Richard writes his (imaginary) letter to Brackenbury.
More has a similar chronology, many more (imaginary) details, and two versions of Buckingham leaving Richard in Gloucester. In the first, he has Richard order Buckingham to accompany him on his progress, but since both of them hate and fear each other (according to some of More's informants), B. leaves the progress at Gloucester for fear of being murdered. More then denies this version of events given "the depe dissimuling nature of those bothe men" and suggests instead that Buckingham left the progress at Gloucester "in most louing trusty maner," apparently grateful for the "gret giftes & high behests" that Richard had given him, but after his return to Brecknock, his ostensible prisoner Morton "waxed with him familiar [and] abused his pride to his own [Morton's] deilueraunce & the dukes destruccion." So More has two versions of Buckingham's departure, one of which he rejects, but both have Buckingham going with Richard as far as Gloucester--the same version of events (except for motives) as Vergil. The stories diverge when Richard starts plotting to kill his nephews after B's departure, but that's irrelevant here.
If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the date of Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same in both chronicles), but *there's no contemporary evidence that any such meeting occurred*. It looks as if Buckingham remained in London for awhile or (if we look at various commissions that Richard sent him on) was on business for Richard, still seemingly deserving of his trust, until he arrived in Brecon where he was apparently seduced into rebellion by the manipulative Morton. I can find no *reliable* evidence that he was on progress with Richard (More and Vergil) *or* that he briefly encountered Richard at Gloucester (Kendall's way of reconciling Croyland and the Magdalen College register with More and Vergil).
By the way, I just noticed another glaring error in More along the lines of Edward IV's age being wrong by more than thirteen years, a reference to "Edwarde Duke of Buckingham, and Richard Lord Hastinges and chaumberlayn"--both first names are wrong! Surely, this error is another signal that either the whole "history" is false or that More's research is worse than inadequate. The wonder is that *anyone* has accepted a single word of his "historie" as true.
Sorry this post is so long. You should have seen it before I cut two paragraphs!
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 18:36:58
Dear Eileen & Claire -
Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much greater
length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
Tower. She also indicates that Charles II ordered a mulberry tree to be
planted on the spot where the bones were found, but that another set of
stairs was built too close to the tree, which killed it. She further states
that an old warder in 1853 was able to remember a time when the stump of the
tree still protruded from the landing of the replacement stairs. Carson
thus concludes that this proves that the old plaque which used to hang by
the internal, spiral staircase within the White Tower proper, was in error.
The plaque stated incorrectly that the bones were found under the spiral
staircase inside the White Tower.
Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
*under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down. She
notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 1:24 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
From: EileenB
To:
<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 4:51 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> The stair were in a 'forebuilding' alright...This is from Maligned
> King..."In 1674 some workmen were removing a forebuilding and stairs
> *adjoining* the White Tower.....in the course of the digging down to the
> foundations they came across some bones at a depth of about 10"...eileen
OK, then it was probably undercover. Even so, if they dug a 10ft hole to
put them in that would take hours, and if they put them in a 10ft hole
already dug by workmen - even if they dug it a bit deeper and then covered
them well - they'd be running a major risk that the workmen would find them
within a few days. It really doesn't make much sense as a means of
disposing of bodies in such a public place (unless the workmen were in on
it) - it's far more likely that the bodies were there before the
foundations.
Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much greater
length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
Tower. She also indicates that Charles II ordered a mulberry tree to be
planted on the spot where the bones were found, but that another set of
stairs was built too close to the tree, which killed it. She further states
that an old warder in 1853 was able to remember a time when the stump of the
tree still protruded from the landing of the replacement stairs. Carson
thus concludes that this proves that the old plaque which used to hang by
the internal, spiral staircase within the White Tower proper, was in error.
The plaque stated incorrectly that the bones were found under the spiral
staircase inside the White Tower.
Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
*under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down. She
notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 1:24 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
From: EileenB
To:
<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 4:51 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> The stair were in a 'forebuilding' alright...This is from Maligned
> King..."In 1674 some workmen were removing a forebuilding and stairs
> *adjoining* the White Tower.....in the course of the digging down to the
> foundations they came across some bones at a depth of about 10"...eileen
OK, then it was probably undercover. Even so, if they dug a 10ft hole to
put them in that would take hours, and if they put them in a 10ft hole
already dug by workmen - even if they dug it a bit deeper and then covered
them well - they'd be running a major risk that the workmen would find them
within a few days. It really doesn't make much sense as a means of
disposing of bodies in such a public place (unless the workmen were in on
it) - it's far more likely that the bodies were there before the
foundations.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 18:46:09
Yes...that is what I said...I was quoting from Annette's book Maligned King. The stairs were in a forebuilding *adjoining* the White Tower...It was when this forebuilding and the stairs therein were being demolished that the bones were discovered...eileen
--- In , Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@...> wrote:
>
> Dear Eileen & Claire -
>
>
>
> Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much greater
> length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
> the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
> Tower. She also indicates that Charles II ordered a mulberry tree to be
> planted on the spot where the bones were found, but that another set of
> stairs was built too close to the tree, which killed it. She further states
> that an old warder in 1853 was able to remember a time when the stump of the
> tree still protruded from the landing of the replacement stairs. Carson
> thus concludes that this proves that the old plaque which used to hang by
> the internal, spiral staircase within the White Tower proper, was in error.
> The plaque stated incorrectly that the bones were found under the spiral
> staircase inside the White Tower.
>
>
>
> Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
> *under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
> they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down. She
> notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
> necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
> erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
> enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
>
>
>
> Loyaulte me lie,
>
>
>
> Johanne
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> Johanne L. Tournier
>
>
>
> Email - jltournier60@...
>
> or jltournier@...
>
>
>
> "With God, all things are possible."
>
> - Jesus of Nazareth
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
>
>
> From:
> [mailto:] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 1:24 PM
> To:
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
>
>
>
>
> From: EileenB
> To:
> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 4:51 PM
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
> > The stair were in a 'forebuilding' alright...This is from Maligned
> > King..."In 1674 some workmen were removing a forebuilding and stairs
> > *adjoining* the White Tower.....in the course of the digging down to the
> > foundations they came across some bones at a depth of about 10"...eileen
>
> OK, then it was probably undercover. Even so, if they dug a 10ft hole to
> put them in that would take hours, and if they put them in a 10ft hole
> already dug by workmen - even if they dug it a bit deeper and then covered
> them well - they'd be running a major risk that the workmen would find them
> within a few days. It really doesn't make much sense as a means of
> disposing of bodies in such a public place (unless the workmen were in on
> it) - it's far more likely that the bodies were there before the
> foundations.
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
--- In , Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@...> wrote:
>
> Dear Eileen & Claire -
>
>
>
> Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much greater
> length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
> the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
> Tower. She also indicates that Charles II ordered a mulberry tree to be
> planted on the spot where the bones were found, but that another set of
> stairs was built too close to the tree, which killed it. She further states
> that an old warder in 1853 was able to remember a time when the stump of the
> tree still protruded from the landing of the replacement stairs. Carson
> thus concludes that this proves that the old plaque which used to hang by
> the internal, spiral staircase within the White Tower proper, was in error.
> The plaque stated incorrectly that the bones were found under the spiral
> staircase inside the White Tower.
>
>
>
> Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
> *under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
> they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down. She
> notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
> necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
> erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
> enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
>
>
>
> Loyaulte me lie,
>
>
>
> Johanne
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> Johanne L. Tournier
>
>
>
> Email - jltournier60@...
>
> or jltournier@...
>
>
>
> "With God, all things are possible."
>
> - Jesus of Nazareth
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
>
>
> From:
> [mailto:] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 1:24 PM
> To:
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
>
>
>
>
> From: EileenB
> To:
> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 4:51 PM
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
> > The stair were in a 'forebuilding' alright...This is from Maligned
> > King..."In 1674 some workmen were removing a forebuilding and stairs
> > *adjoining* the White Tower.....in the course of the digging down to the
> > foundations they came across some bones at a depth of about 10"...eileen
>
> OK, then it was probably undercover. Even so, if they dug a 10ft hole to
> put them in that would take hours, and if they put them in a 10ft hole
> already dug by workmen - even if they dug it a bit deeper and then covered
> them well - they'd be running a major risk that the workmen would find them
> within a few days. It really doesn't make much sense as a means of
> disposing of bodies in such a public place (unless the workmen were in on
> it) - it's far more likely that the bodies were there before the
> foundations.
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 18:59:32
I believe the royal apartments had already been demolished at the time of Charles II so it IS possible that the staircase "outside" when the bones were found (depending on how many and which building had by that time been demolished). In the 1400s when the alleged deed went down that staircase most definitely would have been indoors.
--- In , Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@...> wrote:
>
> Dear Eileen & Claire -
>
>
>
> Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much greater
> length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
> the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
> Tower. She also indicates that Charles II ordered a mulberry tree to be
> planted on the spot where the bones were found, but that another set of
> stairs was built too close to the tree, which killed it. She further states
> that an old warder in 1853 was able to remember a time when the stump of the
> tree still protruded from the landing of the replacement stairs. Carson
> thus concludes that this proves that the old plaque which used to hang by
> the internal, spiral staircase within the White Tower proper, was in error.
> The plaque stated incorrectly that the bones were found under the spiral
> staircase inside the White Tower.
>
>
>
> Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
> *under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
> they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down. She
> notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
> necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
> erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
> enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
>
>
>
> Loyaulte me lie,
>
>
>
> Johanne
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> Johanne L. Tournier
>
>
>
> Email - jltournier60@...
>
> or jltournier@...
>
>
>
> "With God, all things are possible."
>
> - Jesus of Nazareth
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
>
>
> From:
> [mailto:] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 1:24 PM
> To:
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
>
>
>
>
> From: EileenB
> To:
> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 4:51 PM
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
> > The stair were in a 'forebuilding' alright...This is from Maligned
> > King..."In 1674 some workmen were removing a forebuilding and stairs
> > *adjoining* the White Tower.....in the course of the digging down to the
> > foundations they came across some bones at a depth of about 10"...eileen
>
> OK, then it was probably undercover. Even so, if they dug a 10ft hole to
> put them in that would take hours, and if they put them in a 10ft hole
> already dug by workmen - even if they dug it a bit deeper and then covered
> them well - they'd be running a major risk that the workmen would find them
> within a few days. It really doesn't make much sense as a means of
> disposing of bodies in such a public place (unless the workmen were in on
> it) - it's far more likely that the bodies were there before the
> foundations.
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
--- In , Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@...> wrote:
>
> Dear Eileen & Claire -
>
>
>
> Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much greater
> length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
> the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
> Tower. She also indicates that Charles II ordered a mulberry tree to be
> planted on the spot where the bones were found, but that another set of
> stairs was built too close to the tree, which killed it. She further states
> that an old warder in 1853 was able to remember a time when the stump of the
> tree still protruded from the landing of the replacement stairs. Carson
> thus concludes that this proves that the old plaque which used to hang by
> the internal, spiral staircase within the White Tower proper, was in error.
> The plaque stated incorrectly that the bones were found under the spiral
> staircase inside the White Tower.
>
>
>
> Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
> *under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
> they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down. She
> notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
> necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
> erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
> enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
>
>
>
> Loyaulte me lie,
>
>
>
> Johanne
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> Johanne L. Tournier
>
>
>
> Email - jltournier60@...
>
> or jltournier@...
>
>
>
> "With God, all things are possible."
>
> - Jesus of Nazareth
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
>
>
> From:
> [mailto:] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 1:24 PM
> To:
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
>
>
>
>
> From: EileenB
> To:
> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 4:51 PM
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
> > The stair were in a 'forebuilding' alright...This is from Maligned
> > King..."In 1674 some workmen were removing a forebuilding and stairs
> > *adjoining* the White Tower.....in the course of the digging down to the
> > foundations they came across some bones at a depth of about 10"...eileen
>
> OK, then it was probably undercover. Even so, if they dug a 10ft hole to
> put them in that would take hours, and if they put them in a 10ft hole
> already dug by workmen - even if they dug it a bit deeper and then covered
> them well - they'd be running a major risk that the workmen would find them
> within a few days. It really doesn't make much sense as a means of
> disposing of bodies in such a public place (unless the workmen were in on
> it) - it's far more likely that the bodies were there before the
> foundations.
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 19:08:22
The stairs were outside the White Tower. They were enclosed in a small forebuilding that butted onto the White Tower... The bones were probably foundation sacrifices dating from Roman times. Eileen
--- In , "Poet" <virginia_bard@...> wrote:
>
> I believe the royal apartments had already been demolished at the time of Charles II so it IS possible that the staircase "outside" when the bones were found (depending on how many and which building had by that time been demolished). In the 1400s when the alleged deed went down that staircase most definitely would have been indoors.
>
> --- In , Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@> wrote:
> >
> > Dear Eileen & Claire -
> >
> >
> >
> > Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much greater
> > length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
> > the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
> > Tower. She also indicates that Charles II ordered a mulberry tree to be
> > planted on the spot where the bones were found, but that another set of
> > stairs was built too close to the tree, which killed it. She further states
> > that an old warder in 1853 was able to remember a time when the stump of the
> > tree still protruded from the landing of the replacement stairs. Carson
> > thus concludes that this proves that the old plaque which used to hang by
> > the internal, spiral staircase within the White Tower proper, was in error.
> > The plaque stated incorrectly that the bones were found under the spiral
> > staircase inside the White Tower.
> >
> >
> >
> > Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
> > *under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
> > they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down. She
> > notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
> > necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
> > erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
> > enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
> >
> >
> >
> > Loyaulte me lie,
> >
> >
> >
> > Johanne
> >
> > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> >
> > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> >
> > Johanne L. Tournier
> >
> >
> >
> > Email - jltournier60@
> >
> > or jltournier@
> >
> >
> >
> > "With God, all things are possible."
> >
> > - Jesus of Nazareth
> >
> > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> >
> > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> >
> >
> >
> > From:
> > [mailto:] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
> > Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 1:24 PM
> > To:
> > Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> > From: EileenB
> > To:
> > <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> > Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 4:51 PM
> > Subject: Re: Disappearance
> >
> > > The stair were in a 'forebuilding' alright...This is from Maligned
> > > King..."In 1674 some workmen were removing a forebuilding and stairs
> > > *adjoining* the White Tower.....in the course of the digging down to the
> > > foundations they came across some bones at a depth of about 10"...eileen
> >
> > OK, then it was probably undercover. Even so, if they dug a 10ft hole to
> > put them in that would take hours, and if they put them in a 10ft hole
> > already dug by workmen - even if they dug it a bit deeper and then covered
> > them well - they'd be running a major risk that the workmen would find them
> > within a few days. It really doesn't make much sense as a means of
> > disposing of bodies in such a public place (unless the workmen were in on
> > it) - it's far more likely that the bodies were there before the
> > foundations.
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
--- In , "Poet" <virginia_bard@...> wrote:
>
> I believe the royal apartments had already been demolished at the time of Charles II so it IS possible that the staircase "outside" when the bones were found (depending on how many and which building had by that time been demolished). In the 1400s when the alleged deed went down that staircase most definitely would have been indoors.
>
> --- In , Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@> wrote:
> >
> > Dear Eileen & Claire -
> >
> >
> >
> > Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much greater
> > length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
> > the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
> > Tower. She also indicates that Charles II ordered a mulberry tree to be
> > planted on the spot where the bones were found, but that another set of
> > stairs was built too close to the tree, which killed it. She further states
> > that an old warder in 1853 was able to remember a time when the stump of the
> > tree still protruded from the landing of the replacement stairs. Carson
> > thus concludes that this proves that the old plaque which used to hang by
> > the internal, spiral staircase within the White Tower proper, was in error.
> > The plaque stated incorrectly that the bones were found under the spiral
> > staircase inside the White Tower.
> >
> >
> >
> > Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
> > *under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
> > they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down. She
> > notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
> > necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
> > erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
> > enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
> >
> >
> >
> > Loyaulte me lie,
> >
> >
> >
> > Johanne
> >
> > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> >
> > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> >
> > Johanne L. Tournier
> >
> >
> >
> > Email - jltournier60@
> >
> > or jltournier@
> >
> >
> >
> > "With God, all things are possible."
> >
> > - Jesus of Nazareth
> >
> > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> >
> > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> >
> >
> >
> > From:
> > [mailto:] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
> > Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 1:24 PM
> > To:
> > Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> > From: EileenB
> > To:
> > <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> > Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 4:51 PM
> > Subject: Re: Disappearance
> >
> > > The stair were in a 'forebuilding' alright...This is from Maligned
> > > King..."In 1674 some workmen were removing a forebuilding and stairs
> > > *adjoining* the White Tower.....in the course of the digging down to the
> > > foundations they came across some bones at a depth of about 10"...eileen
> >
> > OK, then it was probably undercover. Even so, if they dug a 10ft hole to
> > put them in that would take hours, and if they put them in a 10ft hole
> > already dug by workmen - even if they dug it a bit deeper and then covered
> > them well - they'd be running a major risk that the workmen would find them
> > within a few days. It really doesn't make much sense as a means of
> > disposing of bodies in such a public place (unless the workmen were in on
> > it) - it's far more likely that the bodies were there before the
> > foundations.
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-15 19:14:00
Just think of the vomit as propeganda, like a lot of the rest of it.
________________________________
From: SandraMachin <sandramachin@...>
To:
Sent: Wednesday, 15 May 2013, 10:56
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
It was the thought of a vomit-flavoured kiss that repulsed me (thank you, Claire, for putting such a prospect in my mind). Edward could be as charismatic as he liked, but a bit of mouth hygiene first, please. A rinse and then a chew on a clove. Whatever. Just not the vomit. Otherwise, yes, he was clearly something else. But I'd rather have his little brother.
Sandra
From: Hilary Jones
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 10:33 AM
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Yes I would agree with that. He was very hands on as an adminstrator, his annotations are on a lot of boring daily stuff (in fact one could say he was as hands on as H7). I have him as someone who would shine at the chamber of commerce meetings (ie the City of London merchant meetings) he hosted several of those. He was in many respects a modern man; modernity began with Edward, not Henry. And remember this image of him as the overweight eating, drinking man is as much propeganda as his brother's hump. He was a charismatic man, a kiss from him didn't make women recoil, it made them give him more money! He wasn't his grandson. A womaniser he might have been but that doesn't make him gross; think of that charmer Charles II (ah Rufus Sewall again).
Where did he go wrong? He arguably married the wrong woman (though she was not a bad queen) and he dabbled in land like a nobleman, not a king.
________________________________
From: Claire M Jordan <mailto:whitehound%40madasafish.com>
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 19:58
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
From: SandraMachin
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 11:45 AM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
> OMG, Claire, what a disgusting thought. Imagine catching the royal eye and
> then seeing the ominously beckoning finger. One would just have to tell
> him it was the wrong time of the month and hope it put him off! He seems
> to have been so like Henry VIII it's incredible.
To be fair, he only doubled his wives up - he didn't judicially murder them.
But there seems to be more of Edward IV then Henry VII in Henry VIII, so in
effect York won - although not in a good way.
> How on earth could someone as elegant, refined and honest as Richard be
> Edward's brother???? I believe he was elegant. and refined. Both seem to
> be written right across his portraits. If he turned out to be a boor, I'd
> be truly astonished.
I could imagine him being rowdy if he'd had a skinfull, and if he was a
normal teenage boy he probably went through a phase when he had a face like
a pizza and thought that competition belching was the height of
sophisticated humour. But the fact that his books were second-hand
(suggesting he had them to read, not for show), and his possession of a
Wycliffe Bible, and his interest in the law and in hearing theological
debates, and his concern for women and for common soldiers, all suggest that
he was scholarly, thoughtful and considerate, so it's unlikely that he would
ever intentionally be crass or offensicve.
________________________________
From: SandraMachin <sandramachin@...>
To:
Sent: Wednesday, 15 May 2013, 10:56
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
It was the thought of a vomit-flavoured kiss that repulsed me (thank you, Claire, for putting such a prospect in my mind). Edward could be as charismatic as he liked, but a bit of mouth hygiene first, please. A rinse and then a chew on a clove. Whatever. Just not the vomit. Otherwise, yes, he was clearly something else. But I'd rather have his little brother.
Sandra
From: Hilary Jones
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 10:33 AM
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Yes I would agree with that. He was very hands on as an adminstrator, his annotations are on a lot of boring daily stuff (in fact one could say he was as hands on as H7). I have him as someone who would shine at the chamber of commerce meetings (ie the City of London merchant meetings) he hosted several of those. He was in many respects a modern man; modernity began with Edward, not Henry. And remember this image of him as the overweight eating, drinking man is as much propeganda as his brother's hump. He was a charismatic man, a kiss from him didn't make women recoil, it made them give him more money! He wasn't his grandson. A womaniser he might have been but that doesn't make him gross; think of that charmer Charles II (ah Rufus Sewall again).
Where did he go wrong? He arguably married the wrong woman (though she was not a bad queen) and he dabbled in land like a nobleman, not a king.
________________________________
From: Claire M Jordan <mailto:whitehound%40madasafish.com>
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 19:58
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
From: SandraMachin
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 11:45 AM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
> OMG, Claire, what a disgusting thought. Imagine catching the royal eye and
> then seeing the ominously beckoning finger. One would just have to tell
> him it was the wrong time of the month and hope it put him off! He seems
> to have been so like Henry VIII it's incredible.
To be fair, he only doubled his wives up - he didn't judicially murder them.
But there seems to be more of Edward IV then Henry VII in Henry VIII, so in
effect York won - although not in a good way.
> How on earth could someone as elegant, refined and honest as Richard be
> Edward's brother???? I believe he was elegant. and refined. Both seem to
> be written right across his portraits. If he turned out to be a boor, I'd
> be truly astonished.
I could imagine him being rowdy if he'd had a skinfull, and if he was a
normal teenage boy he probably went through a phase when he had a face like
a pizza and thought that competition belching was the height of
sophisticated humour. But the fact that his books were second-hand
(suggesting he had them to read, not for show), and his possession of a
Wycliffe Bible, and his interest in the law and in hearing theological
debates, and his concern for women and for common soldiers, all suggest that
he was scholarly, thoughtful and considerate, so it's unlikely that he would
ever intentionally be crass or offensicve.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 19:14:20
By More's time, the Duke of Buckingham was indeed named Edward (1478-1521).
----- Original Message -----
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 6:31 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Wednesday wrote:
>
> You asked when Buckingham was in London in relation to Richard's progress. Kendall has Buckingham "apparently" remaining behind in London (perhaps to make arrangements for Morton's transport with him to Brecon?) when Richard left Windsor to begin his progress.
>
> Richard saw Buckingham for the last time in Gloucester (this is before the King's arrival in York) when the Duke was "riding home to Brecon by the main road." This is the last time they saw each other. (Anybody have a date for this?) [snip]
Carol responds:
As Kendall states in a note, he conjectures that Buckingham stayed behind in London because his name is not included in a list of Richard's companions during his visit to Magdalen College in Oxford on July 24-25, so he speculates that Buckingham must have briefly encountered Richard in Gloucester on his way to Brecon.
The problem with Kendall and anyone else who says that Richard met Buckingham in Gloucester (or stayed with him on progress until Gloucester) is that they are relying on More and Vergil. *No contemporary source states that such a meeting (or departure) occurred.* The Register of Magdalen College indicates, as Kendall states, that Buckingham was not with Richard on the progress at all, which would mean that either Buckingham remained in London at that point or was already on his way to Brecon but provides no evidence with regard to a meeting in Gloucester.
Mancini, of course, had left England before Richard left on his progress, so he is no help here. The Croyland chronicler says nothing about Buckingham being on the progress with Richard or meeting him at Gloucester, only that "Henry, duke of Buckingham, *who at this time was living at Brecknock in Wales*," became the "chief mover" in the rebellion against Richard, presumably some time after the investiture of EoM (September 8), when the chronicler states that the boys were definitely alive and in the Tower. The rumors appear to have been spread at about this same time, perhaps October. But *there is no date for a meeting between Buckingham and Richard because the chronicler does not mention any such meeting or give any indication that Buckingham was with Richard on his progress.
Neither, as far as I know, does Rous, but I can't check it to be sure. I don't think his "Historia Regum Angliae" is available in a full translation, only snippets in various biographies of Richard. (The Latin version is available on Google Books if anyone wants to attempt an unofficial translation!)
Since we have only unreliable Tudor sources for this meeting, we can't even be sure that it occurred. However, for what it's worth, Vergil has Buckingham accompanying Richard "as he journeyed towardes Yorke unto glocester, from thence with his [Richard's] consent he [Buckingham] repayred into Wales . . . . Heare . . . , provokyd partly by freshe memory of the late receavyd injury, partly repenting that hitherto of himself hee had not resystyd king Richardes evell enterpryse . . . he began to discover [reveal] his intent [to separate from Richard] to John bishop of Ely, whom . . . he had in Brechnoch castle." In other words, Vergil's Buckingham is already discontented when he leaves the progress and is ready to be stirred up by Morton. Vergil gives no date, but it can be determined by Richard's arrival in Gloucester. Soon after Buckingham's departure, Vergil's Richard, tormented by guilt for having usurped the kingdom, writes to Brackenbury from Gloucester with the order to kill his nephews. (Yes, Vergil, that will really help the king's "haynous guylt of wicked conscyence"!)
Sorry--too many details. In short, Vergil has Buckingham riding with Richard from London to Gloucester and leaving the progress at that point to go to Brecon, where Morton has already been taken, just before Richard writes his (imaginary) letter to Brackenbury.
More has a similar chronology, many more (imaginary) details, and two versions of Buckingham leaving Richard in Gloucester. In the first, he has Richard order Buckingham to accompany him on his progress, but since both of them hate and fear each other (according to some of More's informants), B. leaves the progress at Gloucester for fear of being murdered. More then denies this version of events given "the depe dissimuling nature of those bothe men" and suggests instead that Buckingham left the progress at Gloucester "in most louing trusty maner," apparently grateful for the "gret giftes & high behests" that Richard had given him, but after his return to Brecknock, his ostensible prisoner Morton "waxed with him familiar [and] abused his pride to his own [Morton's] deilueraunce & the dukes destruccion." So More has two versions of Buckingham's departure, one of which he rejects, but both have Buckingham going with Richard as far as Gloucester--the same version of events (except for motives) as Vergil. The stories diverge when Richard starts plotting to kill his nephews after B's departure, but that's irrelevant here.
If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the date of Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same in both chronicles), but *there's no contemporary evidence that any such meeting occurred*. It looks as if Buckingham remained in London for awhile or (if we look at various commissions that Richard sent him on) was on business for Richard, still seemingly deserving of his trust, until he arrived in Brecon where he was apparently seduced into rebellion by the manipulative Morton. I can find no *reliable* evidence that he was on progress with Richard (More and Vergil) *or* that he briefly encountered Richard at Gloucester (Kendall's way of reconciling Croyland and the Magdalen College register with More and Vergil).
By the way, I just noticed another glaring error in More along the lines of Edward IV's age being wrong by more than thirteen years, a reference to "Edwarde Duke of Buckingham, and Richard Lord Hastinges and chaumberlayn"--both first names are wrong! Surely, this error is another signal that either the whole "history" is false or that More's research is worse than inadequate. The wonder is that *anyone* has accepted a single word of his "historie" as true.
Sorry this post is so long. You should have seen it before I cut two paragraphs!
Carol
----- Original Message -----
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 6:31 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Wednesday wrote:
>
> You asked when Buckingham was in London in relation to Richard's progress. Kendall has Buckingham "apparently" remaining behind in London (perhaps to make arrangements for Morton's transport with him to Brecon?) when Richard left Windsor to begin his progress.
>
> Richard saw Buckingham for the last time in Gloucester (this is before the King's arrival in York) when the Duke was "riding home to Brecon by the main road." This is the last time they saw each other. (Anybody have a date for this?) [snip]
Carol responds:
As Kendall states in a note, he conjectures that Buckingham stayed behind in London because his name is not included in a list of Richard's companions during his visit to Magdalen College in Oxford on July 24-25, so he speculates that Buckingham must have briefly encountered Richard in Gloucester on his way to Brecon.
The problem with Kendall and anyone else who says that Richard met Buckingham in Gloucester (or stayed with him on progress until Gloucester) is that they are relying on More and Vergil. *No contemporary source states that such a meeting (or departure) occurred.* The Register of Magdalen College indicates, as Kendall states, that Buckingham was not with Richard on the progress at all, which would mean that either Buckingham remained in London at that point or was already on his way to Brecon but provides no evidence with regard to a meeting in Gloucester.
Mancini, of course, had left England before Richard left on his progress, so he is no help here. The Croyland chronicler says nothing about Buckingham being on the progress with Richard or meeting him at Gloucester, only that "Henry, duke of Buckingham, *who at this time was living at Brecknock in Wales*," became the "chief mover" in the rebellion against Richard, presumably some time after the investiture of EoM (September 8), when the chronicler states that the boys were definitely alive and in the Tower. The rumors appear to have been spread at about this same time, perhaps October. But *there is no date for a meeting between Buckingham and Richard because the chronicler does not mention any such meeting or give any indication that Buckingham was with Richard on his progress.
Neither, as far as I know, does Rous, but I can't check it to be sure. I don't think his "Historia Regum Angliae" is available in a full translation, only snippets in various biographies of Richard. (The Latin version is available on Google Books if anyone wants to attempt an unofficial translation!)
Since we have only unreliable Tudor sources for this meeting, we can't even be sure that it occurred. However, for what it's worth, Vergil has Buckingham accompanying Richard "as he journeyed towardes Yorke unto glocester, from thence with his [Richard's] consent he [Buckingham] repayred into Wales . . . . Heare . . . , provokyd partly by freshe memory of the late receavyd injury, partly repenting that hitherto of himself hee had not resystyd king Richardes evell enterpryse . . . he began to discover [reveal] his intent [to separate from Richard] to John bishop of Ely, whom . . . he had in Brechnoch castle." In other words, Vergil's Buckingham is already discontented when he leaves the progress and is ready to be stirred up by Morton. Vergil gives no date, but it can be determined by Richard's arrival in Gloucester. Soon after Buckingham's departure, Vergil's Richard, tormented by guilt for having usurped the kingdom, writes to Brackenbury from Gloucester with the order to kill his nephews. (Yes, Vergil, that will really help the king's "haynous guylt of wicked conscyence"!)
Sorry--too many details. In short, Vergil has Buckingham riding with Richard from London to Gloucester and leaving the progress at that point to go to Brecon, where Morton has already been taken, just before Richard writes his (imaginary) letter to Brackenbury.
More has a similar chronology, many more (imaginary) details, and two versions of Buckingham leaving Richard in Gloucester. In the first, he has Richard order Buckingham to accompany him on his progress, but since both of them hate and fear each other (according to some of More's informants), B. leaves the progress at Gloucester for fear of being murdered. More then denies this version of events given "the depe dissimuling nature of those bothe men" and suggests instead that Buckingham left the progress at Gloucester "in most louing trusty maner," apparently grateful for the "gret giftes & high behests" that Richard had given him, but after his return to Brecknock, his ostensible prisoner Morton "waxed with him familiar [and] abused his pride to his own [Morton's] deilueraunce & the dukes destruccion." So More has two versions of Buckingham's departure, one of which he rejects, but both have Buckingham going with Richard as far as Gloucester--the same version of events (except for motives) as Vergil. The stories diverge when Richard starts plotting to kill his nephews after B's departure, but that's irrelevant here.
If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the date of Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same in both chronicles), but *there's no contemporary evidence that any such meeting occurred*. It looks as if Buckingham remained in London for awhile or (if we look at various commissions that Richard sent him on) was on business for Richard, still seemingly deserving of his trust, until he arrived in Brecon where he was apparently seduced into rebellion by the manipulative Morton. I can find no *reliable* evidence that he was on progress with Richard (More and Vergil) *or* that he briefly encountered Richard at Gloucester (Kendall's way of reconciling Croyland and the Magdalen College register with More and Vergil).
By the way, I just noticed another glaring error in More along the lines of Edward IV's age being wrong by more than thirteen years, a reference to "Edwarde Duke of Buckingham, and Richard Lord Hastinges and chaumberlayn"--both first names are wrong! Surely, this error is another signal that either the whole "history" is false or that More's research is worse than inadequate. The wonder is that *anyone* has accepted a single word of his "historie" as true.
Sorry this post is so long. You should have seen it before I cut two paragraphs!
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 19:14:39
This is an excellent article on the bones by Helen Maurer...It can be found on the Richard lll Society website...
http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
Eileen
--- In , "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@...> wrote:
>
> The stairs were outside the White Tower. They were enclosed in a small forebuilding that butted onto the White Tower... The bones were probably foundation sacrifices dating from Roman times. Eileen
>
> --- In , "Poet" <virginia_bard@> wrote:
> >
> > I believe the royal apartments had already been demolished at the time of Charles II so it IS possible that the staircase "outside" when the bones were found (depending on how many and which building had by that time been demolished). In the 1400s when the alleged deed went down that staircase most definitely would have been indoors.
> >
> > --- In , Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@> wrote:
> > >
> > > Dear Eileen & Claire -
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much greater
> > > length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
> > > the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
> > > Tower. She also indicates that Charles II ordered a mulberry tree to be
> > > planted on the spot where the bones were found, but that another set of
> > > stairs was built too close to the tree, which killed it. She further states
> > > that an old warder in 1853 was able to remember a time when the stump of the
> > > tree still protruded from the landing of the replacement stairs. Carson
> > > thus concludes that this proves that the old plaque which used to hang by
> > > the internal, spiral staircase within the White Tower proper, was in error.
> > > The plaque stated incorrectly that the bones were found under the spiral
> > > staircase inside the White Tower.
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
> > > *under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
> > > they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down. She
> > > notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
> > > necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
> > > erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
> > > enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Loyaulte me lie,
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Johanne
> > >
> > > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> > >
> > > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> > >
> > > Johanne L. Tournier
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Email - jltournier60@
> > >
> > > or jltournier@
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > "With God, all things are possible."
> > >
> > > - Jesus of Nazareth
> > >
> > > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> > >
> > > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > From:
> > > [mailto:] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
> > > Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 1:24 PM
> > > To:
> > > Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > From: EileenB
> > > To:
> > > <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> > > Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 4:51 PM
> > > Subject: Re: Disappearance
> > >
> > > > The stair were in a 'forebuilding' alright...This is from Maligned
> > > > King..."In 1674 some workmen were removing a forebuilding and stairs
> > > > *adjoining* the White Tower.....in the course of the digging down to the
> > > > foundations they came across some bones at a depth of about 10"...eileen
> > >
> > > OK, then it was probably undercover. Even so, if they dug a 10ft hole to
> > > put them in that would take hours, and if they put them in a 10ft hole
> > > already dug by workmen - even if they dug it a bit deeper and then covered
> > > them well - they'd be running a major risk that the workmen would find them
> > > within a few days. It really doesn't make much sense as a means of
> > > disposing of bodies in such a public place (unless the workmen were in on
> > > it) - it's far more likely that the bodies were there before the
> > > foundations.
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> >
>
http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
Eileen
--- In , "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@...> wrote:
>
> The stairs were outside the White Tower. They were enclosed in a small forebuilding that butted onto the White Tower... The bones were probably foundation sacrifices dating from Roman times. Eileen
>
> --- In , "Poet" <virginia_bard@> wrote:
> >
> > I believe the royal apartments had already been demolished at the time of Charles II so it IS possible that the staircase "outside" when the bones were found (depending on how many and which building had by that time been demolished). In the 1400s when the alleged deed went down that staircase most definitely would have been indoors.
> >
> > --- In , Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@> wrote:
> > >
> > > Dear Eileen & Claire -
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much greater
> > > length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
> > > the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
> > > Tower. She also indicates that Charles II ordered a mulberry tree to be
> > > planted on the spot where the bones were found, but that another set of
> > > stairs was built too close to the tree, which killed it. She further states
> > > that an old warder in 1853 was able to remember a time when the stump of the
> > > tree still protruded from the landing of the replacement stairs. Carson
> > > thus concludes that this proves that the old plaque which used to hang by
> > > the internal, spiral staircase within the White Tower proper, was in error.
> > > The plaque stated incorrectly that the bones were found under the spiral
> > > staircase inside the White Tower.
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
> > > *under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
> > > they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down. She
> > > notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
> > > necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
> > > erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
> > > enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Loyaulte me lie,
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Johanne
> > >
> > > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> > >
> > > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> > >
> > > Johanne L. Tournier
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Email - jltournier60@
> > >
> > > or jltournier@
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > "With God, all things are possible."
> > >
> > > - Jesus of Nazareth
> > >
> > > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> > >
> > > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > From:
> > > [mailto:] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
> > > Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 1:24 PM
> > > To:
> > > Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > From: EileenB
> > > To:
> > > <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> > > Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 4:51 PM
> > > Subject: Re: Disappearance
> > >
> > > > The stair were in a 'forebuilding' alright...This is from Maligned
> > > > King..."In 1674 some workmen were removing a forebuilding and stairs
> > > > *adjoining* the White Tower.....in the course of the digging down to the
> > > > foundations they came across some bones at a depth of about 10"...eileen
> > >
> > > OK, then it was probably undercover. Even so, if they dug a 10ft hole to
> > > put them in that would take hours, and if they put them in a 10ft hole
> > > already dug by workmen - even if they dug it a bit deeper and then covered
> > > them well - they'd be running a major risk that the workmen would find them
> > > within a few days. It really doesn't make much sense as a means of
> > > disposing of bodies in such a public place (unless the workmen were in on
> > > it) - it's far more likely that the bodies were there before the
> > > foundations.
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> >
>
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-15 19:22:37
Oh, that's all right then. Now you know why I'm a floating voter.
From: Hilary Jones
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 5:53 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Just think of the vomit as propeganda, like a lot of the rest of it.
From: Hilary Jones
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 5:53 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Just think of the vomit as propeganda, like a lot of the rest of it.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 19:32:15
Hi, Eileen -
From what Annette writes and the pictures and diagrams she provides, it
would not be correct to say that the stone stairs were "inside the
forebuilding." Take a look at Plate 16 in her book. The stairs are external
to the forebuilding, and they provide access to the forebuilding and also to
the smaller door (gate) which she says allowed access to the lower level of
the White Tower.
(I'll be frank and say I wouldn't bet the farm on this; however, she seems
certain that at least it is not correct to say the bones were found under
the spiral staircase. I'll try to look over the material again later,
including what was said about Isolde Wigram and the royal apartments, and
see if I come up with anything else.)
TTFN J
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of EileenB
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 2:46 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Yes...that is what I said...I was quoting from Annette's book Maligned King.
The stairs were in a forebuilding *adjoining* the White Tower...It was when
this forebuilding and the stairs therein were being demolished that the
bones were discovered...eileen
--- In
<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> , Johanne Tournier
<jltournier60@...> wrote:
>
> Dear Eileen & Claire -
>
>
>
> Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much
greater
> length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
> the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
> Tower. She also indicates that Charles II ordered a mulberry tree to be
> planted on the spot where the bones were found, but that another set of
> stairs was built too close to the tree, which killed it. She further
states
> that an old warder in 1853 was able to remember a time when the stump of
the
> tree still protruded from the landing of the replacement stairs. Carson
> thus concludes that this proves that the old plaque which used to hang by
> the internal, spiral staircase within the White Tower proper, was in
error.
> The plaque stated incorrectly that the bones were found under the spiral
> staircase inside the White Tower.
>
>
>
> Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
> *under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
> they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down. She
> notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
> necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
> erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
> enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
>
>
>
> Loyaulte me lie,
>
>
>
> Johanne
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> Johanne L. Tournier
>
>
>
> Email - jltournier60@...
>
> or jltournier@...
>
>
>
> "With God, all things are possible."
>
> - Jesus of Nazareth
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
>
>
> From:
<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> [mailto:
<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> ] On Behalf Of Claire M
Jordan
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 1:24 PM
> To:
<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
>
>
>
>
> From: EileenB
> To:
<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 4:51 PM
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
> > The stair were in a 'forebuilding' alright...This is from Maligned
> > King..."In 1674 some workmen were removing a forebuilding and stairs
> > *adjoining* the White Tower.....in the course of the digging down to the
> > foundations they came across some bones at a depth of about 10"...eileen
>
> OK, then it was probably undercover. Even so, if they dug a 10ft hole to
> put them in that would take hours, and if they put them in a 10ft hole
> already dug by workmen - even if they dug it a bit deeper and then covered
> them well - they'd be running a major risk that the workmen would find
them
> within a few days. It really doesn't make much sense as a means of
> disposing of bodies in such a public place (unless the workmen were in on
> it) - it's far more likely that the bodies were there before the
> foundations.
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
From what Annette writes and the pictures and diagrams she provides, it
would not be correct to say that the stone stairs were "inside the
forebuilding." Take a look at Plate 16 in her book. The stairs are external
to the forebuilding, and they provide access to the forebuilding and also to
the smaller door (gate) which she says allowed access to the lower level of
the White Tower.
(I'll be frank and say I wouldn't bet the farm on this; however, she seems
certain that at least it is not correct to say the bones were found under
the spiral staircase. I'll try to look over the material again later,
including what was said about Isolde Wigram and the royal apartments, and
see if I come up with anything else.)
TTFN J
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of EileenB
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 2:46 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Yes...that is what I said...I was quoting from Annette's book Maligned King.
The stairs were in a forebuilding *adjoining* the White Tower...It was when
this forebuilding and the stairs therein were being demolished that the
bones were discovered...eileen
--- In
<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> , Johanne Tournier
<jltournier60@...> wrote:
>
> Dear Eileen & Claire -
>
>
>
> Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much
greater
> length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
> the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
> Tower. She also indicates that Charles II ordered a mulberry tree to be
> planted on the spot where the bones were found, but that another set of
> stairs was built too close to the tree, which killed it. She further
states
> that an old warder in 1853 was able to remember a time when the stump of
the
> tree still protruded from the landing of the replacement stairs. Carson
> thus concludes that this proves that the old plaque which used to hang by
> the internal, spiral staircase within the White Tower proper, was in
error.
> The plaque stated incorrectly that the bones were found under the spiral
> staircase inside the White Tower.
>
>
>
> Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
> *under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
> they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down. She
> notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
> necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
> erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
> enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
>
>
>
> Loyaulte me lie,
>
>
>
> Johanne
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> Johanne L. Tournier
>
>
>
> Email - jltournier60@...
>
> or jltournier@...
>
>
>
> "With God, all things are possible."
>
> - Jesus of Nazareth
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
>
>
> From:
<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> [mailto:
<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> ] On Behalf Of Claire M
Jordan
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 1:24 PM
> To:
<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
>
>
>
>
> From: EileenB
> To:
<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 4:51 PM
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
> > The stair were in a 'forebuilding' alright...This is from Maligned
> > King..."In 1674 some workmen were removing a forebuilding and stairs
> > *adjoining* the White Tower.....in the course of the digging down to the
> > foundations they came across some bones at a depth of about 10"...eileen
>
> OK, then it was probably undercover. Even so, if they dug a 10ft hole to
> put them in that would take hours, and if they put them in a 10ft hole
> already dug by workmen - even if they dug it a bit deeper and then covered
> them well - they'd be running a major risk that the workmen would find
them
> within a few days. It really doesn't make much sense as a means of
> disposing of bodies in such a public place (unless the workmen were in on
> it) - it's far more likely that the bodies were there before the
> foundations.
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 19:47:34
Agree Eileen. Also when they were originally found they were thrown on a rubbish heap for a few days until someone decided that they could be the Princes and they were collected up again. I believe that when they looked at them in the 1930s they found chicken and rabbit bones in amongst them.
--- In , "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@...> wrote:
>
> The stairs were outside the White Tower. They were enclosed in a small forebuilding that butted onto the White Tower... The bones were probably foundation sacrifices dating from Roman times. Eileen
>
> --- In , "Poet" <virginia_bard@> wrote:
> >
> > I believe the royal apartments had already been demolished at the time of Charles II so it IS possible that the staircase "outside" when the bones were found (depending on how many and which building had by that time been demolished). In the 1400s when the alleged deed went down that staircase most definitely would have been indoors.
> >
> > --- In , Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@> wrote:
> > >
> > > Dear Eileen & Claire -
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much greater
> > > length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
> > > the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
> > > Tower. She also indicates that Charles II ordered a mulberry tree to be
> > > planted on the spot where the bones were found, but that another set of
> > > stairs was built too close to the tree, which killed it. She further states
> > > that an old warder in 1853 was able to remember a time when the stump of the
> > > tree still protruded from the landing of the replacement stairs. Carson
> > > thus concludes that this proves that the old plaque which used to hang by
> > > the internal, spiral staircase within the White Tower proper, was in error.
> > > The plaque stated incorrectly that the bones were found under the spiral
> > > staircase inside the White Tower.
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
> > > *under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
> > > they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down. She
> > > notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
> > > necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
> > > erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
> > > enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Loyaulte me lie,
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Johanne
> > >
> > > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> > >
> > > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> > >
> > > Johanne L. Tournier
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Email - jltournier60@
> > >
> > > or jltournier@
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > "With God, all things are possible."
> > >
> > > - Jesus of Nazareth
> > >
> > > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> > >
> > > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > From:
> > > [mailto:] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
> > > Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 1:24 PM
> > > To:
> > > Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > From: EileenB
> > > To:
> > > <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> > > Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 4:51 PM
> > > Subject: Re: Disappearance
> > >
> > > > The stair were in a 'forebuilding' alright...This is from Maligned
> > > > King..."In 1674 some workmen were removing a forebuilding and stairs
> > > > *adjoining* the White Tower.....in the course of the digging down to the
> > > > foundations they came across some bones at a depth of about 10"...eileen
> > >
> > > OK, then it was probably undercover. Even so, if they dug a 10ft hole to
> > > put them in that would take hours, and if they put them in a 10ft hole
> > > already dug by workmen - even if they dug it a bit deeper and then covered
> > > them well - they'd be running a major risk that the workmen would find them
> > > within a few days. It really doesn't make much sense as a means of
> > > disposing of bodies in such a public place (unless the workmen were in on
> > > it) - it's far more likely that the bodies were there before the
> > > foundations.
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> >
>
--- In , "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@...> wrote:
>
> The stairs were outside the White Tower. They were enclosed in a small forebuilding that butted onto the White Tower... The bones were probably foundation sacrifices dating from Roman times. Eileen
>
> --- In , "Poet" <virginia_bard@> wrote:
> >
> > I believe the royal apartments had already been demolished at the time of Charles II so it IS possible that the staircase "outside" when the bones were found (depending on how many and which building had by that time been demolished). In the 1400s when the alleged deed went down that staircase most definitely would have been indoors.
> >
> > --- In , Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@> wrote:
> > >
> > > Dear Eileen & Claire -
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much greater
> > > length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
> > > the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
> > > Tower. She also indicates that Charles II ordered a mulberry tree to be
> > > planted on the spot where the bones were found, but that another set of
> > > stairs was built too close to the tree, which killed it. She further states
> > > that an old warder in 1853 was able to remember a time when the stump of the
> > > tree still protruded from the landing of the replacement stairs. Carson
> > > thus concludes that this proves that the old plaque which used to hang by
> > > the internal, spiral staircase within the White Tower proper, was in error.
> > > The plaque stated incorrectly that the bones were found under the spiral
> > > staircase inside the White Tower.
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
> > > *under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
> > > they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down. She
> > > notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
> > > necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
> > > erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
> > > enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Loyaulte me lie,
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Johanne
> > >
> > > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> > >
> > > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> > >
> > > Johanne L. Tournier
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Email - jltournier60@
> > >
> > > or jltournier@
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > "With God, all things are possible."
> > >
> > > - Jesus of Nazareth
> > >
> > > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> > >
> > > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > From:
> > > [mailto:] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
> > > Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 1:24 PM
> > > To:
> > > Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > From: EileenB
> > > To:
> > > <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> > > Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 4:51 PM
> > > Subject: Re: Disappearance
> > >
> > > > The stair were in a 'forebuilding' alright...This is from Maligned
> > > > King..."In 1674 some workmen were removing a forebuilding and stairs
> > > > *adjoining* the White Tower.....in the course of the digging down to the
> > > > foundations they came across some bones at a depth of about 10"...eileen
> > >
> > > OK, then it was probably undercover. Even so, if they dug a 10ft hole to
> > > put them in that would take hours, and if they put them in a 10ft hole
> > > already dug by workmen - even if they dug it a bit deeper and then covered
> > > them well - they'd be running a major risk that the workmen would find them
> > > within a few days. It really doesn't make much sense as a means of
> > > disposing of bodies in such a public place (unless the workmen were in on
> > > it) - it's far more likely that the bodies were there before the
> > > foundations.
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> >
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 20:01:59
He would never have passed high school with his knowledge of history! It would be like my answering Obama while being asked who was the President during WW2!
Ishita Bandyo
www.ishitabandyo.com
www.facebook.com/ishitabandyofinearts
www.ishitabandyoarts.blogspot.com
On May 15, 2013, at 2:14 PM, "Stephen Lark" <stephenmlark@...> wrote:
> By More's time, the Duke of Buckingham was indeed named Edward (1478-1521).
> ----- Original Message -----
> From: justcarol67
> To:
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 6:31 PM
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
> Wednesday wrote:
> >
> > You asked when Buckingham was in London in relation to Richard's progress. Kendall has Buckingham "apparently" remaining behind in London (perhaps to make arrangements for Morton's transport with him to Brecon?) when Richard left Windsor to begin his progress.
> >
> > Richard saw Buckingham for the last time in Gloucester (this is before the King's arrival in York) when the Duke was "riding home to Brecon by the main road." This is the last time they saw each other. (Anybody have a date for this?) [snip]
>
> Carol responds:
>
> As Kendall states in a note, he conjectures that Buckingham stayed behind in London because his name is not included in a list of Richard's companions during his visit to Magdalen College in Oxford on July 24-25, so he speculates that Buckingham must have briefly encountered Richard in Gloucester on his way to Brecon.
>
> The problem with Kendall and anyone else who says that Richard met Buckingham in Gloucester (or stayed with him on progress until Gloucester) is that they are relying on More and Vergil. *No contemporary source states that such a meeting (or departure) occurred.* The Register of Magdalen College indicates, as Kendall states, that Buckingham was not with Richard on the progress at all, which would mean that either Buckingham remained in London at that point or was already on his way to Brecon but provides no evidence with regard to a meeting in Gloucester.
>
> Mancini, of course, had left England before Richard left on his progress, so he is no help here. The Croyland chronicler says nothing about Buckingham being on the progress with Richard or meeting him at Gloucester, only that "Henry, duke of Buckingham, *who at this time was living at Brecknock in Wales*," became the "chief mover" in the rebellion against Richard, presumably some time after the investiture of EoM (September 8), when the chronicler states that the boys were definitely alive and in the Tower. The rumors appear to have been spread at about this same time, perhaps October. But *there is no date for a meeting between Buckingham and Richard because the chronicler does not mention any such meeting or give any indication that Buckingham was with Richard on his progress.
>
> Neither, as far as I know, does Rous, but I can't check it to be sure. I don't think his "Historia Regum Angliae" is available in a full translation, only snippets in various biographies of Richard. (The Latin version is available on Google Books if anyone wants to attempt an unofficial translation!)
>
> Since we have only unreliable Tudor sources for this meeting, we can't even be sure that it occurred. However, for what it's worth, Vergil has Buckingham accompanying Richard "as he journeyed towardes Yorke unto glocester, from thence with his [Richard's] consent he [Buckingham] repayred into Wales . . . . Heare . . . , provokyd partly by freshe memory of the late receavyd injury, partly repenting that hitherto of himself hee had not resystyd king Richardes evell enterpryse . . . he began to discover [reveal] his intent [to separate from Richard] to John bishop of Ely, whom . . . he had in Brechnoch castle." In other words, Vergil's Buckingham is already discontented when he leaves the progress and is ready to be stirred up by Morton. Vergil gives no date, but it can be determined by Richard's arrival in Gloucester. Soon after Buckingham's departure, Vergil's Richard, tormented by guilt for having usurped the kingdom, writes to Brackenbury from Gloucester with the order to kill his nephews. (Yes, Vergil, that will really help the king's "haynous guylt of wicked conscyence"!)
>
> Sorry--too many details. In short, Vergil has Buckingham riding with Richard from London to Gloucester and leaving the progress at that point to go to Brecon, where Morton has already been taken, just before Richard writes his (imaginary) letter to Brackenbury.
>
> More has a similar chronology, many more (imaginary) details, and two versions of Buckingham leaving Richard in Gloucester. In the first, he has Richard order Buckingham to accompany him on his progress, but since both of them hate and fear each other (according to some of More's informants), B. leaves the progress at Gloucester for fear of being murdered. More then denies this version of events given "the depe dissimuling nature of those bothe men" and suggests instead that Buckingham left the progress at Gloucester "in most louing trusty maner," apparently grateful for the "gret giftes & high behests" that Richard had given him, but after his return to Brecknock, his ostensible prisoner Morton "waxed with him familiar [and] abused his pride to his own [Morton's] deilueraunce & the dukes destruccion." So More has two versions of Buckingham's departure, one of which he rejects, but both have Buckingham going with Richard as far as Gloucester--the same version of events (except for motives) as Vergil. The stories diverge when Richard starts plotting to kill his nephews after B's departure, but that's irrelevant here.
>
> If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the date of Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same in both chronicles), but *there's no contemporary evidence that any such meeting occurred*. It looks as if Buckingham remained in London for awhile or (if we look at various commissions that Richard sent him on) was on business for Richard, still seemingly deserving of his trust, until he arrived in Brecon where he was apparently seduced into rebellion by the manipulative Morton. I can find no *reliable* evidence that he was on progress with Richard (More and Vergil) *or* that he briefly encountered Richard at Gloucester (Kendall's way of reconciling Croyland and the Magdalen College register with More and Vergil).
>
> By the way, I just noticed another glaring error in More along the lines of Edward IV's age being wrong by more than thirteen years, a reference to "Edwarde Duke of Buckingham, and Richard Lord Hastinges and chaumberlayn"--both first names are wrong! Surely, this error is another signal that either the whole "history" is false or that More's research is worse than inadequate. The wonder is that *anyone* has accepted a single word of his "historie" as true.
>
> Sorry this post is so long. You should have seen it before I cut two paragraphs!
>
> Carol
>
>
>
>
Ishita Bandyo
www.ishitabandyo.com
www.facebook.com/ishitabandyofinearts
www.ishitabandyoarts.blogspot.com
On May 15, 2013, at 2:14 PM, "Stephen Lark" <stephenmlark@...> wrote:
> By More's time, the Duke of Buckingham was indeed named Edward (1478-1521).
> ----- Original Message -----
> From: justcarol67
> To:
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 6:31 PM
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
> Wednesday wrote:
> >
> > You asked when Buckingham was in London in relation to Richard's progress. Kendall has Buckingham "apparently" remaining behind in London (perhaps to make arrangements for Morton's transport with him to Brecon?) when Richard left Windsor to begin his progress.
> >
> > Richard saw Buckingham for the last time in Gloucester (this is before the King's arrival in York) when the Duke was "riding home to Brecon by the main road." This is the last time they saw each other. (Anybody have a date for this?) [snip]
>
> Carol responds:
>
> As Kendall states in a note, he conjectures that Buckingham stayed behind in London because his name is not included in a list of Richard's companions during his visit to Magdalen College in Oxford on July 24-25, so he speculates that Buckingham must have briefly encountered Richard in Gloucester on his way to Brecon.
>
> The problem with Kendall and anyone else who says that Richard met Buckingham in Gloucester (or stayed with him on progress until Gloucester) is that they are relying on More and Vergil. *No contemporary source states that such a meeting (or departure) occurred.* The Register of Magdalen College indicates, as Kendall states, that Buckingham was not with Richard on the progress at all, which would mean that either Buckingham remained in London at that point or was already on his way to Brecon but provides no evidence with regard to a meeting in Gloucester.
>
> Mancini, of course, had left England before Richard left on his progress, so he is no help here. The Croyland chronicler says nothing about Buckingham being on the progress with Richard or meeting him at Gloucester, only that "Henry, duke of Buckingham, *who at this time was living at Brecknock in Wales*," became the "chief mover" in the rebellion against Richard, presumably some time after the investiture of EoM (September 8), when the chronicler states that the boys were definitely alive and in the Tower. The rumors appear to have been spread at about this same time, perhaps October. But *there is no date for a meeting between Buckingham and Richard because the chronicler does not mention any such meeting or give any indication that Buckingham was with Richard on his progress.
>
> Neither, as far as I know, does Rous, but I can't check it to be sure. I don't think his "Historia Regum Angliae" is available in a full translation, only snippets in various biographies of Richard. (The Latin version is available on Google Books if anyone wants to attempt an unofficial translation!)
>
> Since we have only unreliable Tudor sources for this meeting, we can't even be sure that it occurred. However, for what it's worth, Vergil has Buckingham accompanying Richard "as he journeyed towardes Yorke unto glocester, from thence with his [Richard's] consent he [Buckingham] repayred into Wales . . . . Heare . . . , provokyd partly by freshe memory of the late receavyd injury, partly repenting that hitherto of himself hee had not resystyd king Richardes evell enterpryse . . . he began to discover [reveal] his intent [to separate from Richard] to John bishop of Ely, whom . . . he had in Brechnoch castle." In other words, Vergil's Buckingham is already discontented when he leaves the progress and is ready to be stirred up by Morton. Vergil gives no date, but it can be determined by Richard's arrival in Gloucester. Soon after Buckingham's departure, Vergil's Richard, tormented by guilt for having usurped the kingdom, writes to Brackenbury from Gloucester with the order to kill his nephews. (Yes, Vergil, that will really help the king's "haynous guylt of wicked conscyence"!)
>
> Sorry--too many details. In short, Vergil has Buckingham riding with Richard from London to Gloucester and leaving the progress at that point to go to Brecon, where Morton has already been taken, just before Richard writes his (imaginary) letter to Brackenbury.
>
> More has a similar chronology, many more (imaginary) details, and two versions of Buckingham leaving Richard in Gloucester. In the first, he has Richard order Buckingham to accompany him on his progress, but since both of them hate and fear each other (according to some of More's informants), B. leaves the progress at Gloucester for fear of being murdered. More then denies this version of events given "the depe dissimuling nature of those bothe men" and suggests instead that Buckingham left the progress at Gloucester "in most louing trusty maner," apparently grateful for the "gret giftes & high behests" that Richard had given him, but after his return to Brecknock, his ostensible prisoner Morton "waxed with him familiar [and] abused his pride to his own [Morton's] deilueraunce & the dukes destruccion." So More has two versions of Buckingham's departure, one of which he rejects, but both have Buckingham going with Richard as far as Gloucester--the same version of events (except for motives) as Vergil. The stories diverge when Richard starts plotting to kill his nephews after B's departure, but that's irrelevant here.
>
> If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the date of Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same in both chronicles), but *there's no contemporary evidence that any such meeting occurred*. It looks as if Buckingham remained in London for awhile or (if we look at various commissions that Richard sent him on) was on business for Richard, still seemingly deserving of his trust, until he arrived in Brecon where he was apparently seduced into rebellion by the manipulative Morton. I can find no *reliable* evidence that he was on progress with Richard (More and Vergil) *or* that he briefly encountered Richard at Gloucester (Kendall's way of reconciling Croyland and the Magdalen College register with More and Vergil).
>
> By the way, I just noticed another glaring error in More along the lines of Edward IV's age being wrong by more than thirteen years, a reference to "Edwarde Duke of Buckingham, and Richard Lord Hastinges and chaumberlayn"--both first names are wrong! Surely, this error is another signal that either the whole "history" is false or that More's research is worse than inadequate. The wonder is that *anyone* has accepted a single word of his "historie" as true.
>
> Sorry this post is so long. You should have seen it before I cut two paragraphs!
>
> Carol
>
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 20:55:32
From: Johanne Tournier
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 6:34 PM
Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
> Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much
> greater
length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
Tower.
It was Poet, quoting plans by Isolde Wigram, who said that they were
probably inside a building in Richard's time, although the building was
subsequently pulled down, so that the site then became an outside one.
> Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
*under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down.
Yes, but apparently this Wigram person believes that the site had been
undercover in the 15th C.
> She
notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
What I want to know is how old the original stairs were. If they were being
built in 1483 there might have been a trench dug down to the foundations at
that time as well. If they were already in existence then it's unlikely
that any mere renovations would involve digging down to 10ft, so then we can
say firmly that the location at which they were found doesn't match More's
scenario.
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 6:34 PM
Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
> Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much
> greater
length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
Tower.
It was Poet, quoting plans by Isolde Wigram, who said that they were
probably inside a building in Richard's time, although the building was
subsequently pulled down, so that the site then became an outside one.
> Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
*under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down.
Yes, but apparently this Wigram person believes that the site had been
undercover in the 15th C.
> She
notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
What I want to know is how old the original stairs were. If they were being
built in 1483 there might have been a trench dug down to the foundations at
that time as well. If they were already in existence then it's unlikely
that any mere renovations would involve digging down to 10ft, so then we can
say firmly that the location at which they were found doesn't match More's
scenario.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 20:56:06
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 6:31 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the date
> of Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same in
> both chronicles),
Between 4th and 8th August, accto girders' itinerary for Richard - he
arrived in Glocester on the 4th and in Warwick on or by the 8th, both dates
derived from articles in The Ricardian.
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 6:31 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the date
> of Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same in
> both chronicles),
Between 4th and 8th August, accto girders' itinerary for Richard - he
arrived in Glocester on the 4th and in Warwick on or by the 8th, both dates
derived from articles in The Ricardian.
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-15 20:57:22
That is really gross, and shows how mentally unstable he really was!
From: [mailto:] On Behalf Of Hilary Jones
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 11:53 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Just think of the vomit as propeganda, like a lot of the rest of it.
________________________________
From: SandraMachin <sandramachin@...<mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk>>
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Wednesday, 15 May 2013, 10:56
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
It was the thought of a vomit-flavoured kiss that repulsed me (thank you, Claire, for putting such a prospect in my mind). Edward could be as charismatic as he liked, but a bit of mouth hygiene first, please. A rinse and then a chew on a clove. Whatever. Just not the vomit. Otherwise, yes, he was clearly something else. But I'd rather have his little brother.
Sandra
From: Hilary Jones
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 10:33 AM
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Yes I would agree with that. He was very hands on as an adminstrator, his annotations are on a lot of boring daily stuff (in fact one could say he was as hands on as H7). I have him as someone who would shine at the chamber of commerce meetings (ie the City of London merchant meetings) he hosted several of those. He was in many respects a modern man; modernity began with Edward, not Henry. And remember this image of him as the overweight eating, drinking man is as much propeganda as his brother's hump. He was a charismatic man, a kiss from him didn't make women recoil, it made them give him more money! He wasn't his grandson. A womaniser he might have been but that doesn't make him gross; think of that charmer Charles II (ah Rufus Sewall again).
Where did he go wrong? He arguably married the wrong woman (though she was not a bad queen) and he dabbled in land like a nobleman, not a king.
________________________________
From: Claire M Jordan <mailto:whitehound%40madasafish.com>
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 19:58
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
From: SandraMachin
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 11:45 AM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
> OMG, Claire, what a disgusting thought. Imagine catching the royal eye and
> then seeing the ominously beckoning finger. One would just have to tell
> him it was the wrong time of the month and hope it put him off! He seems
> to have been so like Henry VIII it's incredible.
To be fair, he only doubled his wives up - he didn't judicially murder them.
But there seems to be more of Edward IV then Henry VII in Henry VIII, so in
effect York won - although not in a good way.
> How on earth could someone as elegant, refined and honest as Richard be
> Edward's brother???? I believe he was elegant. and refined. Both seem to
> be written right across his portraits. If he turned out to be a boor, I'd
> be truly astonished.
I could imagine him being rowdy if he'd had a skinfull, and if he was a
normal teenage boy he probably went through a phase when he had a face like
a pizza and thought that competition belching was the height of
sophisticated humour. But the fact that his books were second-hand
(suggesting he had them to read, not for show), and his possession of a
Wycliffe Bible, and his interest in the law and in hearing theological
debates, and his concern for women and for common soldiers, all suggest that
he was scholarly, thoughtful and considerate, so it's unlikely that he would
ever intentionally be crass or offensicve.
From: [mailto:] On Behalf Of Hilary Jones
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 11:53 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Just think of the vomit as propeganda, like a lot of the rest of it.
________________________________
From: SandraMachin <sandramachin@...<mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk>>
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Wednesday, 15 May 2013, 10:56
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
It was the thought of a vomit-flavoured kiss that repulsed me (thank you, Claire, for putting such a prospect in my mind). Edward could be as charismatic as he liked, but a bit of mouth hygiene first, please. A rinse and then a chew on a clove. Whatever. Just not the vomit. Otherwise, yes, he was clearly something else. But I'd rather have his little brother.
Sandra
From: Hilary Jones
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 10:33 AM
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Yes I would agree with that. He was very hands on as an adminstrator, his annotations are on a lot of boring daily stuff (in fact one could say he was as hands on as H7). I have him as someone who would shine at the chamber of commerce meetings (ie the City of London merchant meetings) he hosted several of those. He was in many respects a modern man; modernity began with Edward, not Henry. And remember this image of him as the overweight eating, drinking man is as much propeganda as his brother's hump. He was a charismatic man, a kiss from him didn't make women recoil, it made them give him more money! He wasn't his grandson. A womaniser he might have been but that doesn't make him gross; think of that charmer Charles II (ah Rufus Sewall again).
Where did he go wrong? He arguably married the wrong woman (though she was not a bad queen) and he dabbled in land like a nobleman, not a king.
________________________________
From: Claire M Jordan <mailto:whitehound%40madasafish.com>
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 19:58
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
From: SandraMachin
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 11:45 AM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
> OMG, Claire, what a disgusting thought. Imagine catching the royal eye and
> then seeing the ominously beckoning finger. One would just have to tell
> him it was the wrong time of the month and hope it put him off! He seems
> to have been so like Henry VIII it's incredible.
To be fair, he only doubled his wives up - he didn't judicially murder them.
But there seems to be more of Edward IV then Henry VII in Henry VIII, so in
effect York won - although not in a good way.
> How on earth could someone as elegant, refined and honest as Richard be
> Edward's brother???? I believe he was elegant. and refined. Both seem to
> be written right across his portraits. If he turned out to be a boor, I'd
> be truly astonished.
I could imagine him being rowdy if he'd had a skinfull, and if he was a
normal teenage boy he probably went through a phase when he had a face like
a pizza and thought that competition belching was the height of
sophisticated humour. But the fact that his books were second-hand
(suggesting he had them to read, not for show), and his possession of a
Wycliffe Bible, and his interest in the law and in hearing theological
debates, and his concern for women and for common soldiers, all suggest that
he was scholarly, thoughtful and considerate, so it's unlikely that he would
ever intentionally be crass or offensicve.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 21:10:44
Rhoda Edwards' *Itinerary* has Richard 4 Aug 1483 at Tewkesbury, 5 Aug at
Worcester (probably the Priory), & 8-9 Aug at Warwick Castle.
Ian Rogers' Yearly Diary for 1483 (=? girders' itinerary) has
8-15 Aug. Richard was at Warwick. With him were the Bishops of Worcester,
Lichfield, Durham, St.Asaphs, the Duke of Albany, the Earls of
Warwick, Surrey, Huntingdon and Lincoln, Lords Stanley, Dudley,
Morley and Scrope, Francis Lovell, William Hussey and others.
(Ricardian 53 p.18)
A J
On Wed, May 15, 2013 at 2:26 PM, Claire M Jordan
<whitehound@...>wrote:
> **
>
>
> From: justcarol67
> To:
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 6:31 PM
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
> > If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the date
> > of Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same in
> > both chronicles),
>
> Between 4th and 8th August, accto girders' itinerary for Richard - he
> arrived in Glocester on the 4th and in Warwick on or by the 8th, both
> dates
> derived from articles in The Ricardian.
>
>
>
Worcester (probably the Priory), & 8-9 Aug at Warwick Castle.
Ian Rogers' Yearly Diary for 1483 (=? girders' itinerary) has
8-15 Aug. Richard was at Warwick. With him were the Bishops of Worcester,
Lichfield, Durham, St.Asaphs, the Duke of Albany, the Earls of
Warwick, Surrey, Huntingdon and Lincoln, Lords Stanley, Dudley,
Morley and Scrope, Francis Lovell, William Hussey and others.
(Ricardian 53 p.18)
A J
On Wed, May 15, 2013 at 2:26 PM, Claire M Jordan
<whitehound@...>wrote:
> **
>
>
> From: justcarol67
> To:
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 6:31 PM
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
> > If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the date
> > of Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same in
> > both chronicles),
>
> Between 4th and 8th August, accto girders' itinerary for Richard - he
> arrived in Glocester on the 4th and in Warwick on or by the 8th, both
> dates
> derived from articles in The Ricardian.
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 21:20:22
This is really, really complex and a lot of it is guesswork.. I do recommend reading the two articles by Helen Maurer....links below...they will not solve the mystery but at least give an understanding why this is such a complex mystery..Ive already posted the link to Article 1..here it is again plus link to article 2...
http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
Eileen
--- In , "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...> wrote:
>
> From: Johanne Tournier
> To:
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 6:34 PM
> Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
>
>
> > Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much
> > greater
> length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
> the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
> Tower.
>
> It was Poet, quoting plans by Isolde Wigram, who said that they were
> probably inside a building in Richard's time, although the building was
> subsequently pulled down, so that the site then became an outside one.
>
> > Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
> *under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
> they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down.
>
> Yes, but apparently this Wigram person believes that the site had been
> undercover in the 15th C.
>
> > She
> notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
> necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
> erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
> enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
>
> What I want to know is how old the original stairs were. If they were being
> built in 1483 there might have been a trench dug down to the foundations at
> that time as well. If they were already in existence then it's unlikely
> that any mere renovations would involve digging down to 10ft, so then we can
> say firmly that the location at which they were found doesn't match More's
> scenario.
>
http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
Eileen
--- In , "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...> wrote:
>
> From: Johanne Tournier
> To:
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 6:34 PM
> Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
>
>
> > Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much
> > greater
> length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
> the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
> Tower.
>
> It was Poet, quoting plans by Isolde Wigram, who said that they were
> probably inside a building in Richard's time, although the building was
> subsequently pulled down, so that the site then became an outside one.
>
> > Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
> *under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
> they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down.
>
> Yes, but apparently this Wigram person believes that the site had been
> undercover in the 15th C.
>
> > She
> notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
> necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
> erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
> enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
>
> What I want to know is how old the original stairs were. If they were being
> built in 1483 there might have been a trench dug down to the foundations at
> that time as well. If they were already in existence then it's unlikely
> that any mere renovations would involve digging down to 10ft, so then we can
> say firmly that the location at which they were found doesn't match More's
> scenario.
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 21:23:06
Isolde Wigram was Vice-President of the Richard III Society (parent) at the time she wrote the essay.
--- In , "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...> wrote:
>
> From: Johanne Tournier
> To:
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 6:34 PM
> Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
>
>
> > Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much
> > greater
> length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
> the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
> Tower.
>
> It was Poet, quoting plans by Isolde Wigram, who said that they were
> probably inside a building in Richard's time, although the building was
> subsequently pulled down, so that the site then became an outside one.
>
> > Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
> *under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
> they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down.
>
> Yes, but apparently this Wigram person believes that the site had been
> undercover in the 15th C.
>
> > She
> notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
> necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
> erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
> enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
>
> What I want to know is how old the original stairs were. If they were being
> built in 1483 there might have been a trench dug down to the foundations at
> that time as well. If they were already in existence then it's unlikely
> that any mere renovations would involve digging down to 10ft, so then we can
> say firmly that the location at which they were found doesn't match More's
> scenario.
>
--- In , "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...> wrote:
>
> From: Johanne Tournier
> To:
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 6:34 PM
> Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
>
>
> > Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much
> > greater
> length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
> the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
> Tower.
>
> It was Poet, quoting plans by Isolde Wigram, who said that they were
> probably inside a building in Richard's time, although the building was
> subsequently pulled down, so that the site then became an outside one.
>
> > Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
> *under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
> they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down.
>
> Yes, but apparently this Wigram person believes that the site had been
> undercover in the 15th C.
>
> > She
> notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
> necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
> erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
> enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
>
> What I want to know is how old the original stairs were. If they were being
> built in 1483 there might have been a trench dug down to the foundations at
> that time as well. If they were already in existence then it's unlikely
> that any mere renovations would involve digging down to 10ft, so then we can
> say firmly that the location at which they were found doesn't match More's
> scenario.
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 21:24:31
Eileen, I printed out Article 1 and it was/is fascinating. Thank you for both links.
On May 15, 2013, at 3:20 PM, "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@...<mailto:cherryripe.eileenb@...>> wrote:
This is really, really complex and a lot of it is guesswork.. I do recommend reading the two articles by Helen Maurer....links below...they will not solve the mystery but at least give an understanding why this is such a complex mystery..Ive already posted the link to Article 1..here it is again plus link to article 2...
http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
Eileen
--- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...> wrote:
>
> From: Johanne Tournier
> To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 6:34 PM
> Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
>
>
> > Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much
> > greater
> length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
> the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
> Tower.
>
> It was Poet, quoting plans by Isolde Wigram, who said that they were
> probably inside a building in Richard's time, although the building was
> subsequently pulled down, so that the site then became an outside one.
>
> > Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
> *under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
> they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down.
>
> Yes, but apparently this Wigram person believes that the site had been
> undercover in the 15th C.
>
> > She
> notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
> necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
> erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
> enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
>
> What I want to know is how old the original stairs were. If they were being
> built in 1483 there might have been a trench dug down to the foundations at
> that time as well. If they were already in existence then it's unlikely
> that any mere renovations would involve digging down to 10ft, so then we can
> say firmly that the location at which they were found doesn't match More's
> scenario.
>
On May 15, 2013, at 3:20 PM, "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@...<mailto:cherryripe.eileenb@...>> wrote:
This is really, really complex and a lot of it is guesswork.. I do recommend reading the two articles by Helen Maurer....links below...they will not solve the mystery but at least give an understanding why this is such a complex mystery..Ive already posted the link to Article 1..here it is again plus link to article 2...
http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
Eileen
--- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...> wrote:
>
> From: Johanne Tournier
> To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 6:34 PM
> Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
>
>
> > Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much
> > greater
> length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
> the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
> Tower.
>
> It was Poet, quoting plans by Isolde Wigram, who said that they were
> probably inside a building in Richard's time, although the building was
> subsequently pulled down, so that the site then became an outside one.
>
> > Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
> *under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
> they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down.
>
> Yes, but apparently this Wigram person believes that the site had been
> undercover in the 15th C.
>
> > She
> notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
> necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
> erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
> enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
>
> What I want to know is how old the original stairs were. If they were being
> built in 1483 there might have been a trench dug down to the foundations at
> that time as well. If they were already in existence then it's unlikely
> that any mere renovations would involve digging down to 10ft, so then we can
> say firmly that the location at which they were found doesn't match More's
> scenario.
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 21:32:49
Your welcome Pamela...bottom line is no-one knows for sure. Personally I believe that the stairs must have been enclosed in the 15thc because noone in their right mind would have seriously suggested that they could have been the remains of the boys,who were supposed to have been buried secretly and not out in the open, where the World and his Wife would have spotted said *secret* burial...As a lot of other things in this story we will probably never know...eileen
--- In , Pamela Bain <pbain@...> wrote:
>
> Eileen, I printed out Article 1 and it was/is fascinating. Thank you for both links.
>
> On May 15, 2013, at 3:20 PM, "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@...<mailto:cherryripe.eileenb@...>> wrote:
>
>
>
> This is really, really complex and a lot of it is guesswork.. I do recommend reading the two articles by Helen Maurer....links below...they will not solve the mystery but at least give an understanding why this is such a complex mystery..Ive already posted the link to Article 1..here it is again plus link to article 2...
>
> http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
>
> http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
>
> Eileen
>
> --- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@> wrote:
> >
> > From: Johanne Tournier
> > To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> > Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 6:34 PM
> > Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
> >
> >
> > > Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much
> > > greater
> > length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
> > the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
> > Tower.
> >
> > It was Poet, quoting plans by Isolde Wigram, who said that they were
> > probably inside a building in Richard's time, although the building was
> > subsequently pulled down, so that the site then became an outside one.
> >
> > > Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
> > *under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
> > they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down.
> >
> > Yes, but apparently this Wigram person believes that the site had been
> > undercover in the 15th C.
> >
> > > She
> > notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
> > necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
> > erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
> > enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
> >
> > What I want to know is how old the original stairs were. If they were being
> > built in 1483 there might have been a trench dug down to the foundations at
> > that time as well. If they were already in existence then it's unlikely
> > that any mere renovations would involve digging down to 10ft, so then we can
> > say firmly that the location at which they were found doesn't match More's
> > scenario.
> >
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
--- In , Pamela Bain <pbain@...> wrote:
>
> Eileen, I printed out Article 1 and it was/is fascinating. Thank you for both links.
>
> On May 15, 2013, at 3:20 PM, "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@...<mailto:cherryripe.eileenb@...>> wrote:
>
>
>
> This is really, really complex and a lot of it is guesswork.. I do recommend reading the two articles by Helen Maurer....links below...they will not solve the mystery but at least give an understanding why this is such a complex mystery..Ive already posted the link to Article 1..here it is again plus link to article 2...
>
> http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
>
> http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
>
> Eileen
>
> --- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@> wrote:
> >
> > From: Johanne Tournier
> > To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> > Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 6:34 PM
> > Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
> >
> >
> > > Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much
> > > greater
> > length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
> > the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
> > Tower.
> >
> > It was Poet, quoting plans by Isolde Wigram, who said that they were
> > probably inside a building in Richard's time, although the building was
> > subsequently pulled down, so that the site then became an outside one.
> >
> > > Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
> > *under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
> > they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down.
> >
> > Yes, but apparently this Wigram person believes that the site had been
> > undercover in the 15th C.
> >
> > > She
> > notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
> > necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
> > erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
> > enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
> >
> > What I want to know is how old the original stairs were. If they were being
> > built in 1483 there might have been a trench dug down to the foundations at
> > that time as well. If they were already in existence then it's unlikely
> > that any mere renovations would involve digging down to 10ft, so then we can
> > say firmly that the location at which they were found doesn't match More's
> > scenario.
> >
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 21:43:59
Probably more than two people died that night! Yes, a hole that deep, even by the river, would be difficult. Which makes me ask a different question. I have no idea what the water table is in London, but having been raised by the Mississippi River, I know you cannot dig down too far until you hit water, along that river. Could "they" even have dug a ten meter hole at all?
On May 15, 2013, at 3:32 PM, "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@...<mailto:cherryripe.eileenb@...>> wrote:
Your welcome Pamela...bottom line is no-one knows for sure. Personally I believe that the stairs must have been enclosed in the 15thc because noone in their right mind would have seriously suggested that they could have been the remains of the boys,who were supposed to have been buried secretly and not out in the open, where the World and his Wife would have spotted said *secret* burial...As a lot of other things in this story we will probably never know...eileen
--- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, Pamela Bain <pbain@...> wrote:
>
> Eileen, I printed out Article 1 and it was/is fascinating. Thank you for both links.
>
> On May 15, 2013, at 3:20 PM, "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@...<mailto:cherryripe.eileenb@...>> wrote:
>
>
>
> This is really, really complex and a lot of it is guesswork.. I do recommend reading the two articles by Helen Maurer....links below...they will not solve the mystery but at least give an understanding why this is such a complex mystery..Ive already posted the link to Article 1..here it is again plus link to article 2...
>
> http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
>
> http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
>
> Eileen
>
> --- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com><mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>>, "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@> wrote:
> >
> > From: Johanne Tournier
> > To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com><mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>>
> > Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 6:34 PM
> > Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
> >
> >
> > > Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much
> > > greater
> > length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
> > the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
> > Tower.
> >
> > It was Poet, quoting plans by Isolde Wigram, who said that they were
> > probably inside a building in Richard's time, although the building was
> > subsequently pulled down, so that the site then became an outside one.
> >
> > > Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
> > *under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
> > they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down.
> >
> > Yes, but apparently this Wigram person believes that the site had been
> > undercover in the 15th C.
> >
> > > She
> > notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
> > necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
> > erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
> > enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
> >
> > What I want to know is how old the original stairs were. If they were being
> > built in 1483 there might have been a trench dug down to the foundations at
> > that time as well. If they were already in existence then it's unlikely
> > that any mere renovations would involve digging down to 10ft, so then we can
> > say firmly that the location at which they were found doesn't match More's
> > scenario.
> >
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
On May 15, 2013, at 3:32 PM, "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@...<mailto:cherryripe.eileenb@...>> wrote:
Your welcome Pamela...bottom line is no-one knows for sure. Personally I believe that the stairs must have been enclosed in the 15thc because noone in their right mind would have seriously suggested that they could have been the remains of the boys,who were supposed to have been buried secretly and not out in the open, where the World and his Wife would have spotted said *secret* burial...As a lot of other things in this story we will probably never know...eileen
--- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, Pamela Bain <pbain@...> wrote:
>
> Eileen, I printed out Article 1 and it was/is fascinating. Thank you for both links.
>
> On May 15, 2013, at 3:20 PM, "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@...<mailto:cherryripe.eileenb@...>> wrote:
>
>
>
> This is really, really complex and a lot of it is guesswork.. I do recommend reading the two articles by Helen Maurer....links below...they will not solve the mystery but at least give an understanding why this is such a complex mystery..Ive already posted the link to Article 1..here it is again plus link to article 2...
>
> http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
>
> http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
>
> Eileen
>
> --- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com><mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>>, "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@> wrote:
> >
> > From: Johanne Tournier
> > To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com><mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>>
> > Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 6:34 PM
> > Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
> >
> >
> > > Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much
> > > greater
> > length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
> > the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
> > Tower.
> >
> > It was Poet, quoting plans by Isolde Wigram, who said that they were
> > probably inside a building in Richard's time, although the building was
> > subsequently pulled down, so that the site then became an outside one.
> >
> > > Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
> > *under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
> > they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down.
> >
> > Yes, but apparently this Wigram person believes that the site had been
> > undercover in the 15th C.
> >
> > > She
> > notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
> > necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
> > erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
> > enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
> >
> > What I want to know is how old the original stairs were. If they were being
> > built in 1483 there might have been a trench dug down to the foundations at
> > that time as well. If they were already in existence then it's unlikely
> > that any mere renovations would involve digging down to 10ft, so then we can
> > say firmly that the location at which they were found doesn't match More's
> > scenario.
> >
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 21:56:12
Then More goes on to say that a priest came along and dug them up and buried them somewhere else but he knows not where. You couldn't make it up!! However, some traditionalist historians take this as gospel.
--- In , "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@...> wrote:
>
> Your welcome Pamela...bottom line is no-one knows for sure. Personally I believe that the stairs must have been enclosed in the 15thc because noone in their right mind would have seriously suggested that they could have been the remains of the boys,who were supposed to have been buried secretly and not out in the open, where the World and his Wife would have spotted said *secret* burial...As a lot of other things in this story we will probably never know...eileen
>
> --- In , Pamela Bain <pbain@> wrote:
> >
> > Eileen, I printed out Article 1 and it was/is fascinating. Thank you for both links.
> >
> > On May 15, 2013, at 3:20 PM, "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@<mailto:cherryripe.eileenb@>> wrote:
> >
> >
> >
> > This is really, really complex and a lot of it is guesswork.. I do recommend reading the two articles by Helen Maurer....links below...they will not solve the mystery but at least give an understanding why this is such a complex mystery..Ive already posted the link to Article 1..here it is again plus link to article 2...
> >
> > http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
> >
> > http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
> >
> > Eileen
> >
> > --- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@> wrote:
> > >
> > > From: Johanne Tournier
> > > To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> > > Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 6:34 PM
> > > Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
> > >
> > >
> > > > Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much
> > > > greater
> > > length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
> > > the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
> > > Tower.
> > >
> > > It was Poet, quoting plans by Isolde Wigram, who said that they were
> > > probably inside a building in Richard's time, although the building was
> > > subsequently pulled down, so that the site then became an outside one.
> > >
> > > > Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
> > > *under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
> > > they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down.
> > >
> > > Yes, but apparently this Wigram person believes that the site had been
> > > undercover in the 15th C.
> > >
> > > > She
> > > notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
> > > necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
> > > erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
> > > enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
> > >
> > > What I want to know is how old the original stairs were. If they were being
> > > built in 1483 there might have been a trench dug down to the foundations at
> > > that time as well. If they were already in existence then it's unlikely
> > > that any mere renovations would involve digging down to 10ft, so then we can
> > > say firmly that the location at which they were found doesn't match More's
> > > scenario.
> > >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
--- In , "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@...> wrote:
>
> Your welcome Pamela...bottom line is no-one knows for sure. Personally I believe that the stairs must have been enclosed in the 15thc because noone in their right mind would have seriously suggested that they could have been the remains of the boys,who were supposed to have been buried secretly and not out in the open, where the World and his Wife would have spotted said *secret* burial...As a lot of other things in this story we will probably never know...eileen
>
> --- In , Pamela Bain <pbain@> wrote:
> >
> > Eileen, I printed out Article 1 and it was/is fascinating. Thank you for both links.
> >
> > On May 15, 2013, at 3:20 PM, "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@<mailto:cherryripe.eileenb@>> wrote:
> >
> >
> >
> > This is really, really complex and a lot of it is guesswork.. I do recommend reading the two articles by Helen Maurer....links below...they will not solve the mystery but at least give an understanding why this is such a complex mystery..Ive already posted the link to Article 1..here it is again plus link to article 2...
> >
> > http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
> >
> > http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
> >
> > Eileen
> >
> > --- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@> wrote:
> > >
> > > From: Johanne Tournier
> > > To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> > > Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 6:34 PM
> > > Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
> > >
> > >
> > > > Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much
> > > > greater
> > > length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
> > > the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
> > > Tower.
> > >
> > > It was Poet, quoting plans by Isolde Wigram, who said that they were
> > > probably inside a building in Richard's time, although the building was
> > > subsequently pulled down, so that the site then became an outside one.
> > >
> > > > Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
> > > *under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
> > > they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down.
> > >
> > > Yes, but apparently this Wigram person believes that the site had been
> > > undercover in the 15th C.
> > >
> > > > She
> > > notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
> > > necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
> > > erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
> > > enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
> > >
> > > What I want to know is how old the original stairs were. If they were being
> > > built in 1483 there might have been a trench dug down to the foundations at
> > > that time as well. If they were already in existence then it's unlikely
> > > that any mere renovations would involve digging down to 10ft, so then we can
> > > say firmly that the location at which they were found doesn't match More's
> > > scenario.
> > >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 22:00:11
Mary..Yep....it is so very rubbish is it not?
--- In , "ricard1an" <maryfriend@...> wrote:
>
> Then More goes on to say that a priest came along and dug them up and buried them somewhere else but he knows not where. You couldn't make it up!! However, some traditionalist historians take this as gospel.
>
> --- In , "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@> wrote:
> >
> > Your welcome Pamela...bottom line is no-one knows for sure. Personally I believe that the stairs must have been enclosed in the 15thc because noone in their right mind would have seriously suggested that they could have been the remains of the boys,who were supposed to have been buried secretly and not out in the open, where the World and his Wife would have spotted said *secret* burial...As a lot of other things in this story we will probably never know...eileen
> >
> > --- In , Pamela Bain <pbain@> wrote:
> > >
> > > Eileen, I printed out Article 1 and it was/is fascinating. Thank you for both links.
> > >
> > > On May 15, 2013, at 3:20 PM, "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@<mailto:cherryripe.eileenb@>> wrote:
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > This is really, really complex and a lot of it is guesswork.. I do recommend reading the two articles by Helen Maurer....links below...they will not solve the mystery but at least give an understanding why this is such a complex mystery..Ive already posted the link to Article 1..here it is again plus link to article 2...
> > >
> > > http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
> > >
> > > http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
> > >
> > > Eileen
> > >
> > > --- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@> wrote:
> > > >
> > > > From: Johanne Tournier
> > > > To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> > > > Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 6:34 PM
> > > > Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
> > > >
> > > >
> > > > > Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much
> > > > > greater
> > > > length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
> > > > the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
> > > > Tower.
> > > >
> > > > It was Poet, quoting plans by Isolde Wigram, who said that they were
> > > > probably inside a building in Richard's time, although the building was
> > > > subsequently pulled down, so that the site then became an outside one.
> > > >
> > > > > Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
> > > > *under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
> > > > they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down.
> > > >
> > > > Yes, but apparently this Wigram person believes that the site had been
> > > > undercover in the 15th C.
> > > >
> > > > > She
> > > > notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
> > > > necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
> > > > erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
> > > > enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
> > > >
> > > > What I want to know is how old the original stairs were. If they were being
> > > > built in 1483 there might have been a trench dug down to the foundations at
> > > > that time as well. If they were already in existence then it's unlikely
> > > > that any mere renovations would involve digging down to 10ft, so then we can
> > > > say firmly that the location at which they were found doesn't match More's
> > > > scenario.
> > > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> >
>
--- In , "ricard1an" <maryfriend@...> wrote:
>
> Then More goes on to say that a priest came along and dug them up and buried them somewhere else but he knows not where. You couldn't make it up!! However, some traditionalist historians take this as gospel.
>
> --- In , "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@> wrote:
> >
> > Your welcome Pamela...bottom line is no-one knows for sure. Personally I believe that the stairs must have been enclosed in the 15thc because noone in their right mind would have seriously suggested that they could have been the remains of the boys,who were supposed to have been buried secretly and not out in the open, where the World and his Wife would have spotted said *secret* burial...As a lot of other things in this story we will probably never know...eileen
> >
> > --- In , Pamela Bain <pbain@> wrote:
> > >
> > > Eileen, I printed out Article 1 and it was/is fascinating. Thank you for both links.
> > >
> > > On May 15, 2013, at 3:20 PM, "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@<mailto:cherryripe.eileenb@>> wrote:
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > This is really, really complex and a lot of it is guesswork.. I do recommend reading the two articles by Helen Maurer....links below...they will not solve the mystery but at least give an understanding why this is such a complex mystery..Ive already posted the link to Article 1..here it is again plus link to article 2...
> > >
> > > http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
> > >
> > > http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
> > >
> > > Eileen
> > >
> > > --- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@> wrote:
> > > >
> > > > From: Johanne Tournier
> > > > To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> > > > Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 6:34 PM
> > > > Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
> > > >
> > > >
> > > > > Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much
> > > > > greater
> > > > length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
> > > > the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
> > > > Tower.
> > > >
> > > > It was Poet, quoting plans by Isolde Wigram, who said that they were
> > > > probably inside a building in Richard's time, although the building was
> > > > subsequently pulled down, so that the site then became an outside one.
> > > >
> > > > > Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
> > > > *under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
> > > > they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down.
> > > >
> > > > Yes, but apparently this Wigram person believes that the site had been
> > > > undercover in the 15th C.
> > > >
> > > > > She
> > > > notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
> > > > necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
> > > > erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
> > > > enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
> > > >
> > > > What I want to know is how old the original stairs were. If they were being
> > > > built in 1483 there might have been a trench dug down to the foundations at
> > > > that time as well. If they were already in existence then it's unlikely
> > > > that any mere renovations would involve digging down to 10ft, so then we can
> > > > say firmly that the location at which they were found doesn't match More's
> > > > scenario.
> > > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> >
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 22:36:19
Definitely Eileen. It says a lot about the traditionalists.
--- In , "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@...> wrote:
>
> Mary..Yep....it is so very rubbish is it not?
>
> --- In , "ricard1an" <maryfriend@> wrote:
> >
> > Then More goes on to say that a priest came along and dug them up and buried them somewhere else but he knows not where. You couldn't make it up!! However, some traditionalist historians take this as gospel.
> >
> > --- In , "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@> wrote:
> > >
> > > Your welcome Pamela...bottom line is no-one knows for sure. Personally I believe that the stairs must have been enclosed in the 15thc because noone in their right mind would have seriously suggested that they could have been the remains of the boys,who were supposed to have been buried secretly and not out in the open, where the World and his Wife would have spotted said *secret* burial...As a lot of other things in this story we will probably never know...eileen
> > >
> > > --- In , Pamela Bain <pbain@> wrote:
> > > >
> > > > Eileen, I printed out Article 1 and it was/is fascinating. Thank you for both links.
> > > >
> > > > On May 15, 2013, at 3:20 PM, "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@<mailto:cherryripe.eileenb@>> wrote:
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > > This is really, really complex and a lot of it is guesswork.. I do recommend reading the two articles by Helen Maurer....links below...they will not solve the mystery but at least give an understanding why this is such a complex mystery..Ive already posted the link to Article 1..here it is again plus link to article 2...
> > > >
> > > > http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
> > > >
> > > > http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
> > > >
> > > > Eileen
> > > >
> > > > --- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@> wrote:
> > > > >
> > > > > From: Johanne Tournier
> > > > > To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> > > > > Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 6:34 PM
> > > > > Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
> > > > >
> > > > >
> > > > > > Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much
> > > > > > greater
> > > > > length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
> > > > > the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
> > > > > Tower.
> > > > >
> > > > > It was Poet, quoting plans by Isolde Wigram, who said that they were
> > > > > probably inside a building in Richard's time, although the building was
> > > > > subsequently pulled down, so that the site then became an outside one.
> > > > >
> > > > > > Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
> > > > > *under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
> > > > > they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down.
> > > > >
> > > > > Yes, but apparently this Wigram person believes that the site had been
> > > > > undercover in the 15th C.
> > > > >
> > > > > > She
> > > > > notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
> > > > > necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
> > > > > erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
> > > > > enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
> > > > >
> > > > > What I want to know is how old the original stairs were. If they were being
> > > > > built in 1483 there might have been a trench dug down to the foundations at
> > > > > that time as well. If they were already in existence then it's unlikely
> > > > > that any mere renovations would involve digging down to 10ft, so then we can
> > > > > say firmly that the location at which they were found doesn't match More's
> > > > > scenario.
> > > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > >
> >
>
--- In , "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@...> wrote:
>
> Mary..Yep....it is so very rubbish is it not?
>
> --- In , "ricard1an" <maryfriend@> wrote:
> >
> > Then More goes on to say that a priest came along and dug them up and buried them somewhere else but he knows not where. You couldn't make it up!! However, some traditionalist historians take this as gospel.
> >
> > --- In , "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@> wrote:
> > >
> > > Your welcome Pamela...bottom line is no-one knows for sure. Personally I believe that the stairs must have been enclosed in the 15thc because noone in their right mind would have seriously suggested that they could have been the remains of the boys,who were supposed to have been buried secretly and not out in the open, where the World and his Wife would have spotted said *secret* burial...As a lot of other things in this story we will probably never know...eileen
> > >
> > > --- In , Pamela Bain <pbain@> wrote:
> > > >
> > > > Eileen, I printed out Article 1 and it was/is fascinating. Thank you for both links.
> > > >
> > > > On May 15, 2013, at 3:20 PM, "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@<mailto:cherryripe.eileenb@>> wrote:
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > > This is really, really complex and a lot of it is guesswork.. I do recommend reading the two articles by Helen Maurer....links below...they will not solve the mystery but at least give an understanding why this is such a complex mystery..Ive already posted the link to Article 1..here it is again plus link to article 2...
> > > >
> > > > http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
> > > >
> > > > http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
> > > >
> > > > Eileen
> > > >
> > > > --- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@> wrote:
> > > > >
> > > > > From: Johanne Tournier
> > > > > To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> > > > > Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 6:34 PM
> > > > > Subject: RE: Re: Disappearance
> > > > >
> > > > >
> > > > > > Whatever you may think, Annette Carson, who has studied this at much
> > > > > > greater
> > > > > length than I have, indicates that the bones were found on the outside of
> > > > > the White Tower, under the stone stairs which provided access to the White
> > > > > Tower.
> > > > >
> > > > > It was Poet, quoting plans by Isolde Wigram, who said that they were
> > > > > probably inside a building in Richard's time, although the building was
> > > > > subsequently pulled down, so that the site then became an outside one.
> > > > >
> > > > > > Ms. Carson appears to be quite adamant that, whether the bones were found
> > > > > *under* the foundations of the stone stairs, or just *beside* it in 1674,
> > > > > they were definitely found outside the White Tower and 10 feet down.
> > > > >
> > > > > Yes, but apparently this Wigram person believes that the site had been
> > > > > undercover in the 15th C.
> > > > >
> > > > > > She
> > > > > notes the reason the builders were digging that far down was that it was
> > > > > necessary to get to the level of the foundations of the Tower, in order to
> > > > > erect the new set of stairs, and she says the builders were experienced
> > > > > enough that they would have been able to measure the depth quite easily.
> > > > >
> > > > > What I want to know is how old the original stairs were. If they were being
> > > > > built in 1483 there might have been a trench dug down to the foundations at
> > > > > that time as well. If they were already in existence then it's unlikely
> > > > > that any mere renovations would involve digging down to 10ft, so then we can
> > > > > say firmly that the location at which they were found doesn't match More's
> > > > > scenario.
> > > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > >
> >
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 22:56:32
Do you happen to know where the nasty, rat-infested cells would have been located per this magnificent illustration? (15th or 16th century)
~Weds
--- In , "Poet" <virginia_bard@...> wrote:
>
> Judging by the position of the staircase indicated in Isolde Wigram's article it's quite possible that while outside now, in the 15th century it may very well have been inside: It looks to be located where the White Tower adjoined the royal apartments where from everything I've read the princes were housed. Much of what constituted the Tower of London in the 15th century no longer exists and that includes the royal apartments which was essentially a palace within the tower walls.
>
> http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b9/Scale_Model_Of_The_Tower_Of_London_In_The_Tower_Of_London.jpg
>
> In the picture linked above the royal apartments are those from the south face of the White Tower to the wall that parallels the river (which includes the Wakefield Tower and the river gate later named Traitor's Gate).
>
> James
>
~Weds
--- In , "Poet" <virginia_bard@...> wrote:
>
> Judging by the position of the staircase indicated in Isolde Wigram's article it's quite possible that while outside now, in the 15th century it may very well have been inside: It looks to be located where the White Tower adjoined the royal apartments where from everything I've read the princes were housed. Much of what constituted the Tower of London in the 15th century no longer exists and that includes the royal apartments which was essentially a palace within the tower walls.
>
> http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b9/Scale_Model_Of_The_Tower_Of_London_In_The_Tower_Of_London.jpg
>
> In the picture linked above the royal apartments are those from the south face of the White Tower to the wall that parallels the river (which includes the Wakefield Tower and the river gate later named Traitor's Gate).
>
> James
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 23:07:30
From: "Pamela Bain" <pbain@...>
To: <>
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 9:43 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> Probably more than two people died that night! Yes, a hole that deep, even
> by the river, would be difficult. Which makes me ask a different question.
> I have no idea what the water table is in London, but having been raised
> by the Mississippi River, I know you cannot dig down too far until you hit
> water, along that river.
You would think that the water-table would be high, but I've seen people
digging out foundations for new buildings near the Thames and they didn't
seem to be filling up. Of course there may have been pumps I didn't see.
> Could "they" even have dug a ten meter hole at all?
10ft, not 10m. But water-table or no water-table digging a 10ft hole would
be quite a difficult job because London's on clay - digging into it is heavy
work. And being clay, it's kind-of squelchy and shifting - that's why the
foundations have to be so deep.
Altogether, digging a 10ft-deep hole in it would be a nasty job taking many
hours. And why would they? If they just wanted to hide them from casual
discovery 4ft would be deep enough, and if they wanted to hde them where
even future workmen working on the foundations would never find them, 10ft
wouldn't be deep enough.
To: <>
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 9:43 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> Probably more than two people died that night! Yes, a hole that deep, even
> by the river, would be difficult. Which makes me ask a different question.
> I have no idea what the water table is in London, but having been raised
> by the Mississippi River, I know you cannot dig down too far until you hit
> water, along that river.
You would think that the water-table would be high, but I've seen people
digging out foundations for new buildings near the Thames and they didn't
seem to be filling up. Of course there may have been pumps I didn't see.
> Could "they" even have dug a ten meter hole at all?
10ft, not 10m. But water-table or no water-table digging a 10ft hole would
be quite a difficult job because London's on clay - digging into it is heavy
work. And being clay, it's kind-of squelchy and shifting - that's why the
foundations have to be so deep.
Altogether, digging a 10ft-deep hole in it would be a nasty job taking many
hours. And why would they? If they just wanted to hide them from casual
discovery 4ft would be deep enough, and if they wanted to hde them where
even future workmen working on the foundations would never find them, 10ft
wouldn't be deep enough.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 23:07:53
From: wednesday_mc
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 10:56 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> Do you happen to know where the nasty, rat-infested cells would have been
> located per this magnificent illustration? (15th or 16th century)
There's a torture-chamber on a low level inside the White Tower (but I don't
know in what era it was in use). I had my first conscious psychic
experience there.
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 10:56 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> Do you happen to know where the nasty, rat-infested cells would have been
> located per this magnificent illustration? (15th or 16th century)
There's a torture-chamber on a low level inside the White Tower (but I don't
know in what era it was in use). I had my first conscious psychic
experience there.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 23:13:49
If the soil is clay and squelchy, then there is water.... I will try and find the water table of London.
Sent from my iPhone
On May 15, 2013, at 5:07 PM, "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...<mailto:whitehound@...>> wrote:
From: "Pamela Bain" <pbain@...<mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com>>
To: <<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>>
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 9:43 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> Probably more than two people died that night! Yes, a hole that deep, even
> by the river, would be difficult. Which makes me ask a different question.
> I have no idea what the water table is in London, but having been raised
> by the Mississippi River, I know you cannot dig down too far until you hit
> water, along that river.
You would think that the water-table would be high, but I've seen people
digging out foundations for new buildings near the Thames and they didn't
seem to be filling up. Of course there may have been pumps I didn't see.
> Could "they" even have dug a ten meter hole at all?
10ft, not 10m. But water-table or no water-table digging a 10ft hole would
be quite a difficult job because London's on clay - digging into it is heavy
work. And being clay, it's kind-of squelchy and shifting - that's why the
foundations have to be so deep.
Altogether, digging a 10ft-deep hole in it would be a nasty job taking many
hours. And why would they? If they just wanted to hide them from casual
discovery 4ft would be deep enough, and if they wanted to hde them where
even future workmen working on the foundations would never find them, 10ft
wouldn't be deep enough.
Sent from my iPhone
On May 15, 2013, at 5:07 PM, "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...<mailto:whitehound@...>> wrote:
From: "Pamela Bain" <pbain@...<mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com>>
To: <<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>>
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 9:43 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> Probably more than two people died that night! Yes, a hole that deep, even
> by the river, would be difficult. Which makes me ask a different question.
> I have no idea what the water table is in London, but having been raised
> by the Mississippi River, I know you cannot dig down too far until you hit
> water, along that river.
You would think that the water-table would be high, but I've seen people
digging out foundations for new buildings near the Thames and they didn't
seem to be filling up. Of course there may have been pumps I didn't see.
> Could "they" even have dug a ten meter hole at all?
10ft, not 10m. But water-table or no water-table digging a 10ft hole would
be quite a difficult job because London's on clay - digging into it is heavy
work. And being clay, it's kind-of squelchy and shifting - that's why the
foundations have to be so deep.
Altogether, digging a 10ft-deep hole in it would be a nasty job taking many
hours. And why would they? If they just wanted to hide them from casual
discovery 4ft would be deep enough, and if they wanted to hde them where
even future workmen working on the foundations would never find them, 10ft
wouldn't be deep enough.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 23:35:40
Does it make a difference that Richard left on his progress from Windsor, not from London? How long did it take to get to Windsor from London in the 15th century?
Can we maybe establish that Buckingham was in London when Richard left from Windsor?
I'm wondering if Buckingham stayed in London to arrange transport for the wily Ely and accompany him to Brecon. Do we even know when Richard bowed to Oxford Uni's begging and deigned to release Ely? There are long lines of pleading with the King, "but we needz him and valuez him pleeeez give him back!" in the 1895 Life of John Morton we were talking of earlier. (Really wish Richard had left him there to rot.)
~Weds
--- In , "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...> wrote:
> Carol responds:
>
> As Kendall states in a note, he conjectures that Buckingham stayed behind in London because his name is not included in a list of Richard's companions during his visit to Magdalen College in Oxford on July 24-25, so he speculates that Buckingham must have briefly encountered Richard in Gloucester on his way to Brecon.
>
> The problem with Kendall and anyone else who says that Richard met Buckingham in Gloucester (or stayed with him on progress until Gloucester) is that they are relying on More and Vergil. *No contemporary source states that such a meeting (or departure) occurred.* The Register of Magdalen College indicates, as Kendall states, that Buckingham was not with Richard on the progress at all, which would mean that either Buckingham remained in London at that point or was already on his way to Brecon but provides no evidence with regard to a meeting in Gloucester.
>
> Mancini, of course, had left England before Richard left on his progress, so he is no help here. The Croyland chronicler says nothing about Buckingham being on the progress with Richard or meeting him at Gloucester, only that "Henry, duke of Buckingham, *who at this time was living at Brecknock in Wales*," became the "chief mover" in the rebellion against Richard, presumably some time after the investiture of EoM (September 8), when the chronicler states that the boys were definitely alive and in the Tower. The rumors appear to have been spread at about this same time, perhaps October. But *there is no date for a meeting between Buckingham and Richard because the chronicler does not mention any such meeting or give any indication that Buckingham was with Richard on his progress.
>
> Neither, as far as I know, does Rous, but I can't check it to be sure. I don't think his "Historia Regum Angliae" is available in a full translation, only snippets in various biographies of Richard. (The Latin version is available on Google Books if anyone wants to attempt an unofficial translation!)
>
> Since we have only unreliable Tudor sources for this meeting, we can't even be sure that it occurred. However, for what it's worth, Vergil has Buckingham accompanying Richard "as he journeyed towardes Yorke unto glocester, from thence with his [Richard's] consent he [Buckingham] repayred into Wales . . . . Heare . . . , provokyd partly by freshe memory of the late receavyd injury, partly repenting that hitherto of himself hee had not resystyd king Richardes evell enterpryse . . . he began to discover [reveal] his intent [to separate from Richard] to John bishop of Ely, whom . . . he had in Brechnoch castle." In other words, Vergil's Buckingham is already discontented when he leaves the progress and is ready to be stirred up by Morton. Vergil gives no date, but it can be determined by Richard's arrival in Gloucester. Soon after Buckingham's departure, Vergil's Richard, tormented by guilt for having usurped the kingdom, writes to Brackenbury from Gloucester with the order to kill his nephews. (Yes, Vergil, that will really help the king's "haynous guylt of wicked conscyence"!)
>
> Sorry--too many details. In short, Vergil has Buckingham riding with Richard from London to Gloucester and leaving the progress at that point to go to Brecon, where Morton has already been taken, just before Richard writes his (imaginary) letter to Brackenbury.
>
> More has a similar chronology, many more (imaginary) details, and two versions of Buckingham leaving Richard in Gloucester. In the first, he has Richard order Buckingham to accompany him on his progress, but since both of them hate and fear each other (according to some of More's informants), B. leaves the progress at Gloucester for fear of being murdered. More then denies this version of events given "the depe dissimuling nature of those bothe men" and suggests instead that Buckingham left the progress at Gloucester "in most louing trusty maner," apparently grateful for the "gret giftes & high behests" that Richard had given him, but after his return to Brecknock, his ostensible prisoner Morton "waxed with him familiar [and] abused his pride to his own [Morton's] deilueraunce & the dukes destruccion." So More has two versions of Buckingham's departure, one of which he rejects, but both have Buckingham going with Richard as far as Gloucester--the same version of events (except for motives) as Vergil. The stories diverge when Richard starts plotting to kill his nephews after B's departure, but that's irrelevant here.
>
> If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the date of Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same in both chronicles), but *there's no contemporary evidence that any such meeting occurred*. It looks as if Buckingham remained in London for awhile or (if we look at various commissions that Richard sent him on) was on business for Richard, still seemingly deserving of his trust, until he arrived in Brecon where he was apparently seduced into rebellion by the manipulative Morton. I can find no *reliable* evidence that he was on progress with Richard (More and Vergil) *or* that he briefly encountered Richard at Gloucester (Kendall's way of reconciling Croyland and the Magdalen College register with More and Vergil).
>
> By the way, I just noticed another glaring error in More along the lines of Edward IV's age being wrong by more than thirteen years, a reference to "Edwarde Duke of Buckingham, and Richard Lord Hastinges and chaumberlayn"--both first names are wrong! Surely, this error is another signal that either the whole "history" is false or that More's research is worse than inadequate. The wonder is that *anyone* has accepted a single word of his "historie" as true.
>
> Sorry this post is so long. You should have seen it before I cut two paragraphs!
>
> Carol
>
Can we maybe establish that Buckingham was in London when Richard left from Windsor?
I'm wondering if Buckingham stayed in London to arrange transport for the wily Ely and accompany him to Brecon. Do we even know when Richard bowed to Oxford Uni's begging and deigned to release Ely? There are long lines of pleading with the King, "but we needz him and valuez him pleeeez give him back!" in the 1895 Life of John Morton we were talking of earlier. (Really wish Richard had left him there to rot.)
~Weds
--- In , "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...> wrote:
> Carol responds:
>
> As Kendall states in a note, he conjectures that Buckingham stayed behind in London because his name is not included in a list of Richard's companions during his visit to Magdalen College in Oxford on July 24-25, so he speculates that Buckingham must have briefly encountered Richard in Gloucester on his way to Brecon.
>
> The problem with Kendall and anyone else who says that Richard met Buckingham in Gloucester (or stayed with him on progress until Gloucester) is that they are relying on More and Vergil. *No contemporary source states that such a meeting (or departure) occurred.* The Register of Magdalen College indicates, as Kendall states, that Buckingham was not with Richard on the progress at all, which would mean that either Buckingham remained in London at that point or was already on his way to Brecon but provides no evidence with regard to a meeting in Gloucester.
>
> Mancini, of course, had left England before Richard left on his progress, so he is no help here. The Croyland chronicler says nothing about Buckingham being on the progress with Richard or meeting him at Gloucester, only that "Henry, duke of Buckingham, *who at this time was living at Brecknock in Wales*," became the "chief mover" in the rebellion against Richard, presumably some time after the investiture of EoM (September 8), when the chronicler states that the boys were definitely alive and in the Tower. The rumors appear to have been spread at about this same time, perhaps October. But *there is no date for a meeting between Buckingham and Richard because the chronicler does not mention any such meeting or give any indication that Buckingham was with Richard on his progress.
>
> Neither, as far as I know, does Rous, but I can't check it to be sure. I don't think his "Historia Regum Angliae" is available in a full translation, only snippets in various biographies of Richard. (The Latin version is available on Google Books if anyone wants to attempt an unofficial translation!)
>
> Since we have only unreliable Tudor sources for this meeting, we can't even be sure that it occurred. However, for what it's worth, Vergil has Buckingham accompanying Richard "as he journeyed towardes Yorke unto glocester, from thence with his [Richard's] consent he [Buckingham] repayred into Wales . . . . Heare . . . , provokyd partly by freshe memory of the late receavyd injury, partly repenting that hitherto of himself hee had not resystyd king Richardes evell enterpryse . . . he began to discover [reveal] his intent [to separate from Richard] to John bishop of Ely, whom . . . he had in Brechnoch castle." In other words, Vergil's Buckingham is already discontented when he leaves the progress and is ready to be stirred up by Morton. Vergil gives no date, but it can be determined by Richard's arrival in Gloucester. Soon after Buckingham's departure, Vergil's Richard, tormented by guilt for having usurped the kingdom, writes to Brackenbury from Gloucester with the order to kill his nephews. (Yes, Vergil, that will really help the king's "haynous guylt of wicked conscyence"!)
>
> Sorry--too many details. In short, Vergil has Buckingham riding with Richard from London to Gloucester and leaving the progress at that point to go to Brecon, where Morton has already been taken, just before Richard writes his (imaginary) letter to Brackenbury.
>
> More has a similar chronology, many more (imaginary) details, and two versions of Buckingham leaving Richard in Gloucester. In the first, he has Richard order Buckingham to accompany him on his progress, but since both of them hate and fear each other (according to some of More's informants), B. leaves the progress at Gloucester for fear of being murdered. More then denies this version of events given "the depe dissimuling nature of those bothe men" and suggests instead that Buckingham left the progress at Gloucester "in most louing trusty maner," apparently grateful for the "gret giftes & high behests" that Richard had given him, but after his return to Brecknock, his ostensible prisoner Morton "waxed with him familiar [and] abused his pride to his own [Morton's] deilueraunce & the dukes destruccion." So More has two versions of Buckingham's departure, one of which he rejects, but both have Buckingham going with Richard as far as Gloucester--the same version of events (except for motives) as Vergil. The stories diverge when Richard starts plotting to kill his nephews after B's departure, but that's irrelevant here.
>
> If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the date of Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same in both chronicles), but *there's no contemporary evidence that any such meeting occurred*. It looks as if Buckingham remained in London for awhile or (if we look at various commissions that Richard sent him on) was on business for Richard, still seemingly deserving of his trust, until he arrived in Brecon where he was apparently seduced into rebellion by the manipulative Morton. I can find no *reliable* evidence that he was on progress with Richard (More and Vergil) *or* that he briefly encountered Richard at Gloucester (Kendall's way of reconciling Croyland and the Magdalen College register with More and Vergil).
>
> By the way, I just noticed another glaring error in More along the lines of Edward IV's age being wrong by more than thirteen years, a reference to "Edwarde Duke of Buckingham, and Richard Lord Hastinges and chaumberlayn"--both first names are wrong! Surely, this error is another signal that either the whole "history" is false or that More's research is worse than inadequate. The wonder is that *anyone* has accepted a single word of his "historie" as true.
>
> Sorry this post is so long. You should have seen it before I cut two paragraphs!
>
> Carol
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 23:48:08
Oops...the URLs are the same below. On a whim I changed part1 to part2 and found part 2. So the URL to the Maurer bones article is:
http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part2.pdf
Thanks so much for sharing this, Eileen.
~Weds
--- In , "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@...> wrote:
>
> This is really, really complex and a lot of it is guesswork.. I do recommend reading the two articles by Helen Maurer....links below...they will not solve the mystery but at least give an understanding why this is such a complex mystery..Ive already posted the link to Article 1..here it is again plus link to article 2...
>
> http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
>
>
> http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
>
> Eileen
http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part2.pdf
Thanks so much for sharing this, Eileen.
~Weds
--- In , "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@...> wrote:
>
> This is really, really complex and a lot of it is guesswork.. I do recommend reading the two articles by Helen Maurer....links below...they will not solve the mystery but at least give an understanding why this is such a complex mystery..Ive already posted the link to Article 1..here it is again plus link to article 2...
>
> http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
>
>
> http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/maurer_bones_part1.pdf
>
> Eileen
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 23:49:51
Per Wikipedia: It's 21 miles from Charing Cross - which I reckon is about two hours by slow horse-trot, one hour by flat-out gallop:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Windsor,_Berkshire
Tamara
-----Original Message-----
From: wednesday_mc <wednesday.mac@...>
To: <>
Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:35 pm
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Does it make a difference that Richard left on his progress from Windsor, not
from London? How long did it take to get to Windsor from London in the 15th
century?
Can we maybe establish that Buckingham was in London when Richard left from
Windsor?
I'm wondering if Buckingham stayed in London to arrange transport for the wily
Ely and accompany him to Brecon. Do we even know when Richard bowed to Oxford
Uni's begging and deigned to release Ely? There are long lines of pleading with
the King, "but we needz him and valuez him pleeeez give him back!" in the 1895
Life of John Morton we were talking of earlier. (Really wish Richard had left
him there to rot.)
~Weds
--- In , "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...>
wrote:
> Carol responds:
>
> As Kendall states in a note, he conjectures that Buckingham stayed behind in
London because his name is not included in a list of Richard's companions during
his visit to Magdalen College in Oxford on July 24-25, so he speculates that
Buckingham must have briefly encountered Richard in Gloucester on his way to
Brecon.
>
> The problem with Kendall and anyone else who says that Richard met Buckingham
in Gloucester (or stayed with him on progress until Gloucester) is that they are
relying on More and Vergil. *No contemporary source states that such a meeting
(or departure) occurred.* The Register of Magdalen College indicates, as Kendall
states, that Buckingham was not with Richard on the progress at all, which would
mean that either Buckingham remained in London at that point or was already on
his way to Brecon but provides no evidence with regard to a meeting in
Gloucester.
>
> Mancini, of course, had left England before Richard left on his progress, so
he is no help here. The Croyland chronicler says nothing about Buckingham being
on the progress with Richard or meeting him at Gloucester, only that "Henry,
duke of Buckingham, *who at this time was living at Brecknock in Wales*," became
the "chief mover" in the rebellion against Richard, presumably some time after
the investiture of EoM (September 8), when the chronicler states that the boys
were definitely alive and in the Tower. The rumors appear to have been spread at
about this same time, perhaps October. But *there is no date for a meeting
between Buckingham and Richard because the chronicler does not mention any such
meeting or give any indication that Buckingham was with Richard on his progress.
>
> Neither, as far as I know, does Rous, but I can't check it to be sure. I don't
think his "Historia Regum Angliae" is available in a full translation, only
snippets in various biographies of Richard. (The Latin version is available on
Google Books if anyone wants to attempt an unofficial translation!)
>
> Since we have only unreliable Tudor sources for this meeting, we can't even be
sure that it occurred. However, for what it's worth, Vergil has Buckingham
accompanying Richard "as he journeyed towardes Yorke unto glocester, from thence
with his [Richard's] consent he [Buckingham] repayred into Wales . . . . Heare .
. . , provokyd partly by freshe memory of the late receavyd injury, partly
repenting that hitherto of himself hee had not resystyd king Richardes evell
enterpryse . . . he began to discover [reveal] his intent [to separate from
Richard] to John bishop of Ely, whom . . . he had in Brechnoch castle." In other
words, Vergil's Buckingham is already discontented when he leaves the progress
and is ready to be stirred up by Morton. Vergil gives no date, but it can be
determined by Richard's arrival in Gloucester. Soon after Buckingham's
departure, Vergil's Richard, tormented by guilt for having usurped the kingdom,
writes to Brackenbury from Gloucester with the order to
kill his nephews. (Yes, Vergil, that will really help the king's "haynous guylt
of wicked conscyence"!)
>
> Sorry--too many details. In short, Vergil has Buckingham riding with Richard
from London to Gloucester and leaving the progress at that point to go to
Brecon, where Morton has already been taken, just before Richard writes his
(imaginary) letter to Brackenbury.
>
> More has a similar chronology, many more (imaginary) details, and two versions
of Buckingham leaving Richard in Gloucester. In the first, he has Richard order
Buckingham to accompany him on his progress, but since both of them hate and
fear each other (according to some of More's informants), B. leaves the progress
at Gloucester for fear of being murdered. More then denies this version of
events given "the depe dissimuling nature of those bothe men" and suggests
instead that Buckingham left the progress at Gloucester "in most louing trusty
maner," apparently grateful for the "gret giftes & high behests" that Richard
had given him, but after his return to Brecknock, his ostensible prisoner Morton
"waxed with him familiar [and] abused his pride to his own [Morton's]
deilueraunce & the dukes destruccion." So More has two versions of Buckingham's
departure, one of which he rejects, but both have Buckingham going with Richard
as far as Gloucester--the same version of events (exc
ept for motives) as Vergil. The stories diverge when Richard starts plotting to
kill his nephews after B's departure, but that's irrelevant here.
>
> If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the date of
Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same in both
chronicles), but *there's no contemporary evidence that any such meeting
occurred*. It looks as if Buckingham remained in London for awhile or (if we
look at various commissions that Richard sent him on) was on business for
Richard, still seemingly deserving of his trust, until he arrived in Brecon
where he was apparently seduced into rebellion by the manipulative Morton. I can
find no *reliable* evidence that he was on progress with Richard (More and
Vergil) *or* that he briefly encountered Richard at Gloucester (Kendall's way of
reconciling Croyland and the Magdalen College register with More and Vergil).
>
> By the way, I just noticed another glaring error in More along the lines of
Edward IV's age being wrong by more than thirteen years, a reference to "Edwarde
Duke of Buckingham, and Richard Lord Hastinges and chaumberlayn"--both first
names are wrong! Surely, this error is another signal that either the whole
"history" is false or that More's research is worse than inadequate. The wonder
is that *anyone* has accepted a single word of his "historie" as true.
>
> Sorry this post is so long. You should have seen it before I cut two
paragraphs!
>
> Carol
>
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Windsor,_Berkshire
Tamara
-----Original Message-----
From: wednesday_mc <wednesday.mac@...>
To: <>
Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:35 pm
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Does it make a difference that Richard left on his progress from Windsor, not
from London? How long did it take to get to Windsor from London in the 15th
century?
Can we maybe establish that Buckingham was in London when Richard left from
Windsor?
I'm wondering if Buckingham stayed in London to arrange transport for the wily
Ely and accompany him to Brecon. Do we even know when Richard bowed to Oxford
Uni's begging and deigned to release Ely? There are long lines of pleading with
the King, "but we needz him and valuez him pleeeez give him back!" in the 1895
Life of John Morton we were talking of earlier. (Really wish Richard had left
him there to rot.)
~Weds
--- In , "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...>
wrote:
> Carol responds:
>
> As Kendall states in a note, he conjectures that Buckingham stayed behind in
London because his name is not included in a list of Richard's companions during
his visit to Magdalen College in Oxford on July 24-25, so he speculates that
Buckingham must have briefly encountered Richard in Gloucester on his way to
Brecon.
>
> The problem with Kendall and anyone else who says that Richard met Buckingham
in Gloucester (or stayed with him on progress until Gloucester) is that they are
relying on More and Vergil. *No contemporary source states that such a meeting
(or departure) occurred.* The Register of Magdalen College indicates, as Kendall
states, that Buckingham was not with Richard on the progress at all, which would
mean that either Buckingham remained in London at that point or was already on
his way to Brecon but provides no evidence with regard to a meeting in
Gloucester.
>
> Mancini, of course, had left England before Richard left on his progress, so
he is no help here. The Croyland chronicler says nothing about Buckingham being
on the progress with Richard or meeting him at Gloucester, only that "Henry,
duke of Buckingham, *who at this time was living at Brecknock in Wales*," became
the "chief mover" in the rebellion against Richard, presumably some time after
the investiture of EoM (September 8), when the chronicler states that the boys
were definitely alive and in the Tower. The rumors appear to have been spread at
about this same time, perhaps October. But *there is no date for a meeting
between Buckingham and Richard because the chronicler does not mention any such
meeting or give any indication that Buckingham was with Richard on his progress.
>
> Neither, as far as I know, does Rous, but I can't check it to be sure. I don't
think his "Historia Regum Angliae" is available in a full translation, only
snippets in various biographies of Richard. (The Latin version is available on
Google Books if anyone wants to attempt an unofficial translation!)
>
> Since we have only unreliable Tudor sources for this meeting, we can't even be
sure that it occurred. However, for what it's worth, Vergil has Buckingham
accompanying Richard "as he journeyed towardes Yorke unto glocester, from thence
with his [Richard's] consent he [Buckingham] repayred into Wales . . . . Heare .
. . , provokyd partly by freshe memory of the late receavyd injury, partly
repenting that hitherto of himself hee had not resystyd king Richardes evell
enterpryse . . . he began to discover [reveal] his intent [to separate from
Richard] to John bishop of Ely, whom . . . he had in Brechnoch castle." In other
words, Vergil's Buckingham is already discontented when he leaves the progress
and is ready to be stirred up by Morton. Vergil gives no date, but it can be
determined by Richard's arrival in Gloucester. Soon after Buckingham's
departure, Vergil's Richard, tormented by guilt for having usurped the kingdom,
writes to Brackenbury from Gloucester with the order to
kill his nephews. (Yes, Vergil, that will really help the king's "haynous guylt
of wicked conscyence"!)
>
> Sorry--too many details. In short, Vergil has Buckingham riding with Richard
from London to Gloucester and leaving the progress at that point to go to
Brecon, where Morton has already been taken, just before Richard writes his
(imaginary) letter to Brackenbury.
>
> More has a similar chronology, many more (imaginary) details, and two versions
of Buckingham leaving Richard in Gloucester. In the first, he has Richard order
Buckingham to accompany him on his progress, but since both of them hate and
fear each other (according to some of More's informants), B. leaves the progress
at Gloucester for fear of being murdered. More then denies this version of
events given "the depe dissimuling nature of those bothe men" and suggests
instead that Buckingham left the progress at Gloucester "in most louing trusty
maner," apparently grateful for the "gret giftes & high behests" that Richard
had given him, but after his return to Brecknock, his ostensible prisoner Morton
"waxed with him familiar [and] abused his pride to his own [Morton's]
deilueraunce & the dukes destruccion." So More has two versions of Buckingham's
departure, one of which he rejects, but both have Buckingham going with Richard
as far as Gloucester--the same version of events (exc
ept for motives) as Vergil. The stories diverge when Richard starts plotting to
kill his nephews after B's departure, but that's irrelevant here.
>
> If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the date of
Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same in both
chronicles), but *there's no contemporary evidence that any such meeting
occurred*. It looks as if Buckingham remained in London for awhile or (if we
look at various commissions that Richard sent him on) was on business for
Richard, still seemingly deserving of his trust, until he arrived in Brecon
where he was apparently seduced into rebellion by the manipulative Morton. I can
find no *reliable* evidence that he was on progress with Richard (More and
Vergil) *or* that he briefly encountered Richard at Gloucester (Kendall's way of
reconciling Croyland and the Magdalen College register with More and Vergil).
>
> By the way, I just noticed another glaring error in More along the lines of
Edward IV's age being wrong by more than thirteen years, a reference to "Edwarde
Duke of Buckingham, and Richard Lord Hastinges and chaumberlayn"--both first
names are wrong! Surely, this error is another signal that either the whole
"history" is false or that More's research is worse than inadequate. The wonder
is that *anyone* has accepted a single word of his "historie" as true.
>
> Sorry this post is so long. You should have seen it before I cut two
paragraphs!
>
> Carol
>
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-15 23:50:51
21 miles west of Charing Cross, that is~
-----Original Message-----
From: khafara <khafara@...>
To: <>
Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:49 pm
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Per Wikipedia: It's 21 miles from Charing Cross - which I reckon is about two
hours by slow horse-trot, one hour by flat-out gallop:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Windsor,_Berkshire
Tamara
-----Original Message-----
From: wednesday_mc <wednesday.mac@...>
To: <>
Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:35 pm
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Does it make a difference that Richard left on his progress from Windsor, not
from London? How long did it take to get to Windsor from London in the 15th
century?
Can we maybe establish that Buckingham was in London when Richard left from
Windsor?
I'm wondering if Buckingham stayed in London to arrange transport for the wily
Ely and accompany him to Brecon. Do we even know when Richard bowed to Oxford
Uni's begging and deigned to release Ely? There are long lines of pleading with
the King, "but we needz him and valuez him pleeeez give him back!" in the 1895
Life of John Morton we were talking of earlier. (Really wish Richard had left
him there to rot.)
~Weds
--- In , "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...>
wrote:
> Carol responds:
>
> As Kendall states in a note, he conjectures that Buckingham stayed behind in
London because his name is not included in a list of Richard's companions during
his visit to Magdalen College in Oxford on July 24-25, so he speculates that
Buckingham must have briefly encountered Richard in Gloucester on his way to
Brecon.
>
> The problem with Kendall and anyone else who says that Richard met Buckingham
in Gloucester (or stayed with him on progress until Gloucester) is that they are
relying on More and Vergil. *No contemporary source states that such a meeting
(or departure) occurred.* The Register of Magdalen College indicates, as Kendall
states, that Buckingham was not with Richard on the progress at all, which would
mean that either Buckingham remained in London at that point or was already on
his way to Brecon but provides no evidence with regard to a meeting in
Gloucester.
>
> Mancini, of course, had left England before Richard left on his progress, so
he is no help here. The Croyland chronicler says nothing about Buckingham being
on the progress with Richard or meeting him at Gloucester, only that "Henry,
duke of Buckingham, *who at this time was living at Brecknock in Wales*," became
the "chief mover" in the rebellion against Richard, presumably some time after
the investiture of EoM (September 8), when the chronicler states that the boys
were definitely alive and in the Tower. The rumors appear to have been spread at
about this same time, perhaps October. But *there is no date for a meeting
between Buckingham and Richard because the chronicler does not mention any such
meeting or give any indication that Buckingham was with Richard on his progress.
>
> Neither, as far as I know, does Rous, but I can't check it to be sure. I don't
think his "Historia Regum Angliae" is available in a full translation, only
snippets in various biographies of Richard. (The Latin version is available on
Google Books if anyone wants to attempt an unofficial translation!)
>
> Since we have only unreliable Tudor sources for this meeting, we can't even be
sure that it occurred. However, for what it's worth, Vergil has Buckingham
accompanying Richard "as he journeyed towardes Yorke unto glocester, from thence
with his [Richard's] consent he [Buckingham] repayred into Wales . . . . Heare .
. . , provokyd partly by freshe memory of the late receavyd injury, partly
repenting that hitherto of himself hee had not resystyd king Richardes evell
enterpryse . . . he began to discover [reveal] his intent [to separate from
Richard] to John bishop of Ely, whom . . . he had in Brechnoch castle." In other
words, Vergil's Buckingham is already discontented when he leaves the progress
and is ready to be stirred up by Morton. Vergil gives no date, but it can be
determined by Richard's arrival in Gloucester. Soon after Buckingham's
departure, Vergil's Richard, tormented by guilt for having usurped the kingdom,
writes to Brackenbury from Gloucester with the order to
kill his nephews. (Yes, Vergil, that will really help the king's "haynous guylt
of wicked conscyence"!)
>
> Sorry--too many details. In short, Vergil has Buckingham riding with Richard
from London to Gloucester and leaving the progress at that point to go to
Brecon, where Morton has already been taken, just before Richard writes his
(imaginary) letter to Brackenbury.
>
> More has a similar chronology, many more (imaginary) details, and two versions
of Buckingham leaving Richard in Gloucester. In the first, he has Richard order
Buckingham to accompany him on his progress, but since both of them hate and
fear each other (according to some of More's informants), B. leaves the progress
at Gloucester for fear of being murdered. More then denies this version of
events given "the depe dissimuling nature of those bothe men" and suggests
instead that Buckingham left the progress at Gloucester "in most louing trusty
maner," apparently grateful for the "gret giftes & high behests" that Richard
had given him, but after his return to Brecknock, his ostensible prisoner Morton
"waxed with him familiar [and] abused his pride to his own [Morton's]
deilueraunce & the dukes destruccion." So More has two versions of Buckingham's
departure, one of which he rejects, but both have Buckingham going with Richard
as far as Gloucester--the same version of events (exc
ept for motives) as Vergil. The stories diverge when Richard starts plotting to
kill his nephews after B's departure, but that's irrelevant here.
>
> If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the date of
Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same in both
chronicles), but *there's no contemporary evidence that any such meeting
occurred*. It looks as if Buckingham remained in London for awhile or (if we
look at various commissions that Richard sent him on) was on business for
Richard, still seemingly deserving of his trust, until he arrived in Brecon
where he was apparently seduced into rebellion by the manipulative Morton. I can
find no *reliable* evidence that he was on progress with Richard (More and
Vergil) *or* that he briefly encountered Richard at Gloucester (Kendall's way of
reconciling Croyland and the Magdalen College register with More and Vergil).
>
> By the way, I just noticed another glaring error in More along the lines of
Edward IV's age being wrong by more than thirteen years, a reference to "Edwarde
Duke of Buckingham, and Richard Lord Hastinges and chaumberlayn"--both first
names are wrong! Surely, this error is another signal that either the whole
"history" is false or that More's research is worse than inadequate. The wonder
is that *anyone* has accepted a single word of his "historie" as true.
>
> Sorry this post is so long. You should have seen it before I cut two
paragraphs!
>
> Carol
>
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
-----Original Message-----
From: khafara <khafara@...>
To: <>
Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:49 pm
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Per Wikipedia: It's 21 miles from Charing Cross - which I reckon is about two
hours by slow horse-trot, one hour by flat-out gallop:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Windsor,_Berkshire
Tamara
-----Original Message-----
From: wednesday_mc <wednesday.mac@...>
To: <>
Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:35 pm
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Does it make a difference that Richard left on his progress from Windsor, not
from London? How long did it take to get to Windsor from London in the 15th
century?
Can we maybe establish that Buckingham was in London when Richard left from
Windsor?
I'm wondering if Buckingham stayed in London to arrange transport for the wily
Ely and accompany him to Brecon. Do we even know when Richard bowed to Oxford
Uni's begging and deigned to release Ely? There are long lines of pleading with
the King, "but we needz him and valuez him pleeeez give him back!" in the 1895
Life of John Morton we were talking of earlier. (Really wish Richard had left
him there to rot.)
~Weds
--- In , "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...>
wrote:
> Carol responds:
>
> As Kendall states in a note, he conjectures that Buckingham stayed behind in
London because his name is not included in a list of Richard's companions during
his visit to Magdalen College in Oxford on July 24-25, so he speculates that
Buckingham must have briefly encountered Richard in Gloucester on his way to
Brecon.
>
> The problem with Kendall and anyone else who says that Richard met Buckingham
in Gloucester (or stayed with him on progress until Gloucester) is that they are
relying on More and Vergil. *No contemporary source states that such a meeting
(or departure) occurred.* The Register of Magdalen College indicates, as Kendall
states, that Buckingham was not with Richard on the progress at all, which would
mean that either Buckingham remained in London at that point or was already on
his way to Brecon but provides no evidence with regard to a meeting in
Gloucester.
>
> Mancini, of course, had left England before Richard left on his progress, so
he is no help here. The Croyland chronicler says nothing about Buckingham being
on the progress with Richard or meeting him at Gloucester, only that "Henry,
duke of Buckingham, *who at this time was living at Brecknock in Wales*," became
the "chief mover" in the rebellion against Richard, presumably some time after
the investiture of EoM (September 8), when the chronicler states that the boys
were definitely alive and in the Tower. The rumors appear to have been spread at
about this same time, perhaps October. But *there is no date for a meeting
between Buckingham and Richard because the chronicler does not mention any such
meeting or give any indication that Buckingham was with Richard on his progress.
>
> Neither, as far as I know, does Rous, but I can't check it to be sure. I don't
think his "Historia Regum Angliae" is available in a full translation, only
snippets in various biographies of Richard. (The Latin version is available on
Google Books if anyone wants to attempt an unofficial translation!)
>
> Since we have only unreliable Tudor sources for this meeting, we can't even be
sure that it occurred. However, for what it's worth, Vergil has Buckingham
accompanying Richard "as he journeyed towardes Yorke unto glocester, from thence
with his [Richard's] consent he [Buckingham] repayred into Wales . . . . Heare .
. . , provokyd partly by freshe memory of the late receavyd injury, partly
repenting that hitherto of himself hee had not resystyd king Richardes evell
enterpryse . . . he began to discover [reveal] his intent [to separate from
Richard] to John bishop of Ely, whom . . . he had in Brechnoch castle." In other
words, Vergil's Buckingham is already discontented when he leaves the progress
and is ready to be stirred up by Morton. Vergil gives no date, but it can be
determined by Richard's arrival in Gloucester. Soon after Buckingham's
departure, Vergil's Richard, tormented by guilt for having usurped the kingdom,
writes to Brackenbury from Gloucester with the order to
kill his nephews. (Yes, Vergil, that will really help the king's "haynous guylt
of wicked conscyence"!)
>
> Sorry--too many details. In short, Vergil has Buckingham riding with Richard
from London to Gloucester and leaving the progress at that point to go to
Brecon, where Morton has already been taken, just before Richard writes his
(imaginary) letter to Brackenbury.
>
> More has a similar chronology, many more (imaginary) details, and two versions
of Buckingham leaving Richard in Gloucester. In the first, he has Richard order
Buckingham to accompany him on his progress, but since both of them hate and
fear each other (according to some of More's informants), B. leaves the progress
at Gloucester for fear of being murdered. More then denies this version of
events given "the depe dissimuling nature of those bothe men" and suggests
instead that Buckingham left the progress at Gloucester "in most louing trusty
maner," apparently grateful for the "gret giftes & high behests" that Richard
had given him, but after his return to Brecknock, his ostensible prisoner Morton
"waxed with him familiar [and] abused his pride to his own [Morton's]
deilueraunce & the dukes destruccion." So More has two versions of Buckingham's
departure, one of which he rejects, but both have Buckingham going with Richard
as far as Gloucester--the same version of events (exc
ept for motives) as Vergil. The stories diverge when Richard starts plotting to
kill his nephews after B's departure, but that's irrelevant here.
>
> If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the date of
Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same in both
chronicles), but *there's no contemporary evidence that any such meeting
occurred*. It looks as if Buckingham remained in London for awhile or (if we
look at various commissions that Richard sent him on) was on business for
Richard, still seemingly deserving of his trust, until he arrived in Brecon
where he was apparently seduced into rebellion by the manipulative Morton. I can
find no *reliable* evidence that he was on progress with Richard (More and
Vergil) *or* that he briefly encountered Richard at Gloucester (Kendall's way of
reconciling Croyland and the Magdalen College register with More and Vergil).
>
> By the way, I just noticed another glaring error in More along the lines of
Edward IV's age being wrong by more than thirteen years, a reference to "Edwarde
Duke of Buckingham, and Richard Lord Hastinges and chaumberlayn"--both first
names are wrong! Surely, this error is another signal that either the whole
"history" is false or that More's research is worse than inadequate. The wonder
is that *anyone* has accepted a single word of his "historie" as true.
>
> Sorry this post is so long. You should have seen it before I cut two
paragraphs!
>
> Carol
>
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-16 00:16:49
That is my understanding as well. At during Tudor times that's where it was located. It's always possible that some of the towers that are built in the main walls surrounding the green could easily have been used for that purpose in earlier times.
James
--- In , "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...> wrote:
>
> From: wednesday_mc
> To:
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 10:56 PM
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
>
> > Do you happen to know where the nasty, rat-infested cells would have been
> > located per this magnificent illustration? (15th or 16th century)
>
> There's a torture-chamber on a low level inside the White Tower (but I don't
> know in what era it was in use). I had my first conscious psychic
> experience there.
>
James
--- In , "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...> wrote:
>
> From: wednesday_mc
> To:
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 10:56 PM
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
>
> > Do you happen to know where the nasty, rat-infested cells would have been
> > located per this magnificent illustration? (15th or 16th century)
>
> There's a torture-chamber on a low level inside the White Tower (but I don't
> know in what era it was in use). I had my first conscious psychic
> experience there.
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-16 00:54:52
I take that back -- it'd be a five-hour trip at a walking gait, three hours by fast trot, and that'd be about as fast as a horse could go without needing to stop for rest. Horses can't sustain gallop speeds for more than two miles at a time before they must rest and stay rested for a few hours:
http://speedofanimals.com/animals/horse
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Horse_gait
Tamara
-----Original Message-----
From: khafara <khafara@...>
To: <>
Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:50 pm
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
21 miles west of Charing Cross, that is~
-----Original Message-----
From: khafara <khafara@...>
To: <>
Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:49 pm
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Per Wikipedia: It's 21 miles from Charing Cross - which I reckon is about two
hours by slow horse-trot, one hour by flat-out gallop:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Windsor,_Berkshire
Tamara
-----Original Message-----
From: wednesday_mc <wednesday.mac@...>
To: <>
Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:35 pm
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Does it make a difference that Richard left on his progress from Windsor, not
from London? How long did it take to get to Windsor from London in the 15th
century?
Can we maybe establish that Buckingham was in London when Richard left from
Windsor?
I'm wondering if Buckingham stayed in London to arrange transport for the wily
Ely and accompany him to Brecon. Do we even know when Richard bowed to Oxford
Uni's begging and deigned to release Ely? There are long lines of pleading with
the King, "but we needz him and valuez him pleeeez give him back!" in the 1895
Life of John Morton we were talking of earlier. (Really wish Richard had left
him there to rot.)
~Weds
--- In , "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...>
wrote:
> Carol responds:
>
> As Kendall states in a note, he conjectures that Buckingham stayed behind in
London because his name is not included in a list of Richard's companions during
his visit to Magdalen College in Oxford on July 24-25, so he speculates that
Buckingham must have briefly encountered Richard in Gloucester on his way to
Brecon.
>
> The problem with Kendall and anyone else who says that Richard met Buckingham
in Gloucester (or stayed with him on progress until Gloucester) is that they are
relying on More and Vergil. *No contemporary source states that such a meeting
(or departure) occurred.* The Register of Magdalen College indicates, as Kendall
states, that Buckingham was not with Richard on the progress at all, which would
mean that either Buckingham remained in London at that point or was already on
his way to Brecon but provides no evidence with regard to a meeting in
Gloucester.
>
> Mancini, of course, had left England before Richard left on his progress, so
he is no help here. The Croyland chronicler says nothing about Buckingham being
on the progress with Richard or meeting him at Gloucester, only that "Henry,
duke of Buckingham, *who at this time was living at Brecknock in Wales*," became
the "chief mover" in the rebellion against Richard, presumably some time after
the investiture of EoM (September 8), when the chronicler states that the boys
were definitely alive and in the Tower. The rumors appear to have been spread at
about this same time, perhaps October. But *there is no date for a meeting
between Buckingham and Richard because the chronicler does not mention any such
meeting or give any indication that Buckingham was with Richard on his progress.
>
> Neither, as far as I know, does Rous, but I can't check it to be sure. I don't
think his "Historia Regum Angliae" is available in a full translation, only
snippets in various biographies of Richard. (The Latin version is available on
Google Books if anyone wants to attempt an unofficial translation!)
>
> Since we have only unreliable Tudor sources for this meeting, we can't even be
sure that it occurred. However, for what it's worth, Vergil has Buckingham
accompanying Richard "as he journeyed towardes Yorke unto glocester, from thence
with his [Richard's] consent he [Buckingham] repayred into Wales . . . . Heare .
. . , provokyd partly by freshe memory of the late receavyd injury, partly
repenting that hitherto of himself hee had not resystyd king Richardes evell
enterpryse . . . he began to discover [reveal] his intent [to separate from
Richard] to John bishop of Ely, whom . . . he had in Brechnoch castle." In other
words, Vergil's Buckingham is already discontented when he leaves the progress
and is ready to be stirred up by Morton. Vergil gives no date, but it can be
determined by Richard's arrival in Gloucester. Soon after Buckingham's
departure, Vergil's Richard, tormented by guilt for having usurped the kingdom,
writes to Brackenbury from Gloucester with the order to
kill his nephews. (Yes, Vergil, that will really help the king's "haynous guylt
of wicked conscyence"!)
>
> Sorry--too many details. In short, Vergil has Buckingham riding with Richard
from London to Gloucester and leaving the progress at that point to go to
Brecon, where Morton has already been taken, just before Richard writes his
(imaginary) letter to Brackenbury.
>
> More has a similar chronology, many more (imaginary) details, and two versions
of Buckingham leaving Richard in Gloucester. In the first, he has Richard order
Buckingham to accompany him on his progress, but since both of them hate and
fear each other (according to some of More's informants), B. leaves the progress
at Gloucester for fear of being murdered. More then denies this version of
events given "the depe dissimuling nature of those bothe men" and suggests
instead that Buckingham left the progress at Gloucester "in most louing trusty
maner," apparently grateful for the "gret giftes & high behests" that Richard
had given him, but after his return to Brecknock, his ostensible prisoner Morton
"waxed with him familiar [and] abused his pride to his own [Morton's]
deilueraunce & the dukes destruccion." So More has two versions of Buckingham's
departure, one of which he rejects, but both have Buckingham going with Richard
as far as Gloucester--the same version of events (exc
ept for motives) as Vergil. The stories diverge when Richard starts plotting to
kill his nephews after B's departure, but that's irrelevant here.
>
> If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the date of
Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same in both
chronicles), but *there's no contemporary evidence that any such meeting
occurred*. It looks as if Buckingham remained in London for awhile or (if we
look at various commissions that Richard sent him on) was on business for
Richard, still seemingly deserving of his trust, until he arrived in Brecon
where he was apparently seduced into rebellion by the manipulative Morton. I can
find no *reliable* evidence that he was on progress with Richard (More and
Vergil) *or* that he briefly encountered Richard at Gloucester (Kendall's way of
reconciling Croyland and the Magdalen College register with More and Vergil).
>
> By the way, I just noticed another glaring error in More along the lines of
Edward IV's age being wrong by more than thirteen years, a reference to "Edwarde
Duke of Buckingham, and Richard Lord Hastinges and chaumberlayn"--both first
names are wrong! Surely, this error is another signal that either the whole
"history" is false or that More's research is worse than inadequate. The wonder
is that *anyone* has accepted a single word of his "historie" as true.
>
> Sorry this post is so long. You should have seen it before I cut two
paragraphs!
>
> Carol
>
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
http://speedofanimals.com/animals/horse
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Horse_gait
Tamara
-----Original Message-----
From: khafara <khafara@...>
To: <>
Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:50 pm
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
21 miles west of Charing Cross, that is~
-----Original Message-----
From: khafara <khafara@...>
To: <>
Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:49 pm
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Per Wikipedia: It's 21 miles from Charing Cross - which I reckon is about two
hours by slow horse-trot, one hour by flat-out gallop:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Windsor,_Berkshire
Tamara
-----Original Message-----
From: wednesday_mc <wednesday.mac@...>
To: <>
Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:35 pm
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Does it make a difference that Richard left on his progress from Windsor, not
from London? How long did it take to get to Windsor from London in the 15th
century?
Can we maybe establish that Buckingham was in London when Richard left from
Windsor?
I'm wondering if Buckingham stayed in London to arrange transport for the wily
Ely and accompany him to Brecon. Do we even know when Richard bowed to Oxford
Uni's begging and deigned to release Ely? There are long lines of pleading with
the King, "but we needz him and valuez him pleeeez give him back!" in the 1895
Life of John Morton we were talking of earlier. (Really wish Richard had left
him there to rot.)
~Weds
--- In , "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...>
wrote:
> Carol responds:
>
> As Kendall states in a note, he conjectures that Buckingham stayed behind in
London because his name is not included in a list of Richard's companions during
his visit to Magdalen College in Oxford on July 24-25, so he speculates that
Buckingham must have briefly encountered Richard in Gloucester on his way to
Brecon.
>
> The problem with Kendall and anyone else who says that Richard met Buckingham
in Gloucester (or stayed with him on progress until Gloucester) is that they are
relying on More and Vergil. *No contemporary source states that such a meeting
(or departure) occurred.* The Register of Magdalen College indicates, as Kendall
states, that Buckingham was not with Richard on the progress at all, which would
mean that either Buckingham remained in London at that point or was already on
his way to Brecon but provides no evidence with regard to a meeting in
Gloucester.
>
> Mancini, of course, had left England before Richard left on his progress, so
he is no help here. The Croyland chronicler says nothing about Buckingham being
on the progress with Richard or meeting him at Gloucester, only that "Henry,
duke of Buckingham, *who at this time was living at Brecknock in Wales*," became
the "chief mover" in the rebellion against Richard, presumably some time after
the investiture of EoM (September 8), when the chronicler states that the boys
were definitely alive and in the Tower. The rumors appear to have been spread at
about this same time, perhaps October. But *there is no date for a meeting
between Buckingham and Richard because the chronicler does not mention any such
meeting or give any indication that Buckingham was with Richard on his progress.
>
> Neither, as far as I know, does Rous, but I can't check it to be sure. I don't
think his "Historia Regum Angliae" is available in a full translation, only
snippets in various biographies of Richard. (The Latin version is available on
Google Books if anyone wants to attempt an unofficial translation!)
>
> Since we have only unreliable Tudor sources for this meeting, we can't even be
sure that it occurred. However, for what it's worth, Vergil has Buckingham
accompanying Richard "as he journeyed towardes Yorke unto glocester, from thence
with his [Richard's] consent he [Buckingham] repayred into Wales . . . . Heare .
. . , provokyd partly by freshe memory of the late receavyd injury, partly
repenting that hitherto of himself hee had not resystyd king Richardes evell
enterpryse . . . he began to discover [reveal] his intent [to separate from
Richard] to John bishop of Ely, whom . . . he had in Brechnoch castle." In other
words, Vergil's Buckingham is already discontented when he leaves the progress
and is ready to be stirred up by Morton. Vergil gives no date, but it can be
determined by Richard's arrival in Gloucester. Soon after Buckingham's
departure, Vergil's Richard, tormented by guilt for having usurped the kingdom,
writes to Brackenbury from Gloucester with the order to
kill his nephews. (Yes, Vergil, that will really help the king's "haynous guylt
of wicked conscyence"!)
>
> Sorry--too many details. In short, Vergil has Buckingham riding with Richard
from London to Gloucester and leaving the progress at that point to go to
Brecon, where Morton has already been taken, just before Richard writes his
(imaginary) letter to Brackenbury.
>
> More has a similar chronology, many more (imaginary) details, and two versions
of Buckingham leaving Richard in Gloucester. In the first, he has Richard order
Buckingham to accompany him on his progress, but since both of them hate and
fear each other (according to some of More's informants), B. leaves the progress
at Gloucester for fear of being murdered. More then denies this version of
events given "the depe dissimuling nature of those bothe men" and suggests
instead that Buckingham left the progress at Gloucester "in most louing trusty
maner," apparently grateful for the "gret giftes & high behests" that Richard
had given him, but after his return to Brecknock, his ostensible prisoner Morton
"waxed with him familiar [and] abused his pride to his own [Morton's]
deilueraunce & the dukes destruccion." So More has two versions of Buckingham's
departure, one of which he rejects, but both have Buckingham going with Richard
as far as Gloucester--the same version of events (exc
ept for motives) as Vergil. The stories diverge when Richard starts plotting to
kill his nephews after B's departure, but that's irrelevant here.
>
> If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the date of
Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same in both
chronicles), but *there's no contemporary evidence that any such meeting
occurred*. It looks as if Buckingham remained in London for awhile or (if we
look at various commissions that Richard sent him on) was on business for
Richard, still seemingly deserving of his trust, until he arrived in Brecon
where he was apparently seduced into rebellion by the manipulative Morton. I can
find no *reliable* evidence that he was on progress with Richard (More and
Vergil) *or* that he briefly encountered Richard at Gloucester (Kendall's way of
reconciling Croyland and the Magdalen College register with More and Vergil).
>
> By the way, I just noticed another glaring error in More along the lines of
Edward IV's age being wrong by more than thirteen years, a reference to "Edwarde
Duke of Buckingham, and Richard Lord Hastinges and chaumberlayn"--both first
names are wrong! Surely, this error is another signal that either the whole
"history" is false or that More's research is worse than inadequate. The wonder
is that *anyone* has accepted a single word of his "historie" as true.
>
> Sorry this post is so long. You should have seen it before I cut two
paragraphs!
>
> Carol
>
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-16 05:12:07
Here's a graphic showing the original water table, as well as that for 1965 and 2007:
http://www.groundwateruk.org/pi/cache/cache_640_risinggw1.gif
The original level, I presume, is that which existed before work was done to redirect and cover the Thames' tributaries. Westminster Abbey and the Palace of Westminster, which until HVIII's time was both the sovereign's official London residence as well as the site of Parliament, were built on an island, Thorney Island, that was created by the River Tyburn. The island was un-islanded centuries ago -- the 19th-century construction of the embankments, which turned 22 acres of marshland into more-or-less solid ground, was the final step in that process -- but vestiges of the island's outline remain:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thorney_Island_%28London%29
http://www.molas.org.uk/pages/image.asp?src=../images/piclib/las124.jpg&caption=Reconstruction%20showing%20ancient%20Thorney%20Island,%20and%20the%20ancient%20course%20of%20Thames%20%28%C2%A9%20MoLAS%29
Tamara
-----Original Message-----
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...>
To: <> <>
Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:13 pm
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
If the soil is clay and squelchy, then there is water.... I will try and find
the water table of London.
Sent from my iPhone
On May 15, 2013, at 5:07 PM, "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...<mailto:whitehound@...>>
wrote:
From: "Pamela Bain" <pbain@...<mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com>>
To: <<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>>
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 9:43 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> Probably more than two people died that night! Yes, a hole that deep, even
> by the river, would be difficult. Which makes me ask a different question.
> I have no idea what the water table is in London, but having been raised
> by the Mississippi River, I know you cannot dig down too far until you hit
> water, along that river.
You would think that the water-table would be high, but I've seen people
digging out foundations for new buildings near the Thames and they didn't
seem to be filling up. Of course there may have been pumps I didn't see.
> Could "they" even have dug a ten meter hole at all?
10ft, not 10m. But water-table or no water-table digging a 10ft hole would
be quite a difficult job because London's on clay - digging into it is heavy
work. And being clay, it's kind-of squelchy and shifting - that's why the
foundations have to be so deep.
Altogether, digging a 10ft-deep hole in it would be a nasty job taking many
hours. And why would they? If they just wanted to hide them from casual
discovery 4ft would be deep enough, and if they wanted to hde them where
even future workmen working on the foundations would never find them, 10ft
wouldn't be deep enough.
http://www.groundwateruk.org/pi/cache/cache_640_risinggw1.gif
The original level, I presume, is that which existed before work was done to redirect and cover the Thames' tributaries. Westminster Abbey and the Palace of Westminster, which until HVIII's time was both the sovereign's official London residence as well as the site of Parliament, were built on an island, Thorney Island, that was created by the River Tyburn. The island was un-islanded centuries ago -- the 19th-century construction of the embankments, which turned 22 acres of marshland into more-or-less solid ground, was the final step in that process -- but vestiges of the island's outline remain:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thorney_Island_%28London%29
http://www.molas.org.uk/pages/image.asp?src=../images/piclib/las124.jpg&caption=Reconstruction%20showing%20ancient%20Thorney%20Island,%20and%20the%20ancient%20course%20of%20Thames%20%28%C2%A9%20MoLAS%29
Tamara
-----Original Message-----
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...>
To: <> <>
Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:13 pm
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
If the soil is clay and squelchy, then there is water.... I will try and find
the water table of London.
Sent from my iPhone
On May 15, 2013, at 5:07 PM, "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...<mailto:whitehound@...>>
wrote:
From: "Pamela Bain" <pbain@...<mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com>>
To: <<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>>
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 9:43 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> Probably more than two people died that night! Yes, a hole that deep, even
> by the river, would be difficult. Which makes me ask a different question.
> I have no idea what the water table is in London, but having been raised
> by the Mississippi River, I know you cannot dig down too far until you hit
> water, along that river.
You would think that the water-table would be high, but I've seen people
digging out foundations for new buildings near the Thames and they didn't
seem to be filling up. Of course there may have been pumps I didn't see.
> Could "they" even have dug a ten meter hole at all?
10ft, not 10m. But water-table or no water-table digging a 10ft hole would
be quite a difficult job because London's on clay - digging into it is heavy
work. And being clay, it's kind-of squelchy and shifting - that's why the
foundations have to be so deep.
Altogether, digging a 10ft-deep hole in it would be a nasty job taking many
hours. And why would they? If they just wanted to hide them from casual
discovery 4ft would be deep enough, and if they wanted to hde them where
even future workmen working on the foundations would never find them, 10ft
wouldn't be deep enough.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-16 06:26:56
Nope - 2 miles is not the limit for horses to sustain the gallop (the Grand
National steeplechase used to be over 4 miles, and eventing courses, which
required 22 mph minimum at the highest level to not accrue time penalties
used to be more than 2 miles in length, for the steeplechase course, which
followed a roads & track section &preceded a 2nd roads & tracks & finally
finished with the cross country course itself which also required (if I'm
remembering correctly the horse to travel at least 22 mph to avoid time
penalties). In the 18th century, the standard heat length for mature
horses was 4 miles, sometimes 6 or 8 miles. And the typical race was 3
4-mile heats. I've seen records of several races with 4 heats, and
occasionally even more (I want to say the most I've seen was 6 heats).
Wikipedia contradicts itself in its entry for the pony express where it
says 10 miles is roughly the limit for a horse to gallop without tiring.
A J
On Wed, May 15, 2013 at 6:54 PM, <khafara@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
>
> I take that back -- it'd be a five-hour trip at a walking gait, three
> hours by fast trot, and that'd be about as fast as a horse could go without
> needing to stop for rest. Horses can't sustain gallop speeds for more than
> two miles at a time before they must rest and stay rested for a few hours:
>
> http://speedofanimals.com/animals/horse
>
> http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Horse_gait
>
> Tamara
>
>
> -----Original Message-----
> From: khafara <khafara@...>
> To: <>
> Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:50 pm
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
> 21 miles west of Charing Cross, that is~
>
>
> -----Original Message-----
> From: khafara <khafara@...>
> To: <>
> Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:49 pm
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
> Per Wikipedia: It's 21 miles from Charing Cross - which I reckon is about
> two
> hours by slow horse-trot, one hour by flat-out gallop:
>
> http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Windsor,_Berkshire
>
> Tamara
>
> -----Original Message-----
> From: wednesday_mc <wednesday.mac@...>
> To: <>
> Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:35 pm
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
> Does it make a difference that Richard left on his progress from Windsor,
> not
> from London? How long did it take to get to Windsor from London in the
> 15th
> century?
>
> Can we maybe establish that Buckingham was in London when Richard left
> from
> Windsor?
>
> I'm wondering if Buckingham stayed in London to arrange transport for the
> wily
> Ely and accompany him to Brecon. Do we even know when Richard bowed to
> Oxford
> Uni's begging and deigned to release Ely? There are long lines of pleading
> with
> the King, "but we needz him and valuez him pleeeez give him back!" in the
> 1895
> Life of John Morton we were talking of earlier. (Really wish Richard had
> left
> him there to rot.)
>
> ~Weds
>
> --- In , "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...>
>
> wrote:
>
> > Carol responds:
> >
> > As Kendall states in a note, he conjectures that Buckingham stayed
> behind in
> London because his name is not included in a list of Richard's companions
> during
>
> his visit to Magdalen College in Oxford on July 24-25, so he speculates
> that
> Buckingham must have briefly encountered Richard in Gloucester on his way
> to
> Brecon.
> >
> > The problem with Kendall and anyone else who says that Richard met
> Buckingham
> in Gloucester (or stayed with him on progress until Gloucester) is that
> they are
>
> relying on More and Vergil. *No contemporary source states that such a
> meeting
> (or departure) occurred.* The Register of Magdalen College indicates, as
> Kendall
>
> states, that Buckingham was not with Richard on the progress at all, which
> would
>
> mean that either Buckingham remained in London at that point or was
> already on
> his way to Brecon but provides no evidence with regard to a meeting in
> Gloucester.
> >
> > Mancini, of course, had left England before Richard left on his
> progress, so
> he is no help here. The Croyland chronicler says nothing about Buckingham
> being
> on the progress with Richard or meeting him at Gloucester, only that
> "Henry,
> duke of Buckingham, *who at this time was living at Brecknock in Wales*,"
> became
>
> the "chief mover" in the rebellion against Richard, presumably some time
> after
> the investiture of EoM (September 8), when the chronicler states that the
> boys
> were definitely alive and in the Tower. The rumors appear to have been
> spread at
>
> about this same time, perhaps October. But *there is no date for a meeting
> between Buckingham and Richard because the chronicler does not mention any
> such
> meeting or give any indication that Buckingham was with Richard on his
> progress.
> >
> > Neither, as far as I know, does Rous, but I can't check it to be sure. I
> don't
>
> think his "Historia Regum Angliae" is available in a full translation,
> only
> snippets in various biographies of Richard. (The Latin version is
> available on
> Google Books if anyone wants to attempt an unofficial translation!)
> >
> > Since we have only unreliable Tudor sources for this meeting, we can't
> even be
>
> sure that it occurred. However, for what it's worth, Vergil has Buckingham
> accompanying Richard "as he journeyed towardes Yorke unto glocester, from
> thence
>
> with his [Richard's] consent he [Buckingham] repayred into Wales . . . .
> Heare .
>
> . . , provokyd partly by freshe memory of the late receavyd injury, partly
> repenting that hitherto of himself hee had not resystyd king Richardes
> evell
> enterpryse . . . he began to discover [reveal] his intent [to separate
> from
> Richard] to John bishop of Ely, whom . . . he had in Brechnoch castle." In
> other
>
> words, Vergil's Buckingham is already discontented when he leaves the
> progress
> and is ready to be stirred up by Morton. Vergil gives no date, but it can
> be
> determined by Richard's arrival in Gloucester. Soon after Buckingham's
> departure, Vergil's Richard, tormented by guilt for having usurped the
> kingdom,
> writes to Brackenbury from Gloucester with the order to
> kill his nephews. (Yes, Vergil, that will really help the king's "haynous
> guylt
>
> of wicked conscyence"!)
> >
> > Sorry--too many details. In short, Vergil has Buckingham riding with
> Richard
> from London to Gloucester and leaving the progress at that point to go to
> Brecon, where Morton has already been taken, just before Richard writes
> his
> (imaginary) letter to Brackenbury.
> >
> > More has a similar chronology, many more (imaginary) details, and two
> versions
>
> of Buckingham leaving Richard in Gloucester. In the first, he has Richard
> order
> Buckingham to accompany him on his progress, but since both of them hate
> and
> fear each other (according to some of More's informants), B. leaves the
> progress
>
> at Gloucester for fear of being murdered. More then denies this version of
> events given "the depe dissimuling nature of those bothe men" and suggests
> instead that Buckingham left the progress at Gloucester "in most louing
> trusty
> maner," apparently grateful for the "gret giftes & high behests" that
> Richard
> had given him, but after his return to Brecknock, his ostensible prisoner
> Morton
>
> "waxed with him familiar [and] abused his pride to his own [Morton's]
> deilueraunce & the dukes destruccion." So More has two versions of
> Buckingham's
> departure, one of which he rejects, but both have Buckingham going with
> Richard
> as far as Gloucester--the same version of events (exc
> ept for motives) as Vergil. The stories diverge when Richard starts
> plotting to
>
> kill his nephews after B's departure, but that's irrelevant here.
> >
> > If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the date
> of
> Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same in both
> chronicles), but *there's no contemporary evidence that any such meeting
> occurred*. It looks as if Buckingham remained in London for awhile or (if
> we
> look at various commissions that Richard sent him on) was on business for
> Richard, still seemingly deserving of his trust, until he arrived in
> Brecon
> where he was apparently seduced into rebellion by the manipulative Morton.
> I can
>
> find no *reliable* evidence that he was on progress with Richard (More and
> Vergil) *or* that he briefly encountered Richard at Gloucester (Kendall's
> way of
>
> reconciling Croyland and the Magdalen College register with More and
> Vergil).
> >
> > By the way, I just noticed another glaring error in More along the lines
> of
> Edward IV's age being wrong by more than thirteen years, a reference to
> "Edwarde
>
> Duke of Buckingham, and Richard Lord Hastinges and chaumberlayn"--both
> first
> names are wrong! Surely, this error is another signal that either the
> whole
> "history" is false or that More's research is worse than inadequate. The
> wonder
> is that *anyone* has accepted a single word of his "historie" as true.
> >
> > Sorry this post is so long. You should have seen it before I cut two
> paragraphs!
> >
> > Carol
> >
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
>
National steeplechase used to be over 4 miles, and eventing courses, which
required 22 mph minimum at the highest level to not accrue time penalties
used to be more than 2 miles in length, for the steeplechase course, which
followed a roads & track section &preceded a 2nd roads & tracks & finally
finished with the cross country course itself which also required (if I'm
remembering correctly the horse to travel at least 22 mph to avoid time
penalties). In the 18th century, the standard heat length for mature
horses was 4 miles, sometimes 6 or 8 miles. And the typical race was 3
4-mile heats. I've seen records of several races with 4 heats, and
occasionally even more (I want to say the most I've seen was 6 heats).
Wikipedia contradicts itself in its entry for the pony express where it
says 10 miles is roughly the limit for a horse to gallop without tiring.
A J
On Wed, May 15, 2013 at 6:54 PM, <khafara@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
>
> I take that back -- it'd be a five-hour trip at a walking gait, three
> hours by fast trot, and that'd be about as fast as a horse could go without
> needing to stop for rest. Horses can't sustain gallop speeds for more than
> two miles at a time before they must rest and stay rested for a few hours:
>
> http://speedofanimals.com/animals/horse
>
> http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Horse_gait
>
> Tamara
>
>
> -----Original Message-----
> From: khafara <khafara@...>
> To: <>
> Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:50 pm
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
> 21 miles west of Charing Cross, that is~
>
>
> -----Original Message-----
> From: khafara <khafara@...>
> To: <>
> Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:49 pm
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
> Per Wikipedia: It's 21 miles from Charing Cross - which I reckon is about
> two
> hours by slow horse-trot, one hour by flat-out gallop:
>
> http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Windsor,_Berkshire
>
> Tamara
>
> -----Original Message-----
> From: wednesday_mc <wednesday.mac@...>
> To: <>
> Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:35 pm
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
> Does it make a difference that Richard left on his progress from Windsor,
> not
> from London? How long did it take to get to Windsor from London in the
> 15th
> century?
>
> Can we maybe establish that Buckingham was in London when Richard left
> from
> Windsor?
>
> I'm wondering if Buckingham stayed in London to arrange transport for the
> wily
> Ely and accompany him to Brecon. Do we even know when Richard bowed to
> Oxford
> Uni's begging and deigned to release Ely? There are long lines of pleading
> with
> the King, "but we needz him and valuez him pleeeez give him back!" in the
> 1895
> Life of John Morton we were talking of earlier. (Really wish Richard had
> left
> him there to rot.)
>
> ~Weds
>
> --- In , "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...>
>
> wrote:
>
> > Carol responds:
> >
> > As Kendall states in a note, he conjectures that Buckingham stayed
> behind in
> London because his name is not included in a list of Richard's companions
> during
>
> his visit to Magdalen College in Oxford on July 24-25, so he speculates
> that
> Buckingham must have briefly encountered Richard in Gloucester on his way
> to
> Brecon.
> >
> > The problem with Kendall and anyone else who says that Richard met
> Buckingham
> in Gloucester (or stayed with him on progress until Gloucester) is that
> they are
>
> relying on More and Vergil. *No contemporary source states that such a
> meeting
> (or departure) occurred.* The Register of Magdalen College indicates, as
> Kendall
>
> states, that Buckingham was not with Richard on the progress at all, which
> would
>
> mean that either Buckingham remained in London at that point or was
> already on
> his way to Brecon but provides no evidence with regard to a meeting in
> Gloucester.
> >
> > Mancini, of course, had left England before Richard left on his
> progress, so
> he is no help here. The Croyland chronicler says nothing about Buckingham
> being
> on the progress with Richard or meeting him at Gloucester, only that
> "Henry,
> duke of Buckingham, *who at this time was living at Brecknock in Wales*,"
> became
>
> the "chief mover" in the rebellion against Richard, presumably some time
> after
> the investiture of EoM (September 8), when the chronicler states that the
> boys
> were definitely alive and in the Tower. The rumors appear to have been
> spread at
>
> about this same time, perhaps October. But *there is no date for a meeting
> between Buckingham and Richard because the chronicler does not mention any
> such
> meeting or give any indication that Buckingham was with Richard on his
> progress.
> >
> > Neither, as far as I know, does Rous, but I can't check it to be sure. I
> don't
>
> think his "Historia Regum Angliae" is available in a full translation,
> only
> snippets in various biographies of Richard. (The Latin version is
> available on
> Google Books if anyone wants to attempt an unofficial translation!)
> >
> > Since we have only unreliable Tudor sources for this meeting, we can't
> even be
>
> sure that it occurred. However, for what it's worth, Vergil has Buckingham
> accompanying Richard "as he journeyed towardes Yorke unto glocester, from
> thence
>
> with his [Richard's] consent he [Buckingham] repayred into Wales . . . .
> Heare .
>
> . . , provokyd partly by freshe memory of the late receavyd injury, partly
> repenting that hitherto of himself hee had not resystyd king Richardes
> evell
> enterpryse . . . he began to discover [reveal] his intent [to separate
> from
> Richard] to John bishop of Ely, whom . . . he had in Brechnoch castle." In
> other
>
> words, Vergil's Buckingham is already discontented when he leaves the
> progress
> and is ready to be stirred up by Morton. Vergil gives no date, but it can
> be
> determined by Richard's arrival in Gloucester. Soon after Buckingham's
> departure, Vergil's Richard, tormented by guilt for having usurped the
> kingdom,
> writes to Brackenbury from Gloucester with the order to
> kill his nephews. (Yes, Vergil, that will really help the king's "haynous
> guylt
>
> of wicked conscyence"!)
> >
> > Sorry--too many details. In short, Vergil has Buckingham riding with
> Richard
> from London to Gloucester and leaving the progress at that point to go to
> Brecon, where Morton has already been taken, just before Richard writes
> his
> (imaginary) letter to Brackenbury.
> >
> > More has a similar chronology, many more (imaginary) details, and two
> versions
>
> of Buckingham leaving Richard in Gloucester. In the first, he has Richard
> order
> Buckingham to accompany him on his progress, but since both of them hate
> and
> fear each other (according to some of More's informants), B. leaves the
> progress
>
> at Gloucester for fear of being murdered. More then denies this version of
> events given "the depe dissimuling nature of those bothe men" and suggests
> instead that Buckingham left the progress at Gloucester "in most louing
> trusty
> maner," apparently grateful for the "gret giftes & high behests" that
> Richard
> had given him, but after his return to Brecknock, his ostensible prisoner
> Morton
>
> "waxed with him familiar [and] abused his pride to his own [Morton's]
> deilueraunce & the dukes destruccion." So More has two versions of
> Buckingham's
> departure, one of which he rejects, but both have Buckingham going with
> Richard
> as far as Gloucester--the same version of events (exc
> ept for motives) as Vergil. The stories diverge when Richard starts
> plotting to
>
> kill his nephews after B's departure, but that's irrelevant here.
> >
> > If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the date
> of
> Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same in both
> chronicles), but *there's no contemporary evidence that any such meeting
> occurred*. It looks as if Buckingham remained in London for awhile or (if
> we
> look at various commissions that Richard sent him on) was on business for
> Richard, still seemingly deserving of his trust, until he arrived in
> Brecon
> where he was apparently seduced into rebellion by the manipulative Morton.
> I can
>
> find no *reliable* evidence that he was on progress with Richard (More and
> Vergil) *or* that he briefly encountered Richard at Gloucester (Kendall's
> way of
>
> reconciling Croyland and the Magdalen College register with More and
> Vergil).
> >
> > By the way, I just noticed another glaring error in More along the lines
> of
> Edward IV's age being wrong by more than thirteen years, a reference to
> "Edwarde
>
> Duke of Buckingham, and Richard Lord Hastinges and chaumberlayn"--both
> first
> names are wrong! Surely, this error is another signal that either the
> whole
> "history" is false or that More's research is worse than inadequate. The
> wonder
> is that *anyone* has accepted a single word of his "historie" as true.
> >
> > Sorry this post is so long. You should have seen it before I cut two
> paragraphs!
> >
> > Carol
> >
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Lady Day
2013-05-16 11:46:58
200 years after the rest of Europe even then!
Paul
On 15/05/2013 16:02, Stephen Lark wrote:
> The New Year began on 25 March until the calendar changed in 1752. The Gregorian equivalent is 6 April when the UK tax year still begins.
> ----- Original Message -----
> From: SandraMachin
> To:
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 12:27 PM
> Subject: Re: Lady Day
>
>
>
> Regarding Lady Day. I have come upon a problem in David Baldwin's Stoke Field book. In it (p. 22, published Pen & Sword Military, chapter entitled The Lambert Simnel Conspiracy) he identifies Lady Day by the modern date, 25th March, which is clearly wrong. But even so I cannot understand the dates of the Earl of Lincoln's pre-defection weeks. A party of Lincoln's men was apparently intercepted near Doncaster on Lady Day by Henry's agent, Tait, who identified them because they had Lincoln's recognisable white horse with them - or his rare white hobby falcon, not entirely sure which. Tait learned they were conveying much gold and silver on the earl's business, and by some things they said Tait gained the impression they were up to no good on Lincoln's behalf. He duly reported this to Henry. Presumably fairly quickly? Lady Day to March 9th is two months, surely Tait would not have dithered that long? Not much of an agent if that were the case. OK, so this is Lady Day, January 1st. Lincoln apparently remained unsuspected of anything until he defected on March 9th. So where was Tait's information in the meantime? Surely Henry would have learned of it before Lincoln's departure for Malines? Yet most accounts state that Henry was taken by surprise by Lincoln's abrupt departure.
>
> Am I misunderstanding something here? Has anyone any thoughts on this?
>
> Sandra
>
> From: Stephen Lark
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 9:10 AM
> To:
> Subject: Re: Lady Day
>
> Yes.
> ----- Original Message -----
> From: SandraMachin
> To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 7:39 AM
> Subject: Re: Lady Day
>
> Can anyone confirm that I am correct to believe that Lady Day 1487 would be New Year's Day? It seems fairly clear the two were the same, but I'd appreciate someone else telling me it is. Thank you.
> Sandra
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
--
Richard Liveth Yet!
Paul
On 15/05/2013 16:02, Stephen Lark wrote:
> The New Year began on 25 March until the calendar changed in 1752. The Gregorian equivalent is 6 April when the UK tax year still begins.
> ----- Original Message -----
> From: SandraMachin
> To:
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 12:27 PM
> Subject: Re: Lady Day
>
>
>
> Regarding Lady Day. I have come upon a problem in David Baldwin's Stoke Field book. In it (p. 22, published Pen & Sword Military, chapter entitled The Lambert Simnel Conspiracy) he identifies Lady Day by the modern date, 25th March, which is clearly wrong. But even so I cannot understand the dates of the Earl of Lincoln's pre-defection weeks. A party of Lincoln's men was apparently intercepted near Doncaster on Lady Day by Henry's agent, Tait, who identified them because they had Lincoln's recognisable white horse with them - or his rare white hobby falcon, not entirely sure which. Tait learned they were conveying much gold and silver on the earl's business, and by some things they said Tait gained the impression they were up to no good on Lincoln's behalf. He duly reported this to Henry. Presumably fairly quickly? Lady Day to March 9th is two months, surely Tait would not have dithered that long? Not much of an agent if that were the case. OK, so this is Lady Day, January 1st. Lincoln apparently remained unsuspected of anything until he defected on March 9th. So where was Tait's information in the meantime? Surely Henry would have learned of it before Lincoln's departure for Malines? Yet most accounts state that Henry was taken by surprise by Lincoln's abrupt departure.
>
> Am I misunderstanding something here? Has anyone any thoughts on this?
>
> Sandra
>
> From: Stephen Lark
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 9:10 AM
> To:
> Subject: Re: Lady Day
>
> Yes.
> ----- Original Message -----
> From: SandraMachin
> To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
> Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 7:39 AM
> Subject: Re: Lady Day
>
> Can anyone confirm that I am correct to believe that Lady Day 1487 would be New Year's Day? It seems fairly clear the two were the same, but I'd appreciate someone else telling me it is. Thank you.
> Sandra
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
--
Richard Liveth Yet!
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-16 11:49:08
No - the idea of his gorging was reported by was it, Commynes, after his death? What I'm saying that it is as much propeganda as Richard's hump.
________________________________
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...>
To: "" <>
Sent: Wednesday, 15 May 2013, 19:15
Subject: RE: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
That is really gross, and shows how mentally unstable he really was!
From: [mailto:] On Behalf Of Hilary Jones
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 11:53 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Just think of the vomit as propeganda, like a lot of the rest of it.
________________________________
From: SandraMachin <sandramachin@...<mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk>>
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Wednesday, 15 May 2013, 10:56
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
It was the thought of a vomit-flavoured kiss that repulsed me (thank you, Claire, for putting such a prospect in my mind). Edward could be as charismatic as he liked, but a bit of mouth hygiene first, please. A rinse and then a chew on a clove. Whatever. Just not the vomit. Otherwise, yes, he was clearly something else. But I'd rather have his little brother.
Sandra
From: Hilary Jones
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 10:33 AM
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Yes I would agree with that. He was very hands on as an adminstrator, his annotations are on a lot of boring daily stuff (in fact one could say he was as hands on as H7). I have him as someone who would shine at the chamber of commerce meetings (ie the City of London merchant meetings) he hosted several of those. He was in many respects a modern man; modernity began with Edward, not Henry. And remember this image of him as the overweight eating, drinking man is as much propeganda as his brother's hump. He was a charismatic man, a kiss from him didn't make women recoil, it made them give him more money! He wasn't his grandson. A womaniser he might have been but that doesn't make him gross; think of that charmer Charles II (ah Rufus Sewall again).
Where did he go wrong? He arguably married the wrong woman (though she was not a bad queen) and he dabbled in land like a nobleman, not a king.
________________________________
From: Claire M Jordan <mailto:whitehound%40madasafish.com>
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 19:58
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
From: SandraMachin
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 11:45 AM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
> OMG, Claire, what a disgusting thought. Imagine catching the royal eye and
> then seeing the ominously beckoning finger. One would just have to tell
> him it was the wrong time of the month and hope it put him off! He seems
> to have been so like Henry VIII it's incredible.
To be fair, he only doubled his wives up - he didn't judicially murder them.
But there seems to be more of Edward IV then Henry VII in Henry VIII, so in
effect York won - although not in a good way.
> How on earth could someone as elegant, refined and honest as Richard be
> Edward's brother???? I believe he was elegant. and refined. Both seem to
> be written right across his portraits. If he turned out to be a boor, I'd
> be truly astonished.
I could imagine him being rowdy if he'd had a skinfull, and if he was a
normal teenage boy he probably went through a phase when he had a face like
a pizza and thought that competition belching was the height of
sophisticated humour. But the fact that his books were second-hand
(suggesting he had them to read, not for show), and his possession of a
Wycliffe Bible, and his interest in the law and in hearing theological
debates, and his concern for women and for common soldiers, all suggest that
he was scholarly, thoughtful and considerate, so it's unlikely that he would
ever intentionally be crass or offensicve.
________________________________
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...>
To: "" <>
Sent: Wednesday, 15 May 2013, 19:15
Subject: RE: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
That is really gross, and shows how mentally unstable he really was!
From: [mailto:] On Behalf Of Hilary Jones
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 11:53 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Just think of the vomit as propeganda, like a lot of the rest of it.
________________________________
From: SandraMachin <sandramachin@...<mailto:sandramachin%40live.co.uk>>
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Wednesday, 15 May 2013, 10:56
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
It was the thought of a vomit-flavoured kiss that repulsed me (thank you, Claire, for putting such a prospect in my mind). Edward could be as charismatic as he liked, but a bit of mouth hygiene first, please. A rinse and then a chew on a clove. Whatever. Just not the vomit. Otherwise, yes, he was clearly something else. But I'd rather have his little brother.
Sandra
From: Hilary Jones
Sent: Wednesday, May 15, 2013 10:33 AM
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Yes I would agree with that. He was very hands on as an adminstrator, his annotations are on a lot of boring daily stuff (in fact one could say he was as hands on as H7). I have him as someone who would shine at the chamber of commerce meetings (ie the City of London merchant meetings) he hosted several of those. He was in many respects a modern man; modernity began with Edward, not Henry. And remember this image of him as the overweight eating, drinking man is as much propeganda as his brother's hump. He was a charismatic man, a kiss from him didn't make women recoil, it made them give him more money! He wasn't his grandson. A womaniser he might have been but that doesn't make him gross; think of that charmer Charles II (ah Rufus Sewall again).
Where did he go wrong? He arguably married the wrong woman (though she was not a bad queen) and he dabbled in land like a nobleman, not a king.
________________________________
From: Claire M Jordan <mailto:whitehound%40madasafish.com>
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 19:58
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
From: SandraMachin
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Tuesday, May 14, 2013 11:45 AM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
> OMG, Claire, what a disgusting thought. Imagine catching the royal eye and
> then seeing the ominously beckoning finger. One would just have to tell
> him it was the wrong time of the month and hope it put him off! He seems
> to have been so like Henry VIII it's incredible.
To be fair, he only doubled his wives up - he didn't judicially murder them.
But there seems to be more of Edward IV then Henry VII in Henry VIII, so in
effect York won - although not in a good way.
> How on earth could someone as elegant, refined and honest as Richard be
> Edward's brother???? I believe he was elegant. and refined. Both seem to
> be written right across his portraits. If he turned out to be a boor, I'd
> be truly astonished.
I could imagine him being rowdy if he'd had a skinfull, and if he was a
normal teenage boy he probably went through a phase when he had a face like
a pizza and thought that competition belching was the height of
sophisticated humour. But the fact that his books were second-hand
(suggesting he had them to read, not for show), and his possession of a
Wycliffe Bible, and his interest in the law and in hearing theological
debates, and his concern for women and for common soldiers, all suggest that
he was scholarly, thoughtful and considerate, so it's unlikely that he would
ever intentionally be crass or offensicve.
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-16 13:39:08
Well, it would seem in October 1483 Buckingham fled north of Shrewsbury
after his army broke up, crossing the Severn where it is a much smaller
river winding out of Wales. One wonders how much Ralph Bannister of Lacon
Hall, near Wem received.
This is from
http://dita2indesign.sourceforge.net/dita_gutenberg_samples/dita_encyclopaedia_britannica/html/entries/entry-d1e30555.html
:- "A widespread plot was soon formed, but Richard had early warning, and on
the 15th of October, issued a proclamation against Buckingham. Buckingham,
as arranged, prepared to enter England with a large force of Welshmen. His
advance was stopped by an extraordinary flood on the Severn, his army melted
away without striking a blow, and he himself took refuge with a follower,
Ralph Bannister, at Lacon Hall, near Wem. The man betrayed him for a large
reward, and on the 1st of November, Buckingham was brought to the king at
Salisbury. Richard refused to see him, and after a summary trial had him
executed next day (2nd of November 1483), though it was a Sunday."
This is from
http://www3.shropshire-cc.gov.uk/roots/places/wem/garbet/wem57.htm :- Lacon
Hall was the seat of the Bannisters, where-in they resided from 1560, and
perhaps from the reign of Edward IV; here they show the hole where the Duke
of Buckingham was hid, but it is not probable that he was ever in it; his
keeping close in the house, and being disguised when he ventured out, was
thought a sufficient concealment. At Milford, near Baschurch, is a large
half-timbered house which belonged to the Bannisters, and is a more private
place than Lacon: I have been formerly told that the Duke in his distress
fled thither; the tenants had such a tradition. If I may be allowed to
conjecture, I should think that Milford was the ancient seat of the
Bannisters, and that when they sold the manor of Ealding, in Kent, (which
was a reproach to the family) they bought with the money the manor of Lacon,
which lay near them, and thereupon made it the place of their residence.
Half the present messuage at Lacon is built of brick, and seems to be of no
long standing; the farm consists of large fields, and generally firm and
good land.
Interesting.
Sandra
after his army broke up, crossing the Severn where it is a much smaller
river winding out of Wales. One wonders how much Ralph Bannister of Lacon
Hall, near Wem received.
This is from
http://dita2indesign.sourceforge.net/dita_gutenberg_samples/dita_encyclopaedia_britannica/html/entries/entry-d1e30555.html
:- "A widespread plot was soon formed, but Richard had early warning, and on
the 15th of October, issued a proclamation against Buckingham. Buckingham,
as arranged, prepared to enter England with a large force of Welshmen. His
advance was stopped by an extraordinary flood on the Severn, his army melted
away without striking a blow, and he himself took refuge with a follower,
Ralph Bannister, at Lacon Hall, near Wem. The man betrayed him for a large
reward, and on the 1st of November, Buckingham was brought to the king at
Salisbury. Richard refused to see him, and after a summary trial had him
executed next day (2nd of November 1483), though it was a Sunday."
This is from
http://www3.shropshire-cc.gov.uk/roots/places/wem/garbet/wem57.htm :- Lacon
Hall was the seat of the Bannisters, where-in they resided from 1560, and
perhaps from the reign of Edward IV; here they show the hole where the Duke
of Buckingham was hid, but it is not probable that he was ever in it; his
keeping close in the house, and being disguised when he ventured out, was
thought a sufficient concealment. At Milford, near Baschurch, is a large
half-timbered house which belonged to the Bannisters, and is a more private
place than Lacon: I have been formerly told that the Duke in his distress
fled thither; the tenants had such a tradition. If I may be allowed to
conjecture, I should think that Milford was the ancient seat of the
Bannisters, and that when they sold the manor of Ealding, in Kent, (which
was a reproach to the family) they bought with the money the manor of Lacon,
which lay near them, and thereupon made it the place of their residence.
Half the present messuage at Lacon is built of brick, and seems to be of no
long standing; the farm consists of large fields, and generally firm and
good land.
Interesting.
Sandra
Re: H7 at Huntingdon - April 1487
2013-05-16 14:00:28
Another random question with which I hope someone can help me. Does anyone know where in Huntingdon Henry VII halted for a meal on his way from Norfolk to Coventry in April 1487, when the Lambert Simnel was brewing? All I can find is a reference that he stopped in Huntingdon for this meal, and that he wrote to the City of York while there. I presume he can only have stopped for an hour or so, but would like to know more if possible. Pretty please?
Sandra
Sandra
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-16 15:34:14
But can they do so for 21 miles -- the distance from New Windsor to Charing Cross?
And once a horse tires after a full-on gallop, it has to stop, full stop; it can't just slow down to a trot and keep going.
Tamara
-----Original Message-----
From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
To: <>
Sent: Thu, May 16, 2013 12:26 am
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Nope - 2 miles is not the limit for horses to sustain the gallop (the Grand
National steeplechase used to be over 4 miles, and eventing courses, which
required 22 mph minimum at the highest level to not accrue time penalties
used to be more than 2 miles in length, for the steeplechase course, which
followed a roads & track section &preceded a 2nd roads & tracks & finally
finished with the cross country course itself which also required (if I'm
remembering correctly the horse to travel at least 22 mph to avoid time
penalties). In the 18th century, the standard heat length for mature
horses was 4 miles, sometimes 6 or 8 miles. And the typical race was 3
4-mile heats. I've seen records of several races with 4 heats, and
occasionally even more (I want to say the most I've seen was 6 heats).
Wikipedia contradicts itself in its entry for the pony express where it
says 10 miles is roughly the limit for a horse to gallop without tiring.
A J
On Wed, May 15, 2013 at 6:54 PM, <khafara@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
>
> I take that back -- it'd be a five-hour trip at a walking gait, three
> hours by fast trot, and that'd be about as fast as a horse could go without
> needing to stop for rest. Horses can't sustain gallop speeds for more than
> two miles at a time before they must rest and stay rested for a few hours:
>
> http://speedofanimals.com/animals/horse
>
> http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Horse_gait
>
> Tamara
>
>
> -----Original Message-----
> From: khafara <khafara@...>
> To: <>
> Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:50 pm
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
> 21 miles west of Charing Cross, that is~
>
>
> -----Original Message-----
> From: khafara <khafara@...>
> To: <>
> Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:49 pm
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
> Per Wikipedia: It's 21 miles from Charing Cross - which I reckon is about
> two
> hours by slow horse-trot, one hour by flat-out gallop:
>
> http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Windsor,_Berkshire
>
> Tamara
>
> -----Original Message-----
> From: wednesday_mc <wednesday.mac@...>
> To: <>
> Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:35 pm
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
> Does it make a difference that Richard left on his progress from Windsor,
> not
> from London? How long did it take to get to Windsor from London in the
> 15th
> century?
>
> Can we maybe establish that Buckingham was in London when Richard left
> from
> Windsor?
>
> I'm wondering if Buckingham stayed in London to arrange transport for the
> wily
> Ely and accompany him to Brecon. Do we even know when Richard bowed to
> Oxford
> Uni's begging and deigned to release Ely? There are long lines of pleading
> with
> the King, "but we needz him and valuez him pleeeez give him back!" in the
> 1895
> Life of John Morton we were talking of earlier. (Really wish Richard had
> left
> him there to rot.)
>
> ~Weds
>
> --- In , "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...>
>
> wrote:
>
> > Carol responds:
> >
> > As Kendall states in a note, he conjectures that Buckingham stayed
> behind in
> London because his name is not included in a list of Richard's companions
> during
>
> his visit to Magdalen College in Oxford on July 24-25, so he speculates
> that
> Buckingham must have briefly encountered Richard in Gloucester on his way
> to
> Brecon.
> >
> > The problem with Kendall and anyone else who says that Richard met
> Buckingham
> in Gloucester (or stayed with him on progress until Gloucester) is that
> they are
>
> relying on More and Vergil. *No contemporary source states that such a
> meeting
> (or departure) occurred.* The Register of Magdalen College indicates, as
> Kendall
>
> states, that Buckingham was not with Richard on the progress at all, which
> would
>
> mean that either Buckingham remained in London at that point or was
> already on
> his way to Brecon but provides no evidence with regard to a meeting in
> Gloucester.
> >
> > Mancini, of course, had left England before Richard left on his
> progress, so
> he is no help here. The Croyland chronicler says nothing about Buckingham
> being
> on the progress with Richard or meeting him at Gloucester, only that
> "Henry,
> duke of Buckingham, *who at this time was living at Brecknock in Wales*,"
> became
>
> the "chief mover" in the rebellion against Richard, presumably some time
> after
> the investiture of EoM (September 8), when the chronicler states that the
> boys
> were definitely alive and in the Tower. The rumors appear to have been
> spread at
>
> about this same time, perhaps October. But *there is no date for a meeting
> between Buckingham and Richard because the chronicler does not mention any
> such
> meeting or give any indication that Buckingham was with Richard on his
> progress.
> >
> > Neither, as far as I know, does Rous, but I can't check it to be sure. I
> don't
>
> think his "Historia Regum Angliae" is available in a full translation,
> only
> snippets in various biographies of Richard. (The Latin version is
> available on
> Google Books if anyone wants to attempt an unofficial translation!)
> >
> > Since we have only unreliable Tudor sources for this meeting, we can't
> even be
>
> sure that it occurred. However, for what it's worth, Vergil has Buckingham
> accompanying Richard "as he journeyed towardes Yorke unto glocester, from
> thence
>
> with his [Richard's] consent he [Buckingham] repayred into Wales . . . .
> Heare .
>
> . . , provokyd partly by freshe memory of the late receavyd injury, partly
> repenting that hitherto of himself hee had not resystyd king Richardes
> evell
> enterpryse . . . he began to discover [reveal] his intent [to separate
> from
> Richard] to John bishop of Ely, whom . . . he had in Brechnoch castle." In
> other
>
> words, Vergil's Buckingham is already discontented when he leaves the
> progress
> and is ready to be stirred up by Morton. Vergil gives no date, but it can
> be
> determined by Richard's arrival in Gloucester. Soon after Buckingham's
> departure, Vergil's Richard, tormented by guilt for having usurped the
> kingdom,
> writes to Brackenbury from Gloucester with the order to
> kill his nephews. (Yes, Vergil, that will really help the king's "haynous
> guylt
>
> of wicked conscyence"!)
> >
> > Sorry--too many details. In short, Vergil has Buckingham riding with
> Richard
> from London to Gloucester and leaving the progress at that point to go to
> Brecon, where Morton has already been taken, just before Richard writes
> his
> (imaginary) letter to Brackenbury.
> >
> > More has a similar chronology, many more (imaginary) details, and two
> versions
>
> of Buckingham leaving Richard in Gloucester. In the first, he has Richard
> order
> Buckingham to accompany him on his progress, but since both of them hate
> and
> fear each other (according to some of More's informants), B. leaves the
> progress
>
> at Gloucester for fear of being murdered. More then denies this version of
> events given "the depe dissimuling nature of those bothe men" and suggests
> instead that Buckingham left the progress at Gloucester "in most louing
> trusty
> maner," apparently grateful for the "gret giftes & high behests" that
> Richard
> had given him, but after his return to Brecknock, his ostensible prisoner
> Morton
>
> "waxed with him familiar [and] abused his pride to his own [Morton's]
> deilueraunce & the dukes destruccion." So More has two versions of
> Buckingham's
> departure, one of which he rejects, but both have Buckingham going with
> Richard
> as far as Gloucester--the same version of events (exc
> ept for motives) as Vergil. The stories diverge when Richard starts
> plotting to
>
> kill his nephews after B's departure, but that's irrelevant here.
> >
> > If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the date
> of
> Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same in both
> chronicles), but *there's no contemporary evidence that any such meeting
> occurred*. It looks as if Buckingham remained in London for awhile or (if
> we
> look at various commissions that Richard sent him on) was on business for
> Richard, still seemingly deserving of his trust, until he arrived in
> Brecon
> where he was apparently seduced into rebellion by the manipulative Morton.
> I can
>
> find no *reliable* evidence that he was on progress with Richard (More and
> Vergil) *or* that he briefly encountered Richard at Gloucester (Kendall's
> way of
>
> reconciling Croyland and the Magdalen College register with More and
> Vergil).
> >
> > By the way, I just noticed another glaring error in More along the lines
> of
> Edward IV's age being wrong by more than thirteen years, a reference to
> "Edwarde
>
> Duke of Buckingham, and Richard Lord Hastinges and chaumberlayn"--both
> first
> names are wrong! Surely, this error is another signal that either the
> whole
> "history" is false or that More's research is worse than inadequate. The
> wonder
> is that *anyone* has accepted a single word of his "historie" as true.
> >
> > Sorry this post is so long. You should have seen it before I cut two
> paragraphs!
> >
> > Carol
> >
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
>
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
And once a horse tires after a full-on gallop, it has to stop, full stop; it can't just slow down to a trot and keep going.
Tamara
-----Original Message-----
From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
To: <>
Sent: Thu, May 16, 2013 12:26 am
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Nope - 2 miles is not the limit for horses to sustain the gallop (the Grand
National steeplechase used to be over 4 miles, and eventing courses, which
required 22 mph minimum at the highest level to not accrue time penalties
used to be more than 2 miles in length, for the steeplechase course, which
followed a roads & track section &preceded a 2nd roads & tracks & finally
finished with the cross country course itself which also required (if I'm
remembering correctly the horse to travel at least 22 mph to avoid time
penalties). In the 18th century, the standard heat length for mature
horses was 4 miles, sometimes 6 or 8 miles. And the typical race was 3
4-mile heats. I've seen records of several races with 4 heats, and
occasionally even more (I want to say the most I've seen was 6 heats).
Wikipedia contradicts itself in its entry for the pony express where it
says 10 miles is roughly the limit for a horse to gallop without tiring.
A J
On Wed, May 15, 2013 at 6:54 PM, <khafara@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
>
> I take that back -- it'd be a five-hour trip at a walking gait, three
> hours by fast trot, and that'd be about as fast as a horse could go without
> needing to stop for rest. Horses can't sustain gallop speeds for more than
> two miles at a time before they must rest and stay rested for a few hours:
>
> http://speedofanimals.com/animals/horse
>
> http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Horse_gait
>
> Tamara
>
>
> -----Original Message-----
> From: khafara <khafara@...>
> To: <>
> Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:50 pm
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
> 21 miles west of Charing Cross, that is~
>
>
> -----Original Message-----
> From: khafara <khafara@...>
> To: <>
> Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:49 pm
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
> Per Wikipedia: It's 21 miles from Charing Cross - which I reckon is about
> two
> hours by slow horse-trot, one hour by flat-out gallop:
>
> http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Windsor,_Berkshire
>
> Tamara
>
> -----Original Message-----
> From: wednesday_mc <wednesday.mac@...>
> To: <>
> Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:35 pm
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
> Does it make a difference that Richard left on his progress from Windsor,
> not
> from London? How long did it take to get to Windsor from London in the
> 15th
> century?
>
> Can we maybe establish that Buckingham was in London when Richard left
> from
> Windsor?
>
> I'm wondering if Buckingham stayed in London to arrange transport for the
> wily
> Ely and accompany him to Brecon. Do we even know when Richard bowed to
> Oxford
> Uni's begging and deigned to release Ely? There are long lines of pleading
> with
> the King, "but we needz him and valuez him pleeeez give him back!" in the
> 1895
> Life of John Morton we were talking of earlier. (Really wish Richard had
> left
> him there to rot.)
>
> ~Weds
>
> --- In , "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...>
>
> wrote:
>
> > Carol responds:
> >
> > As Kendall states in a note, he conjectures that Buckingham stayed
> behind in
> London because his name is not included in a list of Richard's companions
> during
>
> his visit to Magdalen College in Oxford on July 24-25, so he speculates
> that
> Buckingham must have briefly encountered Richard in Gloucester on his way
> to
> Brecon.
> >
> > The problem with Kendall and anyone else who says that Richard met
> Buckingham
> in Gloucester (or stayed with him on progress until Gloucester) is that
> they are
>
> relying on More and Vergil. *No contemporary source states that such a
> meeting
> (or departure) occurred.* The Register of Magdalen College indicates, as
> Kendall
>
> states, that Buckingham was not with Richard on the progress at all, which
> would
>
> mean that either Buckingham remained in London at that point or was
> already on
> his way to Brecon but provides no evidence with regard to a meeting in
> Gloucester.
> >
> > Mancini, of course, had left England before Richard left on his
> progress, so
> he is no help here. The Croyland chronicler says nothing about Buckingham
> being
> on the progress with Richard or meeting him at Gloucester, only that
> "Henry,
> duke of Buckingham, *who at this time was living at Brecknock in Wales*,"
> became
>
> the "chief mover" in the rebellion against Richard, presumably some time
> after
> the investiture of EoM (September 8), when the chronicler states that the
> boys
> were definitely alive and in the Tower. The rumors appear to have been
> spread at
>
> about this same time, perhaps October. But *there is no date for a meeting
> between Buckingham and Richard because the chronicler does not mention any
> such
> meeting or give any indication that Buckingham was with Richard on his
> progress.
> >
> > Neither, as far as I know, does Rous, but I can't check it to be sure. I
> don't
>
> think his "Historia Regum Angliae" is available in a full translation,
> only
> snippets in various biographies of Richard. (The Latin version is
> available on
> Google Books if anyone wants to attempt an unofficial translation!)
> >
> > Since we have only unreliable Tudor sources for this meeting, we can't
> even be
>
> sure that it occurred. However, for what it's worth, Vergil has Buckingham
> accompanying Richard "as he journeyed towardes Yorke unto glocester, from
> thence
>
> with his [Richard's] consent he [Buckingham] repayred into Wales . . . .
> Heare .
>
> . . , provokyd partly by freshe memory of the late receavyd injury, partly
> repenting that hitherto of himself hee had not resystyd king Richardes
> evell
> enterpryse . . . he began to discover [reveal] his intent [to separate
> from
> Richard] to John bishop of Ely, whom . . . he had in Brechnoch castle." In
> other
>
> words, Vergil's Buckingham is already discontented when he leaves the
> progress
> and is ready to be stirred up by Morton. Vergil gives no date, but it can
> be
> determined by Richard's arrival in Gloucester. Soon after Buckingham's
> departure, Vergil's Richard, tormented by guilt for having usurped the
> kingdom,
> writes to Brackenbury from Gloucester with the order to
> kill his nephews. (Yes, Vergil, that will really help the king's "haynous
> guylt
>
> of wicked conscyence"!)
> >
> > Sorry--too many details. In short, Vergil has Buckingham riding with
> Richard
> from London to Gloucester and leaving the progress at that point to go to
> Brecon, where Morton has already been taken, just before Richard writes
> his
> (imaginary) letter to Brackenbury.
> >
> > More has a similar chronology, many more (imaginary) details, and two
> versions
>
> of Buckingham leaving Richard in Gloucester. In the first, he has Richard
> order
> Buckingham to accompany him on his progress, but since both of them hate
> and
> fear each other (according to some of More's informants), B. leaves the
> progress
>
> at Gloucester for fear of being murdered. More then denies this version of
> events given "the depe dissimuling nature of those bothe men" and suggests
> instead that Buckingham left the progress at Gloucester "in most louing
> trusty
> maner," apparently grateful for the "gret giftes & high behests" that
> Richard
> had given him, but after his return to Brecknock, his ostensible prisoner
> Morton
>
> "waxed with him familiar [and] abused his pride to his own [Morton's]
> deilueraunce & the dukes destruccion." So More has two versions of
> Buckingham's
> departure, one of which he rejects, but both have Buckingham going with
> Richard
> as far as Gloucester--the same version of events (exc
> ept for motives) as Vergil. The stories diverge when Richard starts
> plotting to
>
> kill his nephews after B's departure, but that's irrelevant here.
> >
> > If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the date
> of
> Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same in both
> chronicles), but *there's no contemporary evidence that any such meeting
> occurred*. It looks as if Buckingham remained in London for awhile or (if
> we
> look at various commissions that Richard sent him on) was on business for
> Richard, still seemingly deserving of his trust, until he arrived in
> Brecon
> where he was apparently seduced into rebellion by the manipulative Morton.
> I can
>
> find no *reliable* evidence that he was on progress with Richard (More and
> Vergil) *or* that he briefly encountered Richard at Gloucester (Kendall's
> way of
>
> reconciling Croyland and the Magdalen College register with More and
> Vergil).
> >
> > By the way, I just noticed another glaring error in More along the lines
> of
> Edward IV's age being wrong by more than thirteen years, a reference to
> "Edwarde
>
> Duke of Buckingham, and Richard Lord Hastinges and chaumberlayn"--both
> first
> names are wrong! Surely, this error is another signal that either the
> whole
> "history" is false or that More's research is worse than inadequate. The
> wonder
> is that *anyone* has accepted a single word of his "historie" as true.
> >
> > Sorry this post is so long. You should have seen it before I cut two
> paragraphs!
> >
> > Carol
> >
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
>
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-16 15:49:33
Probably some can do 21 miles. However, given the state of the roads & the
actual times that are reported for travel, a trotting pace for longer
distances seems much more likely. I'm also not sure that if a rider needed
to accomplish a given distance in a given amount of time, he would push his
horse to the point of drop-dead exhaustion. Someone who knew his
"equipment" (in this case his transport) I'd expect to understand the
limitations & work within them. Why do we need the trip from Charing Cross
to be fast & how fast are you trying to make it?
A J
On Thu, May 16, 2013 at 9:34 AM, <khafara@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
>
> But can they do so for 21 miles -- the distance from New Windsor to
> Charing Cross?
>
> And once a horse tires after a full-on gallop, it has to stop, full stop;
> it can't just slow down to a trot and keep going.
>
> Tamara
>
>
> -----Original Message-----
> From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
> To: <>
> Sent: Thu, May 16, 2013 12:26 am
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
> Nope - 2 miles is not the limit for horses to sustain the gallop (the Grand
> National steeplechase used to be over 4 miles, and eventing courses, which
> required 22 mph minimum at the highest level to not accrue time penalties
> used to be more than 2 miles in length, for the steeplechase course, which
> followed a roads & track section &preceded a 2nd roads & tracks & finally
> finished with the cross country course itself which also required (if I'm
> remembering correctly the horse to travel at least 22 mph to avoid time
> penalties). In the 18th century, the standard heat length for mature
> horses was 4 miles, sometimes 6 or 8 miles. And the typical race was 3
> 4-mile heats. I've seen records of several races with 4 heats, and
> occasionally even more (I want to say the most I've seen was 6 heats).
> Wikipedia contradicts itself in its entry for the pony express where it
> says 10 miles is roughly the limit for a horse to gallop without tiring.
>
> A J
>
> On Wed, May 15, 2013 at 6:54 PM, <khafara@...> wrote:
>
> > **
>
> >
> >
> >
> > I take that back -- it'd be a five-hour trip at a walking gait, three
> > hours by fast trot, and that'd be about as fast as a horse could go
> without
> > needing to stop for rest. Horses can't sustain gallop speeds for more
> than
> > two miles at a time before they must rest and stay rested for a few
> hours:
> >
> > http://speedofanimals.com/animals/horse
> >
> > http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Horse_gait
> >
> > Tamara
> >
> >
> > -----Original Message-----
> > From: khafara <khafara@...>
> > To: <>
> > Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:50 pm
> > Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> >
> > 21 miles west of Charing Cross, that is~
> >
> >
> > -----Original Message-----
> > From: khafara <khafara@...>
> > To: <>
> > Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:49 pm
> > Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> >
> > Per Wikipedia: It's 21 miles from Charing Cross - which I reckon is about
> > two
> > hours by slow horse-trot, one hour by flat-out gallop:
> >
> > http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Windsor,_Berkshire
> >
> > Tamara
> >
> > -----Original Message-----
> > From: wednesday_mc <wednesday.mac@...>
> > To: <>
> > Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:35 pm
> > Subject: Re: Disappearance
> >
> > Does it make a difference that Richard left on his progress from Windsor,
> > not
> > from London? How long did it take to get to Windsor from London in the
> > 15th
> > century?
> >
> > Can we maybe establish that Buckingham was in London when Richard left
> > from
> > Windsor?
> >
> > I'm wondering if Buckingham stayed in London to arrange transport for the
> > wily
> > Ely and accompany him to Brecon. Do we even know when Richard bowed to
> > Oxford
> > Uni's begging and deigned to release Ely? There are long lines of
> pleading
> > with
> > the King, "but we needz him and valuez him pleeeez give him back!" in the
> > 1895
> > Life of John Morton we were talking of earlier. (Really wish Richard had
> > left
> > him there to rot.)
> >
> > ~Weds
> >
> > --- In , "justcarol67"
> <justcarol67@...>
> >
> > wrote:
> >
> > > Carol responds:
> > >
> > > As Kendall states in a note, he conjectures that Buckingham stayed
> > behind in
> > London because his name is not included in a list of Richard's companions
> > during
> >
> > his visit to Magdalen College in Oxford on July 24-25, so he speculates
> > that
> > Buckingham must have briefly encountered Richard in Gloucester on his way
> > to
> > Brecon.
> > >
> > > The problem with Kendall and anyone else who says that Richard met
> > Buckingham
> > in Gloucester (or stayed with him on progress until Gloucester) is that
> > they are
> >
> > relying on More and Vergil. *No contemporary source states that such a
> > meeting
> > (or departure) occurred.* The Register of Magdalen College indicates, as
> > Kendall
> >
> > states, that Buckingham was not with Richard on the progress at all,
> which
> > would
> >
> > mean that either Buckingham remained in London at that point or was
> > already on
> > his way to Brecon but provides no evidence with regard to a meeting in
> > Gloucester.
> > >
> > > Mancini, of course, had left England before Richard left on his
> > progress, so
> > he is no help here. The Croyland chronicler says nothing about Buckingham
> > being
> > on the progress with Richard or meeting him at Gloucester, only that
> > "Henry,
> > duke of Buckingham, *who at this time was living at Brecknock in Wales*,"
> > became
> >
> > the "chief mover" in the rebellion against Richard, presumably some time
> > after
> > the investiture of EoM (September 8), when the chronicler states that the
> > boys
> > were definitely alive and in the Tower. The rumors appear to have been
> > spread at
> >
> > about this same time, perhaps October. But *there is no date for a
> meeting
> > between Buckingham and Richard because the chronicler does not mention
> any
> > such
> > meeting or give any indication that Buckingham was with Richard on his
> > progress.
> > >
> > > Neither, as far as I know, does Rous, but I can't check it to be sure.
> I
> > don't
> >
> > think his "Historia Regum Angliae" is available in a full translation,
> > only
> > snippets in various biographies of Richard. (The Latin version is
> > available on
> > Google Books if anyone wants to attempt an unofficial translation!)
> > >
> > > Since we have only unreliable Tudor sources for this meeting, we can't
> > even be
> >
> > sure that it occurred. However, for what it's worth, Vergil has
> Buckingham
> > accompanying Richard "as he journeyed towardes Yorke unto glocester, from
> > thence
> >
> > with his [Richard's] consent he [Buckingham] repayred into Wales . . . .
> > Heare .
> >
> > . . , provokyd partly by freshe memory of the late receavyd injury,
> partly
> > repenting that hitherto of himself hee had not resystyd king Richardes
> > evell
> > enterpryse . . . he began to discover [reveal] his intent [to separate
> > from
> > Richard] to John bishop of Ely, whom . . . he had in Brechnoch castle."
> In
> > other
> >
> > words, Vergil's Buckingham is already discontented when he leaves the
> > progress
> > and is ready to be stirred up by Morton. Vergil gives no date, but it can
> > be
> > determined by Richard's arrival in Gloucester. Soon after Buckingham's
> > departure, Vergil's Richard, tormented by guilt for having usurped the
> > kingdom,
> > writes to Brackenbury from Gloucester with the order to
> > kill his nephews. (Yes, Vergil, that will really help the king's "haynous
> > guylt
> >
> > of wicked conscyence"!)
> > >
> > > Sorry--too many details. In short, Vergil has Buckingham riding with
> > Richard
> > from London to Gloucester and leaving the progress at that point to go to
> > Brecon, where Morton has already been taken, just before Richard writes
> > his
> > (imaginary) letter to Brackenbury.
> > >
> > > More has a similar chronology, many more (imaginary) details, and two
> > versions
> >
> > of Buckingham leaving Richard in Gloucester. In the first, he has Richard
> > order
> > Buckingham to accompany him on his progress, but since both of them hate
> > and
> > fear each other (according to some of More's informants), B. leaves the
> > progress
> >
> > at Gloucester for fear of being murdered. More then denies this version
> of
> > events given "the depe dissimuling nature of those bothe men" and
> suggests
> > instead that Buckingham left the progress at Gloucester "in most louing
> > trusty
> > maner," apparently grateful for the "gret giftes & high behests" that
> > Richard
> > had given him, but after his return to Brecknock, his ostensible prisoner
> > Morton
> >
> > "waxed with him familiar [and] abused his pride to his own [Morton's]
> > deilueraunce & the dukes destruccion." So More has two versions of
> > Buckingham's
> > departure, one of which he rejects, but both have Buckingham going with
> > Richard
> > as far as Gloucester--the same version of events (exc
> > ept for motives) as Vergil. The stories diverge when Richard starts
> > plotting to
> >
> > kill his nephews after B's departure, but that's irrelevant here.
> > >
> > > If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the
> date
> > of
> > Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same in both
> > chronicles), but *there's no contemporary evidence that any such meeting
> > occurred*. It looks as if Buckingham remained in London for awhile or (if
> > we
> > look at various commissions that Richard sent him on) was on business for
> > Richard, still seemingly deserving of his trust, until he arrived in
> > Brecon
> > where he was apparently seduced into rebellion by the manipulative
> Morton.
> > I can
> >
> > find no *reliable* evidence that he was on progress with Richard (More
> and
> > Vergil) *or* that he briefly encountered Richard at Gloucester (Kendall's
> > way of
> >
> > reconciling Croyland and the Magdalen College register with More and
> > Vergil).
> > >
> > > By the way, I just noticed another glaring error in More along the
> lines
> > of
> > Edward IV's age being wrong by more than thirteen years, a reference to
> > "Edwarde
> >
> > Duke of Buckingham, and Richard Lord Hastinges and chaumberlayn"--both
> > first
> > names are wrong! Surely, this error is another signal that either the
> > whole
> > "history" is false or that More's research is worse than inadequate. The
> > wonder
> > is that *anyone* has accepted a single word of his "historie" as true.
> > >
> > > Sorry this post is so long. You should have seen it before I cut two
> > paragraphs!
> > >
> > > Carol
> > >
> >
> > ------------------------------------
> >
> > Yahoo! Groups Links
> >
> >
> >
> > ------------------------------------
> >
> > Yahoo! Groups Links
> >
> >
> >
> > ------------------------------------
> >
> > Yahoo! Groups Links
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
>
actual times that are reported for travel, a trotting pace for longer
distances seems much more likely. I'm also not sure that if a rider needed
to accomplish a given distance in a given amount of time, he would push his
horse to the point of drop-dead exhaustion. Someone who knew his
"equipment" (in this case his transport) I'd expect to understand the
limitations & work within them. Why do we need the trip from Charing Cross
to be fast & how fast are you trying to make it?
A J
On Thu, May 16, 2013 at 9:34 AM, <khafara@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
>
> But can they do so for 21 miles -- the distance from New Windsor to
> Charing Cross?
>
> And once a horse tires after a full-on gallop, it has to stop, full stop;
> it can't just slow down to a trot and keep going.
>
> Tamara
>
>
> -----Original Message-----
> From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
> To: <>
> Sent: Thu, May 16, 2013 12:26 am
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
> Nope - 2 miles is not the limit for horses to sustain the gallop (the Grand
> National steeplechase used to be over 4 miles, and eventing courses, which
> required 22 mph minimum at the highest level to not accrue time penalties
> used to be more than 2 miles in length, for the steeplechase course, which
> followed a roads & track section &preceded a 2nd roads & tracks & finally
> finished with the cross country course itself which also required (if I'm
> remembering correctly the horse to travel at least 22 mph to avoid time
> penalties). In the 18th century, the standard heat length for mature
> horses was 4 miles, sometimes 6 or 8 miles. And the typical race was 3
> 4-mile heats. I've seen records of several races with 4 heats, and
> occasionally even more (I want to say the most I've seen was 6 heats).
> Wikipedia contradicts itself in its entry for the pony express where it
> says 10 miles is roughly the limit for a horse to gallop without tiring.
>
> A J
>
> On Wed, May 15, 2013 at 6:54 PM, <khafara@...> wrote:
>
> > **
>
> >
> >
> >
> > I take that back -- it'd be a five-hour trip at a walking gait, three
> > hours by fast trot, and that'd be about as fast as a horse could go
> without
> > needing to stop for rest. Horses can't sustain gallop speeds for more
> than
> > two miles at a time before they must rest and stay rested for a few
> hours:
> >
> > http://speedofanimals.com/animals/horse
> >
> > http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Horse_gait
> >
> > Tamara
> >
> >
> > -----Original Message-----
> > From: khafara <khafara@...>
> > To: <>
> > Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:50 pm
> > Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> >
> > 21 miles west of Charing Cross, that is~
> >
> >
> > -----Original Message-----
> > From: khafara <khafara@...>
> > To: <>
> > Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:49 pm
> > Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> >
> > Per Wikipedia: It's 21 miles from Charing Cross - which I reckon is about
> > two
> > hours by slow horse-trot, one hour by flat-out gallop:
> >
> > http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Windsor,_Berkshire
> >
> > Tamara
> >
> > -----Original Message-----
> > From: wednesday_mc <wednesday.mac@...>
> > To: <>
> > Sent: Wed, May 15, 2013 5:35 pm
> > Subject: Re: Disappearance
> >
> > Does it make a difference that Richard left on his progress from Windsor,
> > not
> > from London? How long did it take to get to Windsor from London in the
> > 15th
> > century?
> >
> > Can we maybe establish that Buckingham was in London when Richard left
> > from
> > Windsor?
> >
> > I'm wondering if Buckingham stayed in London to arrange transport for the
> > wily
> > Ely and accompany him to Brecon. Do we even know when Richard bowed to
> > Oxford
> > Uni's begging and deigned to release Ely? There are long lines of
> pleading
> > with
> > the King, "but we needz him and valuez him pleeeez give him back!" in the
> > 1895
> > Life of John Morton we were talking of earlier. (Really wish Richard had
> > left
> > him there to rot.)
> >
> > ~Weds
> >
> > --- In , "justcarol67"
> <justcarol67@...>
> >
> > wrote:
> >
> > > Carol responds:
> > >
> > > As Kendall states in a note, he conjectures that Buckingham stayed
> > behind in
> > London because his name is not included in a list of Richard's companions
> > during
> >
> > his visit to Magdalen College in Oxford on July 24-25, so he speculates
> > that
> > Buckingham must have briefly encountered Richard in Gloucester on his way
> > to
> > Brecon.
> > >
> > > The problem with Kendall and anyone else who says that Richard met
> > Buckingham
> > in Gloucester (or stayed with him on progress until Gloucester) is that
> > they are
> >
> > relying on More and Vergil. *No contemporary source states that such a
> > meeting
> > (or departure) occurred.* The Register of Magdalen College indicates, as
> > Kendall
> >
> > states, that Buckingham was not with Richard on the progress at all,
> which
> > would
> >
> > mean that either Buckingham remained in London at that point or was
> > already on
> > his way to Brecon but provides no evidence with regard to a meeting in
> > Gloucester.
> > >
> > > Mancini, of course, had left England before Richard left on his
> > progress, so
> > he is no help here. The Croyland chronicler says nothing about Buckingham
> > being
> > on the progress with Richard or meeting him at Gloucester, only that
> > "Henry,
> > duke of Buckingham, *who at this time was living at Brecknock in Wales*,"
> > became
> >
> > the "chief mover" in the rebellion against Richard, presumably some time
> > after
> > the investiture of EoM (September 8), when the chronicler states that the
> > boys
> > were definitely alive and in the Tower. The rumors appear to have been
> > spread at
> >
> > about this same time, perhaps October. But *there is no date for a
> meeting
> > between Buckingham and Richard because the chronicler does not mention
> any
> > such
> > meeting or give any indication that Buckingham was with Richard on his
> > progress.
> > >
> > > Neither, as far as I know, does Rous, but I can't check it to be sure.
> I
> > don't
> >
> > think his "Historia Regum Angliae" is available in a full translation,
> > only
> > snippets in various biographies of Richard. (The Latin version is
> > available on
> > Google Books if anyone wants to attempt an unofficial translation!)
> > >
> > > Since we have only unreliable Tudor sources for this meeting, we can't
> > even be
> >
> > sure that it occurred. However, for what it's worth, Vergil has
> Buckingham
> > accompanying Richard "as he journeyed towardes Yorke unto glocester, from
> > thence
> >
> > with his [Richard's] consent he [Buckingham] repayred into Wales . . . .
> > Heare .
> >
> > . . , provokyd partly by freshe memory of the late receavyd injury,
> partly
> > repenting that hitherto of himself hee had not resystyd king Richardes
> > evell
> > enterpryse . . . he began to discover [reveal] his intent [to separate
> > from
> > Richard] to John bishop of Ely, whom . . . he had in Brechnoch castle."
> In
> > other
> >
> > words, Vergil's Buckingham is already discontented when he leaves the
> > progress
> > and is ready to be stirred up by Morton. Vergil gives no date, but it can
> > be
> > determined by Richard's arrival in Gloucester. Soon after Buckingham's
> > departure, Vergil's Richard, tormented by guilt for having usurped the
> > kingdom,
> > writes to Brackenbury from Gloucester with the order to
> > kill his nephews. (Yes, Vergil, that will really help the king's "haynous
> > guylt
> >
> > of wicked conscyence"!)
> > >
> > > Sorry--too many details. In short, Vergil has Buckingham riding with
> > Richard
> > from London to Gloucester and leaving the progress at that point to go to
> > Brecon, where Morton has already been taken, just before Richard writes
> > his
> > (imaginary) letter to Brackenbury.
> > >
> > > More has a similar chronology, many more (imaginary) details, and two
> > versions
> >
> > of Buckingham leaving Richard in Gloucester. In the first, he has Richard
> > order
> > Buckingham to accompany him on his progress, but since both of them hate
> > and
> > fear each other (according to some of More's informants), B. leaves the
> > progress
> >
> > at Gloucester for fear of being murdered. More then denies this version
> of
> > events given "the depe dissimuling nature of those bothe men" and
> suggests
> > instead that Buckingham left the progress at Gloucester "in most louing
> > trusty
> > maner," apparently grateful for the "gret giftes & high behests" that
> > Richard
> > had given him, but after his return to Brecknock, his ostensible prisoner
> > Morton
> >
> > "waxed with him familiar [and] abused his pride to his own [Morton's]
> > deilueraunce & the dukes destruccion." So More has two versions of
> > Buckingham's
> > departure, one of which he rejects, but both have Buckingham going with
> > Richard
> > as far as Gloucester--the same version of events (exc
> > ept for motives) as Vergil. The stories diverge when Richard starts
> > plotting to
> >
> > kill his nephews after B's departure, but that's irrelevant here.
> > >
> > > If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the
> date
> > of
> > Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same in both
> > chronicles), but *there's no contemporary evidence that any such meeting
> > occurred*. It looks as if Buckingham remained in London for awhile or (if
> > we
> > look at various commissions that Richard sent him on) was on business for
> > Richard, still seemingly deserving of his trust, until he arrived in
> > Brecon
> > where he was apparently seduced into rebellion by the manipulative
> Morton.
> > I can
> >
> > find no *reliable* evidence that he was on progress with Richard (More
> and
> > Vergil) *or* that he briefly encountered Richard at Gloucester (Kendall's
> > way of
> >
> > reconciling Croyland and the Magdalen College register with More and
> > Vergil).
> > >
> > > By the way, I just noticed another glaring error in More along the
> lines
> > of
> > Edward IV's age being wrong by more than thirteen years, a reference to
> > "Edwarde
> >
> > Duke of Buckingham, and Richard Lord Hastinges and chaumberlayn"--both
> > first
> > names are wrong! Surely, this error is another signal that either the
> > whole
> > "history" is false or that More's research is worse than inadequate. The
> > wonder
> > is that *anyone* has accepted a single word of his "historie" as true.
> > >
> > > Sorry this post is so long. You should have seen it before I cut two
> > paragraphs!
> > >
> > > Carol
> > >
> >
> > ------------------------------------
> >
> > Yahoo! Groups Links
> >
> >
> >
> > ------------------------------------
> >
> > Yahoo! Groups Links
> >
> >
> >
> > ------------------------------------
> >
> > Yahoo! Groups Links
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-16 16:35:55
Paul Trevor Bale wrote:
[snip]
> I recall that it is on record that Richard and Buckingham argued at Gloucester. But I can't find where. [snip]
Carol responds:
It's only "on record" if you consider More and Vergil to be "recorders" or chroniclers. The passage in More is admittedly hard to find because he doesn't present his "history" in chronological order, and he argues with himself (or his gossiping sources) over whether there was an argument and concludes that there was not. Essentially, IMO, he's saying that Vergil is probably wrong about an open quarrel.
As I said earlier, not only is the supposed quarrel not recorded elsewhere, there's no evidence in contemporary chronicles or records that Buckingham was ever on the progress, and Kendall's guess that Richard and Buckingham encountered each other in Gloucester is his attempt to reconcile Vergil and More with the absence of evidence elsewhere.
Why is it important that Buckingham and Richard probably never met at Gloucester? In itself, it isn't, unless we're trying to keep track of Buckingham's movements (and their timing in relation to the supposed message to Brackenbury about killing the "princes"). What's important is that this apparently imaginary meeting is one of many incidents that we have come to believe really happened because the historians and biographers, even Kendall, rely so heavily on the chroniclers.
I've noticed that the historians take Mancini in particular (not relevant in this particular instance, I realize) as absolutely true, as if the humanistic dialogues were transcribed from audio recordings! In Mancini's case, we have possible eyewitnesses passing on their (biased) memories of conversations in English, which he then transcribes from memory (with humanistic embellishments) into Latin, which is then translated into modern English.
With More and Vergil, it's even worse since most if not all the conversations are wholly imaginary (a humanistic convention) and the events are all based on rumor, with what "men say" varying widely from one supposed witness to another (even assuming that More was attempting a serious history).
My point? This "meeting" comes from Kendall's attempt to reconcile More and Vergil (who have Buckingham with Richard until Gloucester) with a complete absence of Buckingham on the progress or in Gloucester in contemporary chronicles and records.
Here is Buckingham's itinerary from the girders website (which I realize is not absolutely reliable):
"20 Jul. On commissions of the peace for Norfolk and Wiltshire.
(C.P.R.1476-85, pp.566 and 577)
24 Jul. On a commission of the peace for Cornwall. (ibid.p.556)
26 Jul. On commissions of the peace for Cornwall, Hertfordshire, Rutland, Huntingdonshire and Somerset. (ibid. pp.556, 562, 570 and 571)
28 Jul. On a commission of the peace for Kent. (ibid.p.563)
30 Jul. On commissions of the peace for Kent, Leicestershire and
Warwickshire. (ibid.pp.563, 564 and 576)
9 Aug. On commissions of the peace for Leicestershire and Warwickshire. (ibid.pp.564 and 576)
11 Aug. On a commission of the peace for Worcestershire. (ibid.p.578)
18 Aug. On a commission of the peace for Suffolk. (ibid.p.574)
26 Aug. On a commission of the peace for Somerset. (ibid.p.571)
28 Aug. On a commission of oyer and terminer for London. (ibid.p.465)
[Note gap]
24 Sep. He sent a letter to Henry Tudor inviting him to come to England.(Rowse p.277)
Oct. He raised the rebellion. His force was rendered useless by floods of the rivers Wye and Severn on the fifteenth. (C.D.N.B.p.1231)
Late Oct. He was at Weobly with Morton, John Rush, Sir William Knyvet and Thomas Nandik as the rebellion crumbled. (P.M.K. p.273)
23 Oct. A proclamation was issued offering a reward for his capture.
(C.P.R.1476-85 p.367)
29/30 Oct. Taken to Salisbury. (P.M.K. p.273)
2 Nov. Executed in Salisbury Market Place. (ibid.p.274)"
P.M.,K. is Kendall; C.P.R. is Calendar of Patent Rolls; C.D.N.B. is Compact Dictionary of National Biography; Rowse is A. L. Rowse, "Bosworth Field and the Wars of the Roses."
Note the absence of references to the progress or Gloucester. If Buckingham was where he was supposed to be, he was all over the (southern?) counties and could well have been in contact with the rebels he was supposed to be pacifying. Also note the gap between the last commission for the peace (Aug. 28), in London, more than a week before the investiture of Prince Edward and the last reported sighting of the boys in the Tower (Croyland), and the letter to Henry Tudor (September 24). Sometime during those twenty-six days, he must have gone home to Brecon and been brainwashed by Morton, who would have played on his ambitions like Yo-Yo Ma on a cello.
One more piece of hard evidence is Richard's letter to Bishop Russell about the "most untrue creature living," dated October 12, 1483, which suggests that Richard was in possession of the intercepted letter by that point. But why the commissions of the peace stopped in late August is unclear. Possibly, Richard allowed Buckingham to go home to his estates at that point. The commissions suggest that he did not do so earlier and also that Buckingham was not on progress with Richard until Gloucester (More and Vergil) and did not meet him in Gloucester "on the main road" from London to Brecon (Kendall).
Carol
[snip]
> I recall that it is on record that Richard and Buckingham argued at Gloucester. But I can't find where. [snip]
Carol responds:
It's only "on record" if you consider More and Vergil to be "recorders" or chroniclers. The passage in More is admittedly hard to find because he doesn't present his "history" in chronological order, and he argues with himself (or his gossiping sources) over whether there was an argument and concludes that there was not. Essentially, IMO, he's saying that Vergil is probably wrong about an open quarrel.
As I said earlier, not only is the supposed quarrel not recorded elsewhere, there's no evidence in contemporary chronicles or records that Buckingham was ever on the progress, and Kendall's guess that Richard and Buckingham encountered each other in Gloucester is his attempt to reconcile Vergil and More with the absence of evidence elsewhere.
Why is it important that Buckingham and Richard probably never met at Gloucester? In itself, it isn't, unless we're trying to keep track of Buckingham's movements (and their timing in relation to the supposed message to Brackenbury about killing the "princes"). What's important is that this apparently imaginary meeting is one of many incidents that we have come to believe really happened because the historians and biographers, even Kendall, rely so heavily on the chroniclers.
I've noticed that the historians take Mancini in particular (not relevant in this particular instance, I realize) as absolutely true, as if the humanistic dialogues were transcribed from audio recordings! In Mancini's case, we have possible eyewitnesses passing on their (biased) memories of conversations in English, which he then transcribes from memory (with humanistic embellishments) into Latin, which is then translated into modern English.
With More and Vergil, it's even worse since most if not all the conversations are wholly imaginary (a humanistic convention) and the events are all based on rumor, with what "men say" varying widely from one supposed witness to another (even assuming that More was attempting a serious history).
My point? This "meeting" comes from Kendall's attempt to reconcile More and Vergil (who have Buckingham with Richard until Gloucester) with a complete absence of Buckingham on the progress or in Gloucester in contemporary chronicles and records.
Here is Buckingham's itinerary from the girders website (which I realize is not absolutely reliable):
"20 Jul. On commissions of the peace for Norfolk and Wiltshire.
(C.P.R.1476-85, pp.566 and 577)
24 Jul. On a commission of the peace for Cornwall. (ibid.p.556)
26 Jul. On commissions of the peace for Cornwall, Hertfordshire, Rutland, Huntingdonshire and Somerset. (ibid. pp.556, 562, 570 and 571)
28 Jul. On a commission of the peace for Kent. (ibid.p.563)
30 Jul. On commissions of the peace for Kent, Leicestershire and
Warwickshire. (ibid.pp.563, 564 and 576)
9 Aug. On commissions of the peace for Leicestershire and Warwickshire. (ibid.pp.564 and 576)
11 Aug. On a commission of the peace for Worcestershire. (ibid.p.578)
18 Aug. On a commission of the peace for Suffolk. (ibid.p.574)
26 Aug. On a commission of the peace for Somerset. (ibid.p.571)
28 Aug. On a commission of oyer and terminer for London. (ibid.p.465)
[Note gap]
24 Sep. He sent a letter to Henry Tudor inviting him to come to England.(Rowse p.277)
Oct. He raised the rebellion. His force was rendered useless by floods of the rivers Wye and Severn on the fifteenth. (C.D.N.B.p.1231)
Late Oct. He was at Weobly with Morton, John Rush, Sir William Knyvet and Thomas Nandik as the rebellion crumbled. (P.M.K. p.273)
23 Oct. A proclamation was issued offering a reward for his capture.
(C.P.R.1476-85 p.367)
29/30 Oct. Taken to Salisbury. (P.M.K. p.273)
2 Nov. Executed in Salisbury Market Place. (ibid.p.274)"
P.M.,K. is Kendall; C.P.R. is Calendar of Patent Rolls; C.D.N.B. is Compact Dictionary of National Biography; Rowse is A. L. Rowse, "Bosworth Field and the Wars of the Roses."
Note the absence of references to the progress or Gloucester. If Buckingham was where he was supposed to be, he was all over the (southern?) counties and could well have been in contact with the rebels he was supposed to be pacifying. Also note the gap between the last commission for the peace (Aug. 28), in London, more than a week before the investiture of Prince Edward and the last reported sighting of the boys in the Tower (Croyland), and the letter to Henry Tudor (September 24). Sometime during those twenty-six days, he must have gone home to Brecon and been brainwashed by Morton, who would have played on his ambitions like Yo-Yo Ma on a cello.
One more piece of hard evidence is Richard's letter to Bishop Russell about the "most untrue creature living," dated October 12, 1483, which suggests that Richard was in possession of the intercepted letter by that point. But why the commissions of the peace stopped in late August is unclear. Possibly, Richard allowed Buckingham to go home to his estates at that point. The commissions suggest that he did not do so earlier and also that Buckingham was not on progress with Richard until Gloucester (More and Vergil) and did not meet him in Gloucester "on the main road" from London to Brecon (Kendall).
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-16 16:49:57
Paul Trevor Bale wrote:
> [snip] Who you ask had access to the sons of Edward at the Tower?
> Without a royal warrant I imagine not even their other uncle Buckingham, via Brackenbury who was in charge of the Tower and all its numerous personnel. [snip] Nobody would get past Brackenbury to the boys without a royal warrant.
>
> And I mean no-one. Not Buckingham, certainly not Margaret Beaufort, who was supposedly under house arrest with her husband, who had, in my mind unbelievably, been made Constable by Richard. [snip]
Carol responds:
Er, not quite. *Buckingham* had been made constable by Richard, which means that he, if anyone, could get by Brackenbury without a royal warrant. But if we trust the dates for commissions of the peace, etc., Buckingham was in London around August 28 (the last of the commissions of the peace) and presumably on his way to Brecon before Tyrrell arrived in London (and may or may not have visited Brackenbury in the Tower) around September 3 and before the last day when the boys were reported to be in the Tower under secure guard, September 8 (Croyland).
All of this suggests that neither Buckingham nor Tyrrell (nor anyone else) killed the "princes."
I agree with you one hundred percent that "gentle Brackenbury" would never have fought and died for Richard at Bosworth had Richard ordered the murder of his nephews. I *suspect* that he would not have allowed anyone, even the Constable of England, access to the Tower without his being also present, but, that aside, the boys were clearly alive the last time that Buckingham was supposed to be in London.
Carol
> [snip] Who you ask had access to the sons of Edward at the Tower?
> Without a royal warrant I imagine not even their other uncle Buckingham, via Brackenbury who was in charge of the Tower and all its numerous personnel. [snip] Nobody would get past Brackenbury to the boys without a royal warrant.
>
> And I mean no-one. Not Buckingham, certainly not Margaret Beaufort, who was supposedly under house arrest with her husband, who had, in my mind unbelievably, been made Constable by Richard. [snip]
Carol responds:
Er, not quite. *Buckingham* had been made constable by Richard, which means that he, if anyone, could get by Brackenbury without a royal warrant. But if we trust the dates for commissions of the peace, etc., Buckingham was in London around August 28 (the last of the commissions of the peace) and presumably on his way to Brecon before Tyrrell arrived in London (and may or may not have visited Brackenbury in the Tower) around September 3 and before the last day when the boys were reported to be in the Tower under secure guard, September 8 (Croyland).
All of this suggests that neither Buckingham nor Tyrrell (nor anyone else) killed the "princes."
I agree with you one hundred percent that "gentle Brackenbury" would never have fought and died for Richard at Bosworth had Richard ordered the murder of his nephews. I *suspect* that he would not have allowed anyone, even the Constable of England, access to the Tower without his being also present, but, that aside, the boys were clearly alive the last time that Buckingham was supposed to be in London.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-16 17:39:47
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 4:35 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> My point? This "meeting" comes from Kendall's attempt to reconcile More
> and Vergil (who have Buckingham with Richard until Gloucester)
From what you say, it sounds like More was getting it from Vergil anyway, so
it's really only Vergil who says it.
To:
Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 4:35 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> My point? This "meeting" comes from Kendall's attempt to reconcile More
> and Vergil (who have Buckingham with Richard until Gloucester)
From what you say, it sounds like More was getting it from Vergil anyway, so
it's really only Vergil who says it.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-16 17:41:53
The rider also has to consider the condition of the roads. If its rutted, you go slower or ride on the verge. If it's got puddles or is muddy, you also go slower, all in an effort to prevent your horse pulling a tendon or coming up lame in other ways. You couldn't trot or canter the horse the whole way (unless it were a gaited horse like an Icelandic which is pretty much indestructible and thrives on that sort of thing. Hah, I can just see Buckingham on one of those.)
A horse walks about 4 mph, so at a fair guess given the condition of the roads, I'd keep him at 4-5 mph on average. Especially given that the road was probably heavily traveled and likely a mess whether wet or dry?
That's also assuming Buckingham was traveling alone, without his retinue, furniture, kitchen sink, bed, gewgaws, etc.
At this point, I'm squinting at the 4-5 hour journey and thinking Buckingham didn't leave with Richard from Windsor. But that's assumption....bah.
--- In , khafara@... wrote:
>
>
> I take that back -- it'd be a five-hour trip at a walking gait, three hours by fast trot, and that'd be about as fast as a horse could go without needing to stop for rest. Horses can't sustain gallop speeds for more than two miles at a time before they must rest and stay rested for a few hours:
>
> http://speedofanimals.com/animals/horse
>
> http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Horse_gait
>
> Tamara
A horse walks about 4 mph, so at a fair guess given the condition of the roads, I'd keep him at 4-5 mph on average. Especially given that the road was probably heavily traveled and likely a mess whether wet or dry?
That's also assuming Buckingham was traveling alone, without his retinue, furniture, kitchen sink, bed, gewgaws, etc.
At this point, I'm squinting at the 4-5 hour journey and thinking Buckingham didn't leave with Richard from Windsor. But that's assumption....bah.
--- In , khafara@... wrote:
>
>
> I take that back -- it'd be a five-hour trip at a walking gait, three hours by fast trot, and that'd be about as fast as a horse could go without needing to stop for rest. Horses can't sustain gallop speeds for more than two miles at a time before they must rest and stay rested for a few hours:
>
> http://speedofanimals.com/animals/horse
>
> http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Horse_gait
>
> Tamara
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-16 18:02:29
A horse's average top speed is 20 mph (I think it was Secretariat who ran 35 mph -- the same speed as a Jack Russell terrier). Arabians run at an average of 25 mph (and Carol D. will correct me if I'm wrong); the speed and stamina greatly depends on the breed, its conformation, and the individual horse's training. You can't just take an unconditioned horse (any breed of horse) out of a pasture and gallop it any distance without major consequences.
Incidentally, because of its anatomy, a horse can still gallop when it's literally dying, because of its circulatory system and the heart/lung action when it gallops. So you can get where you're going and have the horse drop dead when you stop -- which may be the original meaning of "run it into the ground."
Cross country mounts are trained to it, and cross country isn't the same as riding a rutted, uneven medieval road, and I fear a rider would have blown their horse's tendons if they galloped over the roads of the day for any amount of time. Not to mention some puddles were so deep, travelers would fall into them and drown if they couldn't swim. (Some peasants had a habit of taking the road dirt for their own use).
That's not the sort of thing you want to gallop down, splash in, or run through on a horse...unless you want to kill your horse. All I can think is that the messengers in a hurry rode must have ridden cross country whenever/wherever they could. I think they also must have changed out horses fairly frequently.
--- In , A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...> wrote:
>
> Nope - 2 miles is not the limit for horses to sustain the gallop (the Grand
> National steeplechase used to be over 4 miles, and eventing courses, which
> required 22 mph minimum at the highest level to not accrue time penalties
> used to be more than 2 miles in length, for the steeplechase course, which
> followed a roads & track section &preceded a 2nd roads & tracks & finally
> finished with the cross country course itself which also required (if I'm
> remembering correctly the horse to travel at least 22 mph to avoid time
> penalties). In the 18th century, the standard heat length for mature
> horses was 4 miles, sometimes 6 or 8 miles. And the typical race was 3
> 4-mile heats. I've seen records of several races with 4 heats, and
> occasionally even more (I want to say the most I've seen was 6 heats).
> Wikipedia contradicts itself in its entry for the pony express where it
> says 10 miles is roughly the limit for a horse to gallop without tiring.
>
> A J
Incidentally, because of its anatomy, a horse can still gallop when it's literally dying, because of its circulatory system and the heart/lung action when it gallops. So you can get where you're going and have the horse drop dead when you stop -- which may be the original meaning of "run it into the ground."
Cross country mounts are trained to it, and cross country isn't the same as riding a rutted, uneven medieval road, and I fear a rider would have blown their horse's tendons if they galloped over the roads of the day for any amount of time. Not to mention some puddles were so deep, travelers would fall into them and drown if they couldn't swim. (Some peasants had a habit of taking the road dirt for their own use).
That's not the sort of thing you want to gallop down, splash in, or run through on a horse...unless you want to kill your horse. All I can think is that the messengers in a hurry rode must have ridden cross country whenever/wherever they could. I think they also must have changed out horses fairly frequently.
--- In , A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...> wrote:
>
> Nope - 2 miles is not the limit for horses to sustain the gallop (the Grand
> National steeplechase used to be over 4 miles, and eventing courses, which
> required 22 mph minimum at the highest level to not accrue time penalties
> used to be more than 2 miles in length, for the steeplechase course, which
> followed a roads & track section &preceded a 2nd roads & tracks & finally
> finished with the cross country course itself which also required (if I'm
> remembering correctly the horse to travel at least 22 mph to avoid time
> penalties). In the 18th century, the standard heat length for mature
> horses was 4 miles, sometimes 6 or 8 miles. And the typical race was 3
> 4-mile heats. I've seen records of several races with 4 heats, and
> occasionally even more (I want to say the most I've seen was 6 heats).
> Wikipedia contradicts itself in its entry for the pony express where it
> says 10 miles is roughly the limit for a horse to gallop without tiring.
>
> A J
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-16 18:03:39
Doug wrote:
> Rather than Tyrell seeing to increased security because of a rebellion, could the increased security have been due to Richard having just been informed by Russell about the "rescue" attempt? And it was *then*, sometime in September 1483, that the boys were moved - to Gipping? Or, at the very least, that was when Tyrell made the arrangements? I would think moving the boys anytime during a stretch of bad weather would increase the chances of them not being recognized, bundled up and all among a group of "henchmen"..
> And then, as someone pointed out (you? Claire?), *not* seeing the boys outside wouldn't be that unusual if the weather was bad *and* they had been kept inside and out of sight for a while before bad weather set in and they were smuggled out, but *would* be noticed when the weather improved - after Easter 1484.
> Or am I pushing too hard?
Carol responds:
You're not pushing too hard! :-) Both Claire and I referred to bad weather. She talked about the muggy summers, but since the boys, per Croyland, were in the Tower under heavy security as of the date of EoM's investiture as Prince of Wales (September 8), that lets out summer weather. However, severe winter weather would be a reason to be kept inside, and it seems logical that their absence was noticed only in mid-April when the weather became somewhat milder, especially since April 18, the date of Easter in 1484, was really April 30 by our calendar.
That aside, we need to pull an Annette Carson and look at dates. The attempt to rescue the "princes" occurred before July 29 (the date of the "fact of an enterprise" letter to Bishop Russell, but Richard didn't send Tyrrell to London (officially to the Wardrobe to bring robes for the investiture of Prince Edward) until the first week of September. I don't have the exact date, but he would have had to leave York, conduct whatever business he had with the Wardrobe, possibly visit Brackenbury in the Tower, and return before the investiture on September 8--at which point, according to Croyland, "the two sons of king Edward before-named remained in the Tower of London, in the custody of certain persons appointed for that purpose. In order to deliver them from this captivity, the people of the southern and western parts of the kingdom began to murmur greatly, and to form meetings and confederacies."
So, setting aside the earlier "enterprise," new plots were being made in early September to free the "princes," which would explain the need for greater security mentioned in passing by Croyland. The rumors that "the sons of king Edward before-named had died a violent death, but it was uncertain how" apparently arose in early October at about the time of Buckingham's rebellion. A similar rumor doesn't arise in London until mid-April of the next year.
Or, in outline form:
Late July: An attempt is (apparently) made to rescue the "princes" but the perpetrators are caught and dealt with.
July 29: Richard writes to Bishop Russell about "the fact of an enterprise" (this same conspiracy).
Early September: Tyrrell arrives in London and returns to York.
September 8: Investiture of Prince Edward. The sons of E4 remain in "captivity" in the Tower.
October: Rumors arise that the boys have been killed (spread by Tudor allies to deflect supporters of EV from their "rescue" attempts.
After April 18: Rumors in London that the boys are dead.
That leaves mid-September through mid-April for the boys to be removed from the Tower for their safety, with October (when the first rumors of their deaths arose) being perhaps the most likely time. Who could have spread them is unclear though Buckingham or Morton seems probable.
Carol
> Rather than Tyrell seeing to increased security because of a rebellion, could the increased security have been due to Richard having just been informed by Russell about the "rescue" attempt? And it was *then*, sometime in September 1483, that the boys were moved - to Gipping? Or, at the very least, that was when Tyrell made the arrangements? I would think moving the boys anytime during a stretch of bad weather would increase the chances of them not being recognized, bundled up and all among a group of "henchmen"..
> And then, as someone pointed out (you? Claire?), *not* seeing the boys outside wouldn't be that unusual if the weather was bad *and* they had been kept inside and out of sight for a while before bad weather set in and they were smuggled out, but *would* be noticed when the weather improved - after Easter 1484.
> Or am I pushing too hard?
Carol responds:
You're not pushing too hard! :-) Both Claire and I referred to bad weather. She talked about the muggy summers, but since the boys, per Croyland, were in the Tower under heavy security as of the date of EoM's investiture as Prince of Wales (September 8), that lets out summer weather. However, severe winter weather would be a reason to be kept inside, and it seems logical that their absence was noticed only in mid-April when the weather became somewhat milder, especially since April 18, the date of Easter in 1484, was really April 30 by our calendar.
That aside, we need to pull an Annette Carson and look at dates. The attempt to rescue the "princes" occurred before July 29 (the date of the "fact of an enterprise" letter to Bishop Russell, but Richard didn't send Tyrrell to London (officially to the Wardrobe to bring robes for the investiture of Prince Edward) until the first week of September. I don't have the exact date, but he would have had to leave York, conduct whatever business he had with the Wardrobe, possibly visit Brackenbury in the Tower, and return before the investiture on September 8--at which point, according to Croyland, "the two sons of king Edward before-named remained in the Tower of London, in the custody of certain persons appointed for that purpose. In order to deliver them from this captivity, the people of the southern and western parts of the kingdom began to murmur greatly, and to form meetings and confederacies."
So, setting aside the earlier "enterprise," new plots were being made in early September to free the "princes," which would explain the need for greater security mentioned in passing by Croyland. The rumors that "the sons of king Edward before-named had died a violent death, but it was uncertain how" apparently arose in early October at about the time of Buckingham's rebellion. A similar rumor doesn't arise in London until mid-April of the next year.
Or, in outline form:
Late July: An attempt is (apparently) made to rescue the "princes" but the perpetrators are caught and dealt with.
July 29: Richard writes to Bishop Russell about "the fact of an enterprise" (this same conspiracy).
Early September: Tyrrell arrives in London and returns to York.
September 8: Investiture of Prince Edward. The sons of E4 remain in "captivity" in the Tower.
October: Rumors arise that the boys have been killed (spread by Tudor allies to deflect supporters of EV from their "rescue" attempts.
After April 18: Rumors in London that the boys are dead.
That leaves mid-September through mid-April for the boys to be removed from the Tower for their safety, with October (when the first rumors of their deaths arose) being perhaps the most likely time. Who could have spread them is unclear though Buckingham or Morton seems probable.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-16 18:12:52
I think we were originally trying to figure out how close Windsor and London were, to ascertain if Buckingham "lingered" in London, how long would it take him to get to Windsor IF he was to join Richard when he left from Windsor on his progress.
Richard visited Oxford first on his progress, and the list of men with him there doesn't include Buckingham. Some sources have Buckingham meeting up with Richard at Gloucester and then going on to Brecon, and not being with Richard at all on the progress itself.
I don't think Buckingham would have traveled alone in any case, so I'm thinking his speed of travel would have been at an amble, the better for those along the way to view the magnificence of his household?
~Weds
--- In , A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...> wrote:
>
> Probably some can do 21 miles. However, given the state of the roads & the
> actual times that are reported for travel, a trotting pace for longer
> distances seems much more likely. I'm also not sure that if a rider needed
> to accomplish a given distance in a given amount of time, he would push his
> horse to the point of drop-dead exhaustion. Someone who knew his
> "equipment" (in this case his transport) I'd expect to understand the
> limitations & work within them. Why do we need the trip from Charing Cross
> to be fast & how fast are you trying to make it?
>
> A J
Richard visited Oxford first on his progress, and the list of men with him there doesn't include Buckingham. Some sources have Buckingham meeting up with Richard at Gloucester and then going on to Brecon, and not being with Richard at all on the progress itself.
I don't think Buckingham would have traveled alone in any case, so I'm thinking his speed of travel would have been at an amble, the better for those along the way to view the magnificence of his household?
~Weds
--- In , A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...> wrote:
>
> Probably some can do 21 miles. However, given the state of the roads & the
> actual times that are reported for travel, a trotting pace for longer
> distances seems much more likely. I'm also not sure that if a rider needed
> to accomplish a given distance in a given amount of time, he would push his
> horse to the point of drop-dead exhaustion. Someone who knew his
> "equipment" (in this case his transport) I'd expect to understand the
> limitations & work within them. Why do we need the trip from Charing Cross
> to be fast & how fast are you trying to make it?
>
> A J
Knightly education (Was: Disappearance)
2013-05-16 18:13:29
--- In , Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
>
> And go on another hundred years to the Civil War when Charles I was present at Edgehill and Naseby (and led a charge with his Lifeguard at Naseby), albeit not leading the front line (but his nephew Prince Rupert was) or to William III, whose career was as a soldier and George II who was the last king to lead his troups into battle at Dettingen. Even now the traditional career for our monarchy is the army or the navy. But as Jonathan says, they have learned from Bosworth to keep away from the front line (though Prince Harry might not agree).Â
Carol responds:
Right. But I was thinking specifically of a *knightly* education like that Richard received, which included, according to Kendall, riding; mock fighting on foot with "sword, dagger, and battle-axe"; hunting; and "the polite arts of harping, singing, piping, and dancing" (52). That, of course, doesn't include his other training in French, Latin, calligraphy(?), and government or law.
In other words, would the training that knights and lords of Richard's time be obsolete in the next generation, or did, say, the future Henry VIII receive an education similar to Richard's?
Carol
>
> And go on another hundred years to the Civil War when Charles I was present at Edgehill and Naseby (and led a charge with his Lifeguard at Naseby), albeit not leading the front line (but his nephew Prince Rupert was) or to William III, whose career was as a soldier and George II who was the last king to lead his troups into battle at Dettingen. Even now the traditional career for our monarchy is the army or the navy. But as Jonathan says, they have learned from Bosworth to keep away from the front line (though Prince Harry might not agree).Â
Carol responds:
Right. But I was thinking specifically of a *knightly* education like that Richard received, which included, according to Kendall, riding; mock fighting on foot with "sword, dagger, and battle-axe"; hunting; and "the polite arts of harping, singing, piping, and dancing" (52). That, of course, doesn't include his other training in French, Latin, calligraphy(?), and government or law.
In other words, would the training that knights and lords of Richard's time be obsolete in the next generation, or did, say, the future Henry VIII receive an education similar to Richard's?
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-16 18:20:46
Do we have any actual evidence relating to people I'd think were meant to
be invisible - like servants, support staff at the Tower, clerics
(confessors), other medical staff - as to how they were "vetted" & allowed
access?
A J
On Thu, May 16, 2013 at 10:49 AM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
> Paul Trevor Bale wrote:
>
> > [snip] Who you ask had access to the sons of Edward at the Tower?
> > Without a royal warrant I imagine not even their other uncle Buckingham,
> via Brackenbury who was in charge of the Tower and all its numerous
> personnel. [snip] Nobody would get past Brackenbury to the boys without a
> royal warrant.
> >
> > And I mean no-one. Not Buckingham, certainly not Margaret Beaufort, who
> was supposedly under house arrest with her husband, who had, in my mind
> unbelievably, been made Constable by Richard. [snip]
>
> Carol responds:
>
> Er, not quite. *Buckingham* had been made constable by Richard, which
> means that he, if anyone, could get by Brackenbury without a royal warrant.
> But if we trust the dates for commissions of the peace, etc., Buckingham
> was in London around August 28 (the last of the commissions of the peace)
> and presumably on his way to Brecon before Tyrrell arrived in London (and
> may or may not have visited Brackenbury in the Tower) around September 3
> and before the last day when the boys were reported to be in the Tower
> under secure guard, September 8 (Croyland).
>
> All of this suggests that neither Buckingham nor Tyrrell (nor anyone else)
> killed the "princes."
>
> I agree with you one hundred percent that "gentle Brackenbury" would never
> have fought and died for Richard at Bosworth had Richard ordered the murder
> of his nephews. I *suspect* that he would not have allowed anyone, even the
> Constable of England, access to the Tower without his being also present,
> but, that aside, the boys were clearly alive the last time that Buckingham
> was supposed to be in London.
>
> Carol
>
>
>
be invisible - like servants, support staff at the Tower, clerics
(confessors), other medical staff - as to how they were "vetted" & allowed
access?
A J
On Thu, May 16, 2013 at 10:49 AM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
> Paul Trevor Bale wrote:
>
> > [snip] Who you ask had access to the sons of Edward at the Tower?
> > Without a royal warrant I imagine not even their other uncle Buckingham,
> via Brackenbury who was in charge of the Tower and all its numerous
> personnel. [snip] Nobody would get past Brackenbury to the boys without a
> royal warrant.
> >
> > And I mean no-one. Not Buckingham, certainly not Margaret Beaufort, who
> was supposedly under house arrest with her husband, who had, in my mind
> unbelievably, been made Constable by Richard. [snip]
>
> Carol responds:
>
> Er, not quite. *Buckingham* had been made constable by Richard, which
> means that he, if anyone, could get by Brackenbury without a royal warrant.
> But if we trust the dates for commissions of the peace, etc., Buckingham
> was in London around August 28 (the last of the commissions of the peace)
> and presumably on his way to Brecon before Tyrrell arrived in London (and
> may or may not have visited Brackenbury in the Tower) around September 3
> and before the last day when the boys were reported to be in the Tower
> under secure guard, September 8 (Croyland).
>
> All of this suggests that neither Buckingham nor Tyrrell (nor anyone else)
> killed the "princes."
>
> I agree with you one hundred percent that "gentle Brackenbury" would never
> have fought and died for Richard at Bosworth had Richard ordered the murder
> of his nephews. I *suspect* that he would not have allowed anyone, even the
> Constable of England, access to the Tower without his being also present,
> but, that aside, the boys were clearly alive the last time that Buckingham
> was supposed to be in London.
>
> Carol
>
>
>
Re: Knightly education (Was: Disappearance)
2013-05-16 18:47:19
In one word yes, but with even greater emphasis on what we would now call the arts and philosophy. David Starkey (sorry but he's good on Henry) devotes a whole chapter to this in Henry Virtuous Prince, who began his education at the age of four.
________________________________
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
To:
Sent: Thursday, 16 May 2013, 18:13
Subject: Knightly education (Was: Disappearance)
--- In , Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
>
> And go on another hundred years to the Civil War when Charles I was present at Edgehill and Naseby (and led a charge with his Lifeguard at Naseby), albeit not leading the front line (but his nephew Prince Rupert was) or to William III, whose career was as a soldier and George II who was the last king to lead his troups into battle at Dettingen. Even now the traditional career for our monarchy is the army or the navy. But as Jonathan says, they have learned from Bosworth to keep away from the front line (though Prince Harry might not agree).Â
Carol responds:
Right. But I was thinking specifically of a *knightly* education like that Richard received, which included, according to Kendall, riding; mock fighting on foot with "sword, dagger, and battle-axe"; hunting; and "the polite arts of harping, singing, piping, and dancing" (52). That, of course, doesn't include his other training in French, Latin, calligraphy(?), and government or law.
In other words, would the training that knights and lords of Richard's time be obsolete in the next generation, or did, say, the future Henry VIII receive an education similar to Richard's?
Carol
________________________________
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
To:
Sent: Thursday, 16 May 2013, 18:13
Subject: Knightly education (Was: Disappearance)
--- In , Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
>
> And go on another hundred years to the Civil War when Charles I was present at Edgehill and Naseby (and led a charge with his Lifeguard at Naseby), albeit not leading the front line (but his nephew Prince Rupert was) or to William III, whose career was as a soldier and George II who was the last king to lead his troups into battle at Dettingen. Even now the traditional career for our monarchy is the army or the navy. But as Jonathan says, they have learned from Bosworth to keep away from the front line (though Prince Harry might not agree).Â
Carol responds:
Right. But I was thinking specifically of a *knightly* education like that Richard received, which included, according to Kendall, riding; mock fighting on foot with "sword, dagger, and battle-axe"; hunting; and "the polite arts of harping, singing, piping, and dancing" (52). That, of course, doesn't include his other training in French, Latin, calligraphy(?), and government or law.
In other words, would the training that knights and lords of Richard's time be obsolete in the next generation, or did, say, the future Henry VIII receive an education similar to Richard's?
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-16 18:47:26
Considering that large armies often didn't travel faster than their slowest pack animals (didn't want to get too far ahead of your oxen-pulled supply wagons), it was considered good progress to make twenty or even ten miles in a day. Really big armies often didn't go more than five miles in a day.
Tamara
-----Original Message-----
From: wednesday.mac@...
To: <>
Sent: Thu, May 16, 2013 7:41 am
Subject: Re: Disappearance
The rider also has to consider the condition of the roads. If its rutted, you go
slower or ride on the verge. If it's got puddles or is muddy, you also go
slower, all in an effort to prevent your horse pulling a tendon or coming up
lame in other ways. You couldn't trot or canter the horse the whole way (unless
it were a gaited horse like an Icelandic which is pretty much indestructible and
thrives on that sort of thing. Hah, I can just see Buckingham on one of those.)
A horse walks about 4 mph, so at a fair guess given the condition of the roads,
I'd keep him at 4-5 mph on average. Especially given that the road was probably
heavily traveled and likely a mess whether wet or dry?
That's also assuming Buckingham was traveling alone, without his retinue,
furniture, kitchen sink, bed, gewgaws, etc.
At this point, I'm squinting at the 4-5 hour journey and thinking Buckingham
didn't leave with Richard from Windsor. But that's assumption....bah.
--- In , khafara@... wrote:
>
>
> I take that back -- it'd be a five-hour trip at a walking gait, three hours
by fast trot, and that'd be about as fast as a horse could go without needing to
stop for rest. Horses can't sustain gallop speeds for more than two miles at a
time before they must rest and stay rested for a few hours:
>
> http://speedofanimals.com/animals/horse
>
> http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Horse_gait
>
> Tamara
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
Tamara
-----Original Message-----
From: wednesday.mac@...
To: <>
Sent: Thu, May 16, 2013 7:41 am
Subject: Re: Disappearance
The rider also has to consider the condition of the roads. If its rutted, you go
slower or ride on the verge. If it's got puddles or is muddy, you also go
slower, all in an effort to prevent your horse pulling a tendon or coming up
lame in other ways. You couldn't trot or canter the horse the whole way (unless
it were a gaited horse like an Icelandic which is pretty much indestructible and
thrives on that sort of thing. Hah, I can just see Buckingham on one of those.)
A horse walks about 4 mph, so at a fair guess given the condition of the roads,
I'd keep him at 4-5 mph on average. Especially given that the road was probably
heavily traveled and likely a mess whether wet or dry?
That's also assuming Buckingham was traveling alone, without his retinue,
furniture, kitchen sink, bed, gewgaws, etc.
At this point, I'm squinting at the 4-5 hour journey and thinking Buckingham
didn't leave with Richard from Windsor. But that's assumption....bah.
--- In , khafara@... wrote:
>
>
> I take that back -- it'd be a five-hour trip at a walking gait, three hours
by fast trot, and that'd be about as fast as a horse could go without needing to
stop for rest. Horses can't sustain gallop speeds for more than two miles at a
time before they must rest and stay rested for a few hours:
>
> http://speedofanimals.com/animals/horse
>
> http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Horse_gait
>
> Tamara
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-16 18:47:34
Considering that large armies often didn't travel faster than their slowest pack animals (didn't want to get too far ahead of your oxen-pulled supply wagons), it was considered good progress to make twenty or even ten miles in a day. Really big armies often didn't go more than five miles in a day.
Tamara
-----Original Message-----
From: wednesday.mac@...
To: <>
Sent: Thu, May 16, 2013 7:41 am
Subject: Re: Disappearance
The rider also has to consider the condition of the roads. If its rutted, you go
slower or ride on the verge. If it's got puddles or is muddy, you also go
slower, all in an effort to prevent your horse pulling a tendon or coming up
lame in other ways. You couldn't trot or canter the horse the whole way (unless
it were a gaited horse like an Icelandic which is pretty much indestructible and
thrives on that sort of thing. Hah, I can just see Buckingham on one of those.)
A horse walks about 4 mph, so at a fair guess given the condition of the roads,
I'd keep him at 4-5 mph on average. Especially given that the road was probably
heavily traveled and likely a mess whether wet or dry?
That's also assuming Buckingham was traveling alone, without his retinue,
furniture, kitchen sink, bed, gewgaws, etc.
At this point, I'm squinting at the 4-5 hour journey and thinking Buckingham
didn't leave with Richard from Windsor. But that's assumption....bah.
--- In , khafara@... wrote:
>
>
> I take that back -- it'd be a five-hour trip at a walking gait, three hours
by fast trot, and that'd be about as fast as a horse could go without needing to
stop for rest. Horses can't sustain gallop speeds for more than two miles at a
time before they must rest and stay rested for a few hours:
>
> http://speedofanimals.com/animals/horse
>
> http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Horse_gait
>
> Tamara
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
Tamara
-----Original Message-----
From: wednesday.mac@...
To: <>
Sent: Thu, May 16, 2013 7:41 am
Subject: Re: Disappearance
The rider also has to consider the condition of the roads. If its rutted, you go
slower or ride on the verge. If it's got puddles or is muddy, you also go
slower, all in an effort to prevent your horse pulling a tendon or coming up
lame in other ways. You couldn't trot or canter the horse the whole way (unless
it were a gaited horse like an Icelandic which is pretty much indestructible and
thrives on that sort of thing. Hah, I can just see Buckingham on one of those.)
A horse walks about 4 mph, so at a fair guess given the condition of the roads,
I'd keep him at 4-5 mph on average. Especially given that the road was probably
heavily traveled and likely a mess whether wet or dry?
That's also assuming Buckingham was traveling alone, without his retinue,
furniture, kitchen sink, bed, gewgaws, etc.
At this point, I'm squinting at the 4-5 hour journey and thinking Buckingham
didn't leave with Richard from Windsor. But that's assumption....bah.
--- In , khafara@... wrote:
>
>
> I take that back -- it'd be a five-hour trip at a walking gait, three hours
by fast trot, and that'd be about as fast as a horse could go without needing to
stop for rest. Horses can't sustain gallop speeds for more than two miles at a
time before they must rest and stay rested for a few hours:
>
> http://speedofanimals.com/animals/horse
>
> http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Horse_gait
>
> Tamara
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-16 20:13:48
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 6:03 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> You're not pushing too hard! :-) Both Claire and I referred to bad
> weather. She talked about the muggy summers, but since the boys, per
> Croyland, were in the Tower under heavy security as of the date of EoM's
> investiture as Prince of Wales (September 8), that lets out summer
> weather.
But September weather can be very hot - depending on the year, September can
be more unpleasant than August, being just as hot but also soggier.
Of course, some years September is quite cool and fresh - but this was a
very wet year, so September by the Thames was probably muggy and moist and
even malarial.
To:
Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 6:03 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> You're not pushing too hard! :-) Both Claire and I referred to bad
> weather. She talked about the muggy summers, but since the boys, per
> Croyland, were in the Tower under heavy security as of the date of EoM's
> investiture as Prince of Wales (September 8), that lets out summer
> weather.
But September weather can be very hot - depending on the year, September can
be more unpleasant than August, being just as hot but also soggier.
Of course, some years September is quite cool and fresh - but this was a
very wet year, so September by the Thames was probably muggy and moist and
even malarial.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 00:10:16
Carol earlier:
> > I suspect that B. knew about the bodyguard that the chronicler mentions, and it's quite possible that the boys *had* been moved deeper into the Tower for their own safety.
Claire responded:
> That comes from Mancini, right? I've been wondering what "deeper into the Tower" actually means. Maybe that they were moved to the White Tower - which is close to the centre of the compound - rathjer than one of the buildings nearer the edge. But the garden/green is all one open space as far as I can see, so if they came outside at all they'd be visible from the surrounding walls, as much if they were living in the White Tower as if they were in one of the other buildings.
>
> Maybe Mancini said something a bit different and it's been mistranslated.
> Or maybe Mancini himself misunderstood what Dr Argentine said.
Carol again:
Maybe. Here's what Mancini actually said (copied from a source who quotes him since Mancini's book is not online):
"He [Edward] and his brother were withdrawn into the inner apartments of the Tower proper, and day by day began to be seen more rarely behind the bars and windows, till at length they ceased to appear altogether. A Strasbourg doctor, the last of his attendants, whose services the King enjoyed, reported that the young King, like a victim prepared for sacrifice, sought remission of his sins by daily confession and penance, because he believed that death was facing him. Already there was a suspicion that he had been done away with. Whether however, he has been done away with, and by what manner of death, so far I have not at all discovered."
Note that he was writing in December 1483, from hearsay, having left England before Richard's coronation--at a time when the boys certainly had not been withdrawn anywhere and were still being seen "shotying and playing" in the Tower Garden. Also, "Strasbourg doctor" has been taken to mean Dr. Argentine, but Argentine was English, another indication of Mancini's unreliability. I don't know the date when Dr. Argentine was dismissed, but it might help a little, setting aside the bias and assumptions in this second- or third-hand report. But note that the rumors Mancini has heard relate only to Edward and not to his younger brother. (Exactly what the point of killing only one brother would be, I don't know.)
Croyland, for comparison, has them "in the Tower of London, in the custody of certain persons appointed for that purpose," while various malcontents (at this point presumably Woodville supporters) plotted to "deliver them from this captivity." How widespread these rebellions were is unclear, but they probably involved no more than a few hundred people, most of them attainted and then pardoned after Buckingham's rebellion. Only a few, including Buckingham himself and Thomas St. Leger, were executed. These same few hundred, plus a limited number of new recruits, were all the Englishmen who fought against Richard at Bosworth. It's important (I'm actually speaking to Sandra here) not to let Croyland or later sources lead us into thinking that the whole kingdom was up in arms against Richard. The towns along the route of the progress had as opposite a reaction as is humanly possible, and even in the southern counties, the size of the rebellion was limited. It's interesting that both the Staffords and the Vaughns voluntarily worked to thwart Buckingham.
Carol
> > I suspect that B. knew about the bodyguard that the chronicler mentions, and it's quite possible that the boys *had* been moved deeper into the Tower for their own safety.
Claire responded:
> That comes from Mancini, right? I've been wondering what "deeper into the Tower" actually means. Maybe that they were moved to the White Tower - which is close to the centre of the compound - rathjer than one of the buildings nearer the edge. But the garden/green is all one open space as far as I can see, so if they came outside at all they'd be visible from the surrounding walls, as much if they were living in the White Tower as if they were in one of the other buildings.
>
> Maybe Mancini said something a bit different and it's been mistranslated.
> Or maybe Mancini himself misunderstood what Dr Argentine said.
Carol again:
Maybe. Here's what Mancini actually said (copied from a source who quotes him since Mancini's book is not online):
"He [Edward] and his brother were withdrawn into the inner apartments of the Tower proper, and day by day began to be seen more rarely behind the bars and windows, till at length they ceased to appear altogether. A Strasbourg doctor, the last of his attendants, whose services the King enjoyed, reported that the young King, like a victim prepared for sacrifice, sought remission of his sins by daily confession and penance, because he believed that death was facing him. Already there was a suspicion that he had been done away with. Whether however, he has been done away with, and by what manner of death, so far I have not at all discovered."
Note that he was writing in December 1483, from hearsay, having left England before Richard's coronation--at a time when the boys certainly had not been withdrawn anywhere and were still being seen "shotying and playing" in the Tower Garden. Also, "Strasbourg doctor" has been taken to mean Dr. Argentine, but Argentine was English, another indication of Mancini's unreliability. I don't know the date when Dr. Argentine was dismissed, but it might help a little, setting aside the bias and assumptions in this second- or third-hand report. But note that the rumors Mancini has heard relate only to Edward and not to his younger brother. (Exactly what the point of killing only one brother would be, I don't know.)
Croyland, for comparison, has them "in the Tower of London, in the custody of certain persons appointed for that purpose," while various malcontents (at this point presumably Woodville supporters) plotted to "deliver them from this captivity." How widespread these rebellions were is unclear, but they probably involved no more than a few hundred people, most of them attainted and then pardoned after Buckingham's rebellion. Only a few, including Buckingham himself and Thomas St. Leger, were executed. These same few hundred, plus a limited number of new recruits, were all the Englishmen who fought against Richard at Bosworth. It's important (I'm actually speaking to Sandra here) not to let Croyland or later sources lead us into thinking that the whole kingdom was up in arms against Richard. The towns along the route of the progress had as opposite a reaction as is humanly possible, and even in the southern counties, the size of the rebellion was limited. It's interesting that both the Staffords and the Vaughns voluntarily worked to thwart Buckingham.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 03:29:35
This would have been right as the rivers feeding the Thames at London were
first being covered over -- I seem to recall that this work started in the
1400s -- but even with that going on the marshes were still there and
wouldn't be drained and turned into dry (ish) land for another four centuries
yet.
If malaria didn't run rampant -- and being that this was near the tail end
of the Little Ice Age, my guess is it wasn't as big an issue in Britain as
it was in Italy -- other diseases borne of overcrowding and a
Church-ordered contempt for soap and water (because of course only pagans like the
ancient Greeks and Romans were so depraved as to bathe every day, those
body-obsessed heathens) would be making summers and early falls in 15th C. London
pretty miserable.
Tamara
In a message dated 5/16/2013 2:13:52 P.M. Central Daylight Time,
whitehound@... writes:
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 6:03 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> You're not pushing too hard! :-) Both Claire and I referred to bad
> weather. She talked about the muggy summers, but since the boys, per
> Croyland, were in the Tower under heavy security as of the date of EoM's
> investiture as Prince of Wales (September 8), that lets out summer
> weather.
But September weather can be very hot - depending on the year, September
can
be more unpleasant than August, being just as hot but also soggier.
Of course, some years September is quite cool and fresh - but this was a
very wet year, so September by the Thames was probably muggy and moist and
even malarial.
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
first being covered over -- I seem to recall that this work started in the
1400s -- but even with that going on the marshes were still there and
wouldn't be drained and turned into dry (ish) land for another four centuries
yet.
If malaria didn't run rampant -- and being that this was near the tail end
of the Little Ice Age, my guess is it wasn't as big an issue in Britain as
it was in Italy -- other diseases borne of overcrowding and a
Church-ordered contempt for soap and water (because of course only pagans like the
ancient Greeks and Romans were so depraved as to bathe every day, those
body-obsessed heathens) would be making summers and early falls in 15th C. London
pretty miserable.
Tamara
In a message dated 5/16/2013 2:13:52 P.M. Central Daylight Time,
whitehound@... writes:
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 6:03 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> You're not pushing too hard! :-) Both Claire and I referred to bad
> weather. She talked about the muggy summers, but since the boys, per
> Croyland, were in the Tower under heavy security as of the date of EoM's
> investiture as Prince of Wales (September 8), that lets out summer
> weather.
But September weather can be very hot - depending on the year, September
can
be more unpleasant than August, being just as hot but also soggier.
Of course, some years September is quite cool and fresh - but this was a
very wet year, so September by the Thames was probably muggy and moist and
even malarial.
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 06:11:35
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 12:10 AM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> "He [Edward] and his brother were withdrawn into the inner apartments of
> the Tower proper,
Riught, well the "Tower proper" almost certainly means the White Tower.
That's the Tower of London itself, built iirc on the site of a pre-existing
wooden fortification, which itself was built over the spot where the head of
Bran the Blessed was buried. "Inner apartments" might refer to the White
Tower being at the centre of the compopind, or it might mean inwards of the
White Tower itself. I'm not sure how apartments at the core of the White
Tower would be lit - it doesn't seem to have any sort of central light-well,
and the boys were seen at the windows so they had access to the outer skin
of the tower.
Maybe this is a confusion - the safest apartments in the White Tower would
probably be upper, not inner.
> and day by day began to be seen more rarely behind the bars and windows,
> till at length they ceased to appear altogether.
This progressive withdrawal doesn't really sound like the result of being
imprisoned, does it? I suppose a traditionalist would say they were being
kept prisoner and allowed less and less access to windowed rooms - but why?
It's not like they could climb down a knotted sheet and escape in full view
of the surrounding buildings. If it was to accustom people to the idea of
them suddenly not being there at all, it would be far simpler and less
suspect just to announce that they were moving to the countryside. It
sounds much more like the boys themselves became ill, or they didn't want to
come to the window any more.
I think you must be right about wintry weather - there probably wouldn't be
glass in the windows, so the colder and wetter it got the less they would
want to come and look out of the windows, because doing so would mean a face
full of wind and rain (whereas if it had been a hot autumn they would have
been staying at the windows to get fresh air, unless the river was really
stinking). There might be horn shutters to let in light but keep out the
rain - but with horn in place they wouldn't be seen anyway, except as dim
shadows.
And of course, very heavy rainfall usually comes with strong winds as well
and that again would ex-plain why they were no longer outside playing - not
just because they didn't want to be soaked but because there's no point
trying to kick a ball or fire an arrow at a target in a high wind.
> A Strasbourg doctor, the last of his attendants, whose services the King
> enjoyed, reported that the young King, like a victim prepared for
> sacrifice, sought remission of his sins by daily confession and penance,
> because he believed that death was facing him.
He'd lost his father, half-brother and uncle, his home, his career and much
of his identity, and learned that his father had deceived and betrayed his
mother, all within a few weeks - it's not surprising if he was depressed.
> Already there was a suspicion that he had been done away with.
Now that *sounds* as though he's saying that the reports of Edward's
depression and the suspicion that he had been done away with where
concurrent, and occurred while the doctor was still attending him. I
suppose he's assumed to mean that the doctor left the boy's service and came
to Italy and reported about his status, and then there was a rumour the boy
had been killed - but it doesn't really sound like that.
> Also, "Strasbourg doctor" has been taken to mean Dr. Argentine, but
> Argentine was English, another indication of Mancini's unreliability.
Or it's not Argentine he's referring to, or it is Argentine and he means
that he was trained in Strasbourg. Do we know where Argentine was trained?
Was there a medical school in Strasbourg?
> It's important (I'm actually speaking to Sandra here) not to let Croyland
> or later sources lead us into thinking that the whole kingdom was up in
> arms against Richard. The towns along the route of the progress had as
> opposite a reaction as is humanly possible,
There's a contemporary report saying that he delighted the people wherever
he went on his progress, more than any other king. Another, referring to
Bosworth, says something to the effect that never before had so many people
come together to defend a single man.
> and even in the southern counties, the size of the rebellion was limited.
As I've said before, Kent seems to have rebelled against pretty-much every
king that came along, because the importance of Kent as both a food- and
ship-producing area was so great (not for nothing is Kent called "the Garden
of England") that rather than antagonise them each king they rebelled
against would bribe them to shut up by granting them another round of
privileges. [I couldn't name the sources for this opinion now - I just
remember when I used to live just outside Favcersham in the early '80s,
reading books on local history and mentally noting a succession of
rebellions and bribes.]
To:
Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 12:10 AM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> "He [Edward] and his brother were withdrawn into the inner apartments of
> the Tower proper,
Riught, well the "Tower proper" almost certainly means the White Tower.
That's the Tower of London itself, built iirc on the site of a pre-existing
wooden fortification, which itself was built over the spot where the head of
Bran the Blessed was buried. "Inner apartments" might refer to the White
Tower being at the centre of the compopind, or it might mean inwards of the
White Tower itself. I'm not sure how apartments at the core of the White
Tower would be lit - it doesn't seem to have any sort of central light-well,
and the boys were seen at the windows so they had access to the outer skin
of the tower.
Maybe this is a confusion - the safest apartments in the White Tower would
probably be upper, not inner.
> and day by day began to be seen more rarely behind the bars and windows,
> till at length they ceased to appear altogether.
This progressive withdrawal doesn't really sound like the result of being
imprisoned, does it? I suppose a traditionalist would say they were being
kept prisoner and allowed less and less access to windowed rooms - but why?
It's not like they could climb down a knotted sheet and escape in full view
of the surrounding buildings. If it was to accustom people to the idea of
them suddenly not being there at all, it would be far simpler and less
suspect just to announce that they were moving to the countryside. It
sounds much more like the boys themselves became ill, or they didn't want to
come to the window any more.
I think you must be right about wintry weather - there probably wouldn't be
glass in the windows, so the colder and wetter it got the less they would
want to come and look out of the windows, because doing so would mean a face
full of wind and rain (whereas if it had been a hot autumn they would have
been staying at the windows to get fresh air, unless the river was really
stinking). There might be horn shutters to let in light but keep out the
rain - but with horn in place they wouldn't be seen anyway, except as dim
shadows.
And of course, very heavy rainfall usually comes with strong winds as well
and that again would ex-plain why they were no longer outside playing - not
just because they didn't want to be soaked but because there's no point
trying to kick a ball or fire an arrow at a target in a high wind.
> A Strasbourg doctor, the last of his attendants, whose services the King
> enjoyed, reported that the young King, like a victim prepared for
> sacrifice, sought remission of his sins by daily confession and penance,
> because he believed that death was facing him.
He'd lost his father, half-brother and uncle, his home, his career and much
of his identity, and learned that his father had deceived and betrayed his
mother, all within a few weeks - it's not surprising if he was depressed.
> Already there was a suspicion that he had been done away with.
Now that *sounds* as though he's saying that the reports of Edward's
depression and the suspicion that he had been done away with where
concurrent, and occurred while the doctor was still attending him. I
suppose he's assumed to mean that the doctor left the boy's service and came
to Italy and reported about his status, and then there was a rumour the boy
had been killed - but it doesn't really sound like that.
> Also, "Strasbourg doctor" has been taken to mean Dr. Argentine, but
> Argentine was English, another indication of Mancini's unreliability.
Or it's not Argentine he's referring to, or it is Argentine and he means
that he was trained in Strasbourg. Do we know where Argentine was trained?
Was there a medical school in Strasbourg?
> It's important (I'm actually speaking to Sandra here) not to let Croyland
> or later sources lead us into thinking that the whole kingdom was up in
> arms against Richard. The towns along the route of the progress had as
> opposite a reaction as is humanly possible,
There's a contemporary report saying that he delighted the people wherever
he went on his progress, more than any other king. Another, referring to
Bosworth, says something to the effect that never before had so many people
come together to defend a single man.
> and even in the southern counties, the size of the rebellion was limited.
As I've said before, Kent seems to have rebelled against pretty-much every
king that came along, because the importance of Kent as both a food- and
ship-producing area was so great (not for nothing is Kent called "the Garden
of England") that rather than antagonise them each king they rebelled
against would bribe them to shut up by granting them another round of
privileges. [I couldn't name the sources for this opinion now - I just
remember when I used to live just outside Favcersham in the early '80s,
reading books on local history and mentally noting a succession of
rebellions and bribes.]
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 11:12:08
Hi, Carol -
In her analysis of Mancini, Annette Carson in *The Maligned King,* at pg.
144 of the original edition, considers the question of when Dr. Argentine
last saw the princes. She speculates that Mancini met Dr. Argentine between
July and December 1483, and says that it was from Dr. Argentine that Mancini
got the information on "Edward's appearance, accomplishments, state of mind
and location when last seen." Carson states that most of Edward's attendants
were replaced in mid-June, with Dr. Argentine being the last of the original
attendants to leave Edward's service. Carson further estimates that the
boys' were removed to the 'inner apartments of the Tower proper' (to use
Mancini's words), which she identifies with the White Tower, in probably the
second to third week of July, when there was a plot to remove them that was
reported by Stow. Carson further speculates that Dr. A. probably last saw
the boys in late July or early August, when the John Welles conspiracy was
discovered.
Hope this helps!
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of justcarol67
Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 8:10 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Carol earlier:
> > I suspect that B. knew about the bodyguard that the chronicler mentions,
and it's quite possible that the boys *had* been moved deeper into the Tower
for their own safety.
Claire responded:
> That comes from Mancini, right? I've been wondering what "deeper into the
Tower" actually means. Maybe that they were moved to the White Tower - which
is close to the centre of the compound - rathjer than one of the buildings
nearer the edge. But the garden/green is all one open space as far as I can
see, so if they came outside at all they'd be visible from the surrounding
walls, as much if they were living in the White Tower as if they were in one
of the other buildings.
>
> Maybe Mancini said something a bit different and it's been mistranslated.
> Or maybe Mancini himself misunderstood what Dr Argentine said.
Carol again:
Maybe. Here's what Mancini actually said (copied from a source who quotes
him since Mancini's book is not online):
"He [Edward] and his brother were withdrawn into the inner apartments of the
Tower proper, and day by day began to be seen more rarely behind the bars
and windows, till at length they ceased to appear altogether. A Strasbourg
doctor, the last of his attendants, whose services the King enjoyed,
reported that the young King, like a victim prepared for sacrifice, sought
remission of his sins by daily confession and penance, because he believed
that death was facing him. Already there was a suspicion that he had been
done away with. Whether however, he has been done away with, and by what
manner of death, so far I have not at all discovered."
Note that he was writing in December 1483, from hearsay, having left England
before Richard's coronation--at a time when the boys certainly had not been
withdrawn anywhere and were still being seen "shotying and playing" in the
Tower Garden. Also, "Strasbourg doctor" has been taken to mean Dr.
Argentine, but Argentine was English, another indication of Mancini's
unreliability. I don't know the date when Dr. Argentine was dismissed, but
it might help a little, setting aside the bias and assumptions in this
second- or third-hand report. But note that the rumors Mancini has heard
relate only to Edward and not to his younger brother. (Exactly what the
point of killing only one brother would be, I don't know.)
Croyland, for comparison, has them "in the Tower of London, in the custody
of certain persons appointed for that purpose," while various malcontents
(at this point presumably Woodville supporters) plotted to "deliver them
from this captivity." How widespread these rebellions were is unclear, but
they probably involved no more than a few hundred people, most of them
attainted and then pardoned after Buckingham's rebellion. Only a few,
including Buckingham himself and Thomas St. Leger, were executed. These same
few hundred, plus a limited number of new recruits, were all the Englishmen
who fought against Richard at Bosworth. It's important (I'm actually
speaking to Sandra here) not to let Croyland or later sources lead us into
thinking that the whole kingdom was up in arms against Richard. The towns
along the route of the progress had as opposite a reaction as is humanly
possible, and even in the southern counties, the size of the rebellion was
limited. It's interesting that both the Staffords and the Vaughns
voluntarily worked to thwart Buckingham.
Carol
In her analysis of Mancini, Annette Carson in *The Maligned King,* at pg.
144 of the original edition, considers the question of when Dr. Argentine
last saw the princes. She speculates that Mancini met Dr. Argentine between
July and December 1483, and says that it was from Dr. Argentine that Mancini
got the information on "Edward's appearance, accomplishments, state of mind
and location when last seen." Carson states that most of Edward's attendants
were replaced in mid-June, with Dr. Argentine being the last of the original
attendants to leave Edward's service. Carson further estimates that the
boys' were removed to the 'inner apartments of the Tower proper' (to use
Mancini's words), which she identifies with the White Tower, in probably the
second to third week of July, when there was a plot to remove them that was
reported by Stow. Carson further speculates that Dr. A. probably last saw
the boys in late July or early August, when the John Welles conspiracy was
discovered.
Hope this helps!
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of justcarol67
Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 8:10 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Carol earlier:
> > I suspect that B. knew about the bodyguard that the chronicler mentions,
and it's quite possible that the boys *had* been moved deeper into the Tower
for their own safety.
Claire responded:
> That comes from Mancini, right? I've been wondering what "deeper into the
Tower" actually means. Maybe that they were moved to the White Tower - which
is close to the centre of the compound - rathjer than one of the buildings
nearer the edge. But the garden/green is all one open space as far as I can
see, so if they came outside at all they'd be visible from the surrounding
walls, as much if they were living in the White Tower as if they were in one
of the other buildings.
>
> Maybe Mancini said something a bit different and it's been mistranslated.
> Or maybe Mancini himself misunderstood what Dr Argentine said.
Carol again:
Maybe. Here's what Mancini actually said (copied from a source who quotes
him since Mancini's book is not online):
"He [Edward] and his brother were withdrawn into the inner apartments of the
Tower proper, and day by day began to be seen more rarely behind the bars
and windows, till at length they ceased to appear altogether. A Strasbourg
doctor, the last of his attendants, whose services the King enjoyed,
reported that the young King, like a victim prepared for sacrifice, sought
remission of his sins by daily confession and penance, because he believed
that death was facing him. Already there was a suspicion that he had been
done away with. Whether however, he has been done away with, and by what
manner of death, so far I have not at all discovered."
Note that he was writing in December 1483, from hearsay, having left England
before Richard's coronation--at a time when the boys certainly had not been
withdrawn anywhere and were still being seen "shotying and playing" in the
Tower Garden. Also, "Strasbourg doctor" has been taken to mean Dr.
Argentine, but Argentine was English, another indication of Mancini's
unreliability. I don't know the date when Dr. Argentine was dismissed, but
it might help a little, setting aside the bias and assumptions in this
second- or third-hand report. But note that the rumors Mancini has heard
relate only to Edward and not to his younger brother. (Exactly what the
point of killing only one brother would be, I don't know.)
Croyland, for comparison, has them "in the Tower of London, in the custody
of certain persons appointed for that purpose," while various malcontents
(at this point presumably Woodville supporters) plotted to "deliver them
from this captivity." How widespread these rebellions were is unclear, but
they probably involved no more than a few hundred people, most of them
attainted and then pardoned after Buckingham's rebellion. Only a few,
including Buckingham himself and Thomas St. Leger, were executed. These same
few hundred, plus a limited number of new recruits, were all the Englishmen
who fought against Richard at Bosworth. It's important (I'm actually
speaking to Sandra here) not to let Croyland or later sources lead us into
thinking that the whole kingdom was up in arms against Richard. The towns
along the route of the progress had as opposite a reaction as is humanly
possible, and even in the southern counties, the size of the rebellion was
limited. It's interesting that both the Staffords and the Vaughns
voluntarily worked to thwart Buckingham.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 12:26:23
Hi, Tamara -
What "Church-ordered contempt for soap and water" are you talking about?
Water has an important ritual function in Christianity (baptism and
christening) as it does in Judaism (ritual bathing in a mikvah for purposes
of purification). I tend to think that acceptance of a certain amount of
dirt may have been a practical point in places with damp, chilly climates as
Britain has tended to be. On the other hand, the impression that I have
gotten is that someone (of the noble class) like Richard, would have bathed
pretty regularly. But if I were a commoner, and I had to haul the water and
heat it laboriously, you can betcha that I would have been inclined to bathe
less often rather than more. Conversely, the Romans had their tradition of
public baths. I am not sure that that ceased simply because of the switch
from paganism to Christianity, although I suspect it was the tradition of
public nudity in paganism that may have been disapproved of by the
Christians. It certainly was by the Jews.
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of khafara@...
Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 11:30 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
This would have been right as the rivers feeding the Thames at London were
first being covered over -- I seem to recall that this work started in the
1400s -- but even with that going on the marshes were still there and
wouldn't be drained and turned into dry (ish) land for another four
centuries
yet.
If malaria didn't run rampant -- and being that this was near the tail end
of the Little Ice Age, my guess is it wasn't as big an issue in Britain as
it was in Italy -- other diseases borne of overcrowding and a
Church-ordered contempt for soap and water (because of course only pagans
like the
ancient Greeks and Romans were so depraved as to bathe every day, those
body-obsessed heathens) would be making summers and early falls in 15th C.
London
pretty miserable.
Tamara
In a message dated 5/16/2013 2:13:52 P.M. Central Daylight Time,
whitehound@... <mailto:whitehound%40madasafish.com> writes:
From: justcarol67
To:
<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 6:03 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> You're not pushing too hard! :-) Both Claire and I referred to bad
> weather. She talked about the muggy summers, but since the boys, per
> Croyland, were in the Tower under heavy security as of the date of EoM's
> investiture as Prince of Wales (September 8), that lets out summer
> weather.
But September weather can be very hot - depending on the year, September
can
be more unpleasant than August, being just as hot but also soggier.
Of course, some years September is quite cool and fresh - but this was a
very wet year, so September by the Thames was probably muggy and moist and
even malarial.
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
What "Church-ordered contempt for soap and water" are you talking about?
Water has an important ritual function in Christianity (baptism and
christening) as it does in Judaism (ritual bathing in a mikvah for purposes
of purification). I tend to think that acceptance of a certain amount of
dirt may have been a practical point in places with damp, chilly climates as
Britain has tended to be. On the other hand, the impression that I have
gotten is that someone (of the noble class) like Richard, would have bathed
pretty regularly. But if I were a commoner, and I had to haul the water and
heat it laboriously, you can betcha that I would have been inclined to bathe
less often rather than more. Conversely, the Romans had their tradition of
public baths. I am not sure that that ceased simply because of the switch
from paganism to Christianity, although I suspect it was the tradition of
public nudity in paganism that may have been disapproved of by the
Christians. It certainly was by the Jews.
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of khafara@...
Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 11:30 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
This would have been right as the rivers feeding the Thames at London were
first being covered over -- I seem to recall that this work started in the
1400s -- but even with that going on the marshes were still there and
wouldn't be drained and turned into dry (ish) land for another four
centuries
yet.
If malaria didn't run rampant -- and being that this was near the tail end
of the Little Ice Age, my guess is it wasn't as big an issue in Britain as
it was in Italy -- other diseases borne of overcrowding and a
Church-ordered contempt for soap and water (because of course only pagans
like the
ancient Greeks and Romans were so depraved as to bathe every day, those
body-obsessed heathens) would be making summers and early falls in 15th C.
London
pretty miserable.
Tamara
In a message dated 5/16/2013 2:13:52 P.M. Central Daylight Time,
whitehound@... <mailto:whitehound%40madasafish.com> writes:
From: justcarol67
To:
<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 6:03 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> You're not pushing too hard! :-) Both Claire and I referred to bad
> weather. She talked about the muggy summers, but since the boys, per
> Croyland, were in the Tower under heavy security as of the date of EoM's
> investiture as Prince of Wales (September 8), that lets out summer
> weather.
But September weather can be very hot - depending on the year, September
can
be more unpleasant than August, being just as hot but also soggier.
Of course, some years September is quite cool and fresh - but this was a
very wet year, so September by the Thames was probably muggy and moist and
even malarial.
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 12:54:06
Hi, All -
Fascinating discussion!
A few questions - Where did Mancini and Dr. Argentine meet on the Continent?
Who was employing them at that time? I read in Carson's book that Dr.
Argentine was later physician to Prince Arthur, the son of Henry VII who
died prematurely, allowing Henry to become Henry VIII. That suggests some
fascinating possibilities! One relates to the question of whether Edward
suffered from a disease of the jaw. If he did, Carson's descriptions make it
clear that he would have been in excruciating pain and possibly suffering
from a fatal condition. This would undoubtedly have had a deleterious effect
on Edward's mental state and might explain why he felt he was "facing
death." Secondly, the fact that Argentine was later Arthur's physician leads
me automatically to suspect anything he might have said about the boys,
including their confinement. And also to wonder how competent a physician he
was, considering the ultimate fate of Arthur (about which I know very little
however). Anyway, I am wondering if the French king and/or Henry Tydder were
involved with either or both of Mancini and Argentine at this time. I have
always thought that Morton may have been the source of the rumours of the
boys being dead that were spread on the Continent. Is it possible that they
came from Dr. Argentine?
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 10:12 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
From: justcarol67
To:
<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 12:10 AM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> "He [Edward] and his brother were withdrawn into the inner apartments of
> the Tower proper,
Riught, well the "Tower proper" almost certainly means the White Tower.
That's the Tower of London itself, built iirc on the site of a pre-existing
wooden fortification, which itself was built over the spot where the head of
Bran the Blessed was buried. "Inner apartments" might refer to the White
Tower being at the centre of the compopind, or it might mean inwards of the
White Tower itself. I'm not sure how apartments at the core of the White
Tower would be lit - it doesn't seem to have any sort of central light-well,
and the boys were seen at the windows so they had access to the outer skin
of the tower.
Maybe this is a confusion - the safest apartments in the White Tower would
probably be upper, not inner.
> and day by day began to be seen more rarely behind the bars and windows,
> till at length they ceased to appear altogether.
This progressive withdrawal doesn't really sound like the result of being
imprisoned, does it? I suppose a traditionalist would say they were being
kept prisoner and allowed less and less access to windowed rooms - but why?
It's not like they could climb down a knotted sheet and escape in full view
of the surrounding buildings. If it was to accustom people to the idea of
them suddenly not being there at all, it would be far simpler and less
suspect just to announce that they were moving to the countryside. It
sounds much more like the boys themselves became ill, or they didn't want to
come to the window any more.
I think you must be right about wintry weather - there probably wouldn't be
glass in the windows, so the colder and wetter it got the less they would
want to come and look out of the windows, because doing so would mean a face
full of wind and rain (whereas if it had been a hot autumn they would have
been staying at the windows to get fresh air, unless the river was really
stinking). There might be horn shutters to let in light but keep out the
rain - but with horn in place they wouldn't be seen anyway, except as dim
shadows.
And of course, very heavy rainfall usually comes with strong winds as well
and that again would ex-plain why they were no longer outside playing - not
just because they didn't want to be soaked but because there's no point
trying to kick a ball or fire an arrow at a target in a high wind.
> A Strasbourg doctor, the last of his attendants, whose services the King
> enjoyed, reported that the young King, like a victim prepared for
> sacrifice, sought remission of his sins by daily confession and penance,
> because he believed that death was facing him.
He'd lost his father, half-brother and uncle, his home, his career and much
of his identity, and learned that his father had deceived and betrayed his
mother, all within a few weeks - it's not surprising if he was depressed.
> Already there was a suspicion that he had been done away with.
Now that *sounds* as though he's saying that the reports of Edward's
depression and the suspicion that he had been done away with where
concurrent, and occurred while the doctor was still attending him. I
suppose he's assumed to mean that the doctor left the boy's service and came
to Italy and reported about his status, and then there was a rumour the boy
had been killed - but it doesn't really sound like that.
> Also, "Strasbourg doctor" has been taken to mean Dr. Argentine, but
> Argentine was English, another indication of Mancini's unreliability.
Or it's not Argentine he's referring to, or it is Argentine and he means
that he was trained in Strasbourg. Do we know where Argentine was trained?
Was there a medical school in Strasbourg?
> It's important (I'm actually speaking to Sandra here) not to let Croyland
> or later sources lead us into thinking that the whole kingdom was up in
> arms against Richard. The towns along the route of the progress had as
> opposite a reaction as is humanly possible,
There's a contemporary report saying that he delighted the people wherever
he went on his progress, more than any other king. Another, referring to
Bosworth, says something to the effect that never before had so many people
come together to defend a single man.
> and even in the southern counties, the size of the rebellion was limited.
As I've said before, Kent seems to have rebelled against pretty-much every
king that came along, because the importance of Kent as both a food- and
ship-producing area was so great (not for nothing is Kent called "the Garden
of England") that rather than antagonise them each king they rebelled
against would bribe them to shut up by granting them another round of
privileges. [I couldn't name the sources for this opinion now - I just
remember when I used to live just outside Favcersham in the early '80s,
reading books on local history and mentally noting a succession of
rebellions and bribes.]
Fascinating discussion!
A few questions - Where did Mancini and Dr. Argentine meet on the Continent?
Who was employing them at that time? I read in Carson's book that Dr.
Argentine was later physician to Prince Arthur, the son of Henry VII who
died prematurely, allowing Henry to become Henry VIII. That suggests some
fascinating possibilities! One relates to the question of whether Edward
suffered from a disease of the jaw. If he did, Carson's descriptions make it
clear that he would have been in excruciating pain and possibly suffering
from a fatal condition. This would undoubtedly have had a deleterious effect
on Edward's mental state and might explain why he felt he was "facing
death." Secondly, the fact that Argentine was later Arthur's physician leads
me automatically to suspect anything he might have said about the boys,
including their confinement. And also to wonder how competent a physician he
was, considering the ultimate fate of Arthur (about which I know very little
however). Anyway, I am wondering if the French king and/or Henry Tydder were
involved with either or both of Mancini and Argentine at this time. I have
always thought that Morton may have been the source of the rumours of the
boys being dead that were spread on the Continent. Is it possible that they
came from Dr. Argentine?
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 10:12 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
From: justcarol67
To:
<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 12:10 AM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> "He [Edward] and his brother were withdrawn into the inner apartments of
> the Tower proper,
Riught, well the "Tower proper" almost certainly means the White Tower.
That's the Tower of London itself, built iirc on the site of a pre-existing
wooden fortification, which itself was built over the spot where the head of
Bran the Blessed was buried. "Inner apartments" might refer to the White
Tower being at the centre of the compopind, or it might mean inwards of the
White Tower itself. I'm not sure how apartments at the core of the White
Tower would be lit - it doesn't seem to have any sort of central light-well,
and the boys were seen at the windows so they had access to the outer skin
of the tower.
Maybe this is a confusion - the safest apartments in the White Tower would
probably be upper, not inner.
> and day by day began to be seen more rarely behind the bars and windows,
> till at length they ceased to appear altogether.
This progressive withdrawal doesn't really sound like the result of being
imprisoned, does it? I suppose a traditionalist would say they were being
kept prisoner and allowed less and less access to windowed rooms - but why?
It's not like they could climb down a knotted sheet and escape in full view
of the surrounding buildings. If it was to accustom people to the idea of
them suddenly not being there at all, it would be far simpler and less
suspect just to announce that they were moving to the countryside. It
sounds much more like the boys themselves became ill, or they didn't want to
come to the window any more.
I think you must be right about wintry weather - there probably wouldn't be
glass in the windows, so the colder and wetter it got the less they would
want to come and look out of the windows, because doing so would mean a face
full of wind and rain (whereas if it had been a hot autumn they would have
been staying at the windows to get fresh air, unless the river was really
stinking). There might be horn shutters to let in light but keep out the
rain - but with horn in place they wouldn't be seen anyway, except as dim
shadows.
And of course, very heavy rainfall usually comes with strong winds as well
and that again would ex-plain why they were no longer outside playing - not
just because they didn't want to be soaked but because there's no point
trying to kick a ball or fire an arrow at a target in a high wind.
> A Strasbourg doctor, the last of his attendants, whose services the King
> enjoyed, reported that the young King, like a victim prepared for
> sacrifice, sought remission of his sins by daily confession and penance,
> because he believed that death was facing him.
He'd lost his father, half-brother and uncle, his home, his career and much
of his identity, and learned that his father had deceived and betrayed his
mother, all within a few weeks - it's not surprising if he was depressed.
> Already there was a suspicion that he had been done away with.
Now that *sounds* as though he's saying that the reports of Edward's
depression and the suspicion that he had been done away with where
concurrent, and occurred while the doctor was still attending him. I
suppose he's assumed to mean that the doctor left the boy's service and came
to Italy and reported about his status, and then there was a rumour the boy
had been killed - but it doesn't really sound like that.
> Also, "Strasbourg doctor" has been taken to mean Dr. Argentine, but
> Argentine was English, another indication of Mancini's unreliability.
Or it's not Argentine he's referring to, or it is Argentine and he means
that he was trained in Strasbourg. Do we know where Argentine was trained?
Was there a medical school in Strasbourg?
> It's important (I'm actually speaking to Sandra here) not to let Croyland
> or later sources lead us into thinking that the whole kingdom was up in
> arms against Richard. The towns along the route of the progress had as
> opposite a reaction as is humanly possible,
There's a contemporary report saying that he delighted the people wherever
he went on his progress, more than any other king. Another, referring to
Bosworth, says something to the effect that never before had so many people
come together to defend a single man.
> and even in the southern counties, the size of the rebellion was limited.
As I've said before, Kent seems to have rebelled against pretty-much every
king that came along, because the importance of Kent as both a food- and
ship-producing area was so great (not for nothing is Kent called "the Garden
of England") that rather than antagonise them each king they rebelled
against would bribe them to shut up by granting them another round of
privileges. [I couldn't name the sources for this opinion now - I just
remember when I used to live just outside Favcersham in the early '80s,
reading books on local history and mentally noting a succession of
rebellions and bribes.]
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 15:00:48
Tamara wrote:
"Considering that large armies often didn't travel faster than their slowest
pack animals (didn't want to get too far ahead of your oxen-pulled supply
wagons), it was considered good progress to make twenty or even ten miles in
a day. Really big armies often didn't go more than five miles in a day."
Doug here:
Which is why military campaigns could be so destructive on non-participants;
ie, farmers. The Commissary charged with providing food to the soldiers
would literally strip the countryside bare, paying for the requisitioned
food if the farmers were lucky, simply commandeering it if not.
"Considering that large armies often didn't travel faster than their slowest
pack animals (didn't want to get too far ahead of your oxen-pulled supply
wagons), it was considered good progress to make twenty or even ten miles in
a day. Really big armies often didn't go more than five miles in a day."
Doug here:
Which is why military campaigns could be so destructive on non-participants;
ie, farmers. The Commissary charged with providing food to the soldiers
would literally strip the countryside bare, paying for the requisitioned
food if the farmers were lucky, simply commandeering it if not.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 15:43:14
Johanne Tournier wrote:
"What "Church-ordered contempt for soap and water" are you talking about?
Water has an important ritual function in Christianity (baptism and
christening) as it does in Judaism (ritual bathing in a mikvah for purposes
of purification). I tend to think that acceptance of a certain amount of
dirt may have been a practical point in places with damp, chilly climates as
Britain has tended to be. On the other hand, the impression that I have
gotten is that someone (of the noble class) like Richard, would have bathed
pretty regularly. But if I were a commoner, and I had to haul the water and
heat it laboriously, you can betcha that I would have been inclined to bathe
less often rather than more. Conversely, the Romans had their tradition of
public baths. I am not sure that that ceased simply because of the switch
from paganism to Christianity, although I suspect it was the tradition of
public nudity in paganism that may have been disapproved of by the
Christians. It certainly was by the Jews."
Doug here:
As being baptised or christened only happens once in one's life, so I don't
know if that's a good rebuttal about everyday cleanliness.
What *does* seem to have happened was that the Church *had* denounced the
Roman habit of public bathing, *not* because the Church was necessaily
against cleanliness, but because the Roman Baths were associated with
lascivious activities. The denunciations of the "Baths" developed into, if
not a denunciation, then certainly a disdain for "baths" in general and the
view seems to have developed that all that any good Christian needed in the
way of staying clean was a quick "wash-up" before meals and most special
occasions.
To be honest, until the invention of modern plumbing with its accompanying
all-ready heated water, I can't imagine anyone, noble *or* commoner, staying
very clean. I know hip-baths showed up in the 18th century, but I honestly
have no idea *how* a bath was accomplished before that. Could it have been a
matter of the bather simply standing "au naturel" next to a large container
of hot(ish) water and having a scrubdown? Even in front of a roaring fire,
that's *not* something I'd look forward to. And, as you noted, there's that
disapproval of "public" nudity which would further limit those occasions.
Doug
"What "Church-ordered contempt for soap and water" are you talking about?
Water has an important ritual function in Christianity (baptism and
christening) as it does in Judaism (ritual bathing in a mikvah for purposes
of purification). I tend to think that acceptance of a certain amount of
dirt may have been a practical point in places with damp, chilly climates as
Britain has tended to be. On the other hand, the impression that I have
gotten is that someone (of the noble class) like Richard, would have bathed
pretty regularly. But if I were a commoner, and I had to haul the water and
heat it laboriously, you can betcha that I would have been inclined to bathe
less often rather than more. Conversely, the Romans had their tradition of
public baths. I am not sure that that ceased simply because of the switch
from paganism to Christianity, although I suspect it was the tradition of
public nudity in paganism that may have been disapproved of by the
Christians. It certainly was by the Jews."
Doug here:
As being baptised or christened only happens once in one's life, so I don't
know if that's a good rebuttal about everyday cleanliness.
What *does* seem to have happened was that the Church *had* denounced the
Roman habit of public bathing, *not* because the Church was necessaily
against cleanliness, but because the Roman Baths were associated with
lascivious activities. The denunciations of the "Baths" developed into, if
not a denunciation, then certainly a disdain for "baths" in general and the
view seems to have developed that all that any good Christian needed in the
way of staying clean was a quick "wash-up" before meals and most special
occasions.
To be honest, until the invention of modern plumbing with its accompanying
all-ready heated water, I can't imagine anyone, noble *or* commoner, staying
very clean. I know hip-baths showed up in the 18th century, but I honestly
have no idea *how* a bath was accomplished before that. Could it have been a
matter of the bather simply standing "au naturel" next to a large container
of hot(ish) water and having a scrubdown? Even in front of a roaring fire,
that's *not* something I'd look forward to. And, as you noted, there's that
disapproval of "public" nudity which would further limit those occasions.
Doug
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 16:05:36
Carol wrote"
//snip//
"Here is Buckingham's itinerary from the girders website (which I realize is
not absolutely reliable):
"20 Jul. On commissions of the peace for Norfolk and Wiltshire.
(C.P.R.1476-85, pp.566 and 577)
24 Jul. On a commission of the peace for Cornwall. (ibid.p.556)
26 Jul. On commissions of the peace for Cornwall, Hertfordshire, Rutland,
Huntingdonshire and Somerset. (ibid. pp.556, 562, 570 and 571)
28 Jul. On a commission of the peace for Kent. (ibid.p.563)
30 Jul. On commissions of the peace for Kent, Leicestershire and
Warwickshire. (ibid.pp.563, 564 and 576)
9 Aug. On commissions of the peace for Leicestershire and Warwickshire.
(ibid.pp.564 and 576)
11 Aug. On a commission of the peace for Worcestershire. (ibid.p.578)
18 Aug. On a commission of the peace for Suffolk. (ibid.p.574)
26 Aug. On a commission of the peace for Somerset. (ibid.p.571)
28 Aug. On a commission of oyer and terminer for London. (ibid.p.465)
[Note gap]
24 Sep. He sent a letter to Henry Tudor inviting him to come to
England.(Rowse p.277)
Oct. He raised the rebellion. His force was rendered useless by floods of
the rivers Wye and Severn on the fifteenth. (C.D.N.B.p.1231)
Late Oct. He was at Weobly with Morton, John Rush, Sir William Knyvet and
Thomas Nandik as the rebellion crumbled. (P.M.K. p.273)
23 Oct. A proclamation was issued offering a reward for his capture.
(C.P.R.1476-85 p.367)
29/30 Oct. Taken to Salisbury. (P.M.K. p.273)
2 Nov. Executed in Salisbury Market Place. (ibid.p.274)"
P.M.,K. is Kendall; C.P.R. is Calendar of Patent Rolls; C.D.N.B. is Compact
Dictionary of National Biography; Rowse is A. L. Rowse, "Bosworth Field and
the Wars of the Roses."
//snip//
Doug here:
Norfolk's on the east coast of England, Wiltshire is, I believe Shakespeare
territory. Would Buckingham have had any time to do anything other than
ride?
Because then there's Cornwall (as far west as one can go), followed by
Hertfordshire, Rutland,Huntingdonshire and Somerset(*south* of Gloucester!)
between 24 and 26 July and then Kent on the 28th! Even putting them in
geographical order that would be, I think, Cornwall to Somerset to
Hertfordshire to (guessing here) Huntingdonshire then Rutland. All in two
days? Then he's in Kent two days later?
Something's off here. Perhaps Buckingham never left London and his
"itinerary" is actually *where* he was sending out messengers, because I
just don't see how he could have made those trips in that amount of time.
Doug
//snip//
"Here is Buckingham's itinerary from the girders website (which I realize is
not absolutely reliable):
"20 Jul. On commissions of the peace for Norfolk and Wiltshire.
(C.P.R.1476-85, pp.566 and 577)
24 Jul. On a commission of the peace for Cornwall. (ibid.p.556)
26 Jul. On commissions of the peace for Cornwall, Hertfordshire, Rutland,
Huntingdonshire and Somerset. (ibid. pp.556, 562, 570 and 571)
28 Jul. On a commission of the peace for Kent. (ibid.p.563)
30 Jul. On commissions of the peace for Kent, Leicestershire and
Warwickshire. (ibid.pp.563, 564 and 576)
9 Aug. On commissions of the peace for Leicestershire and Warwickshire.
(ibid.pp.564 and 576)
11 Aug. On a commission of the peace for Worcestershire. (ibid.p.578)
18 Aug. On a commission of the peace for Suffolk. (ibid.p.574)
26 Aug. On a commission of the peace for Somerset. (ibid.p.571)
28 Aug. On a commission of oyer and terminer for London. (ibid.p.465)
[Note gap]
24 Sep. He sent a letter to Henry Tudor inviting him to come to
England.(Rowse p.277)
Oct. He raised the rebellion. His force was rendered useless by floods of
the rivers Wye and Severn on the fifteenth. (C.D.N.B.p.1231)
Late Oct. He was at Weobly with Morton, John Rush, Sir William Knyvet and
Thomas Nandik as the rebellion crumbled. (P.M.K. p.273)
23 Oct. A proclamation was issued offering a reward for his capture.
(C.P.R.1476-85 p.367)
29/30 Oct. Taken to Salisbury. (P.M.K. p.273)
2 Nov. Executed in Salisbury Market Place. (ibid.p.274)"
P.M.,K. is Kendall; C.P.R. is Calendar of Patent Rolls; C.D.N.B. is Compact
Dictionary of National Biography; Rowse is A. L. Rowse, "Bosworth Field and
the Wars of the Roses."
//snip//
Doug here:
Norfolk's on the east coast of England, Wiltshire is, I believe Shakespeare
territory. Would Buckingham have had any time to do anything other than
ride?
Because then there's Cornwall (as far west as one can go), followed by
Hertfordshire, Rutland,Huntingdonshire and Somerset(*south* of Gloucester!)
between 24 and 26 July and then Kent on the 28th! Even putting them in
geographical order that would be, I think, Cornwall to Somerset to
Hertfordshire to (guessing here) Huntingdonshire then Rutland. All in two
days? Then he's in Kent two days later?
Something's off here. Perhaps Buckingham never left London and his
"itinerary" is actually *where* he was sending out messengers, because I
just don't see how he could have made those trips in that amount of time.
Doug
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-17 16:23:11
Carol wrote:
> Carol thinks he [Morton] was driven by loyalty to Margaret of Anjou - which may well be so, and if so would make him considerably less horrible and almost, in a dark way, a romantic figure.
carol responds:
Oh, ugh! Not the way I see Morton at all. Yes, I think he was a committed Lancastrian with an animus against the House of York, but I see him as wily and sinister, a force to be reckoned with but working in the shadows like a double agent, seemingly reconciled to Edward but determined to bring him down even if it meant putting Tudor on the throne. He would have been on good terms with Louis XI, and as a Lancastrian, he would already have been acquainted with Margaret Beaufort, and they may well have began working together as early as Tewkesbury, with Morton transferring his loyalty from one Margaret to another. And once Edward IV died, their work behind the scenes, in particular fostering animosities among the Yorkists, intensified.
He was formidably intelligeng, but I find nothing in him to admire, nor do I consider him in the least romantic.
Carol
> Carol thinks he [Morton] was driven by loyalty to Margaret of Anjou - which may well be so, and if so would make him considerably less horrible and almost, in a dark way, a romantic figure.
carol responds:
Oh, ugh! Not the way I see Morton at all. Yes, I think he was a committed Lancastrian with an animus against the House of York, but I see him as wily and sinister, a force to be reckoned with but working in the shadows like a double agent, seemingly reconciled to Edward but determined to bring him down even if it meant putting Tudor on the throne. He would have been on good terms with Louis XI, and as a Lancastrian, he would already have been acquainted with Margaret Beaufort, and they may well have began working together as early as Tewkesbury, with Morton transferring his loyalty from one Margaret to another. And once Edward IV died, their work behind the scenes, in particular fostering animosities among the Yorkists, intensified.
He was formidably intelligeng, but I find nothing in him to admire, nor do I consider him in the least romantic.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 16:37:37
Carol wrote:
"You're not pushing too hard! :-) Both Claire and I referred to bad weather.
She talked about the muggy summers, but since the boys, per Croyland, were
in the Tower under heavy security as of the date of EoM's investiture as
Prince of Wales (September 8), that lets out summer weather. However, severe
winter weather would be a reason to be kept inside, and it seems logical
that their absence was noticed only in mid-April when the weather became
somewhat milder, especially since April 18, the date of Easter in 1484, was
really April 30 by our calendar."
//snip//
Doug here:
Well, the reference we have says the boys's disappearance wasn't noted until
after Easter, and as Easter was 18 April (Old Style), that means the boys
could have been in the Tower as late as, say the end of March 1484.
Which is when EW left sanctuary in Westminster...
Is there an actual date given anywhere for her departing sanctuary. All I
have is "in March 1484." Perhaps it was a New Year's resolution: "I resolve
to leave sanctuary and accept what's happened."?
Doug
(who's filed the "snipped" portions away for future reference)
"You're not pushing too hard! :-) Both Claire and I referred to bad weather.
She talked about the muggy summers, but since the boys, per Croyland, were
in the Tower under heavy security as of the date of EoM's investiture as
Prince of Wales (September 8), that lets out summer weather. However, severe
winter weather would be a reason to be kept inside, and it seems logical
that their absence was noticed only in mid-April when the weather became
somewhat milder, especially since April 18, the date of Easter in 1484, was
really April 30 by our calendar."
//snip//
Doug here:
Well, the reference we have says the boys's disappearance wasn't noted until
after Easter, and as Easter was 18 April (Old Style), that means the boys
could have been in the Tower as late as, say the end of March 1484.
Which is when EW left sanctuary in Westminster...
Is there an actual date given anywhere for her departing sanctuary. All I
have is "in March 1484." Perhaps it was a New Year's resolution: "I resolve
to leave sanctuary and accept what's happened."?
Doug
(who's filed the "snipped" portions away for future reference)
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 16:37:55
I wondered the same. Perhaps this information simply provides information
about what Buckingham was given authority to address, but doesn't
necessarily tell us where he was on any given date. Does anyone have
access to C P R to do a little prospecting?
A J
On Thu, May 16, 2013 at 11:06 AM, Douglas Eugene Stamate <
destama@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
>
> Carol wrote"
>
> //snip//
> "Here is Buckingham's itinerary from the girders website (which I realize
> is
> not absolutely reliable):
> "20 Jul. On commissions of the peace for Norfolk and Wiltshire.
> (C.P.R.1476-85, pp.566 and 577)
> 24 Jul. On a commission of the peace for Cornwall. (ibid.p.556)
> 26 Jul. On commissions of the peace for Cornwall, Hertfordshire, Rutland,
> Huntingdonshire and Somerset. (ibid. pp.556, 562, 570 and 571)
> 28 Jul. On a commission of the peace for Kent. (ibid.p.563)
> 30 Jul. On commissions of the peace for Kent, Leicestershire and
> Warwickshire. (ibid.pp.563, 564 and 576)
> 9 Aug. On commissions of the peace for Leicestershire and Warwickshire.
> (ibid.pp.564 and 576)
> 11 Aug. On a commission of the peace for Worcestershire. (ibid.p.578)
> 18 Aug. On a commission of the peace for Suffolk. (ibid.p.574)
> 26 Aug. On a commission of the peace for Somerset. (ibid.p.571)
> 28 Aug. On a commission of oyer and terminer for London. (ibid.p.465)
> [Note gap]
> 24 Sep. He sent a letter to Henry Tudor inviting him to come to
> England.(Rowse p.277)
> Oct. He raised the rebellion. His force was rendered useless by floods of
> the rivers Wye and Severn on the fifteenth. (C.D.N.B.p.1231)
> Late Oct. He was at Weobly with Morton, John Rush, Sir William Knyvet and
> Thomas Nandik as the rebellion crumbled. (P.M.K. p.273)
> 23 Oct. A proclamation was issued offering a reward for his capture.
> (C.P.R.1476-85 p.367)
> 29/30 Oct. Taken to Salisbury. (P.M.K. p.273)
> 2 Nov. Executed in Salisbury Market Place. (ibid.p.274)"
> P.M.,K. is Kendall; C.P.R. is Calendar of Patent Rolls; C.D.N.B. is
> Compact
> Dictionary of National Biography; Rowse is A. L. Rowse, "Bosworth Field
> and
> the Wars of the Roses."
> //snip//
>
> Doug here:
> Norfolk's on the east coast of England, Wiltshire is, I believe
> Shakespeare
> territory. Would Buckingham have had any time to do anything other than
> ride?
> Because then there's Cornwall (as far west as one can go), followed by
> Hertfordshire, Rutland,Huntingdonshire and Somerset(*south* of
> Gloucester!)
> between 24 and 26 July and then Kent on the 28th! Even putting them in
> geographical order that would be, I think, Cornwall to Somerset to
> Hertfordshire to (guessing here) Huntingdonshire then Rutland. All in two
> days? Then he's in Kent two days later?
> Something's off here. Perhaps Buckingham never left London and his
> "itinerary" is actually *where* he was sending out messengers, because I
> just don't see how he could have made those trips in that amount of time.
> Doug
>
>
>
about what Buckingham was given authority to address, but doesn't
necessarily tell us where he was on any given date. Does anyone have
access to C P R to do a little prospecting?
A J
On Thu, May 16, 2013 at 11:06 AM, Douglas Eugene Stamate <
destama@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
>
> Carol wrote"
>
> //snip//
> "Here is Buckingham's itinerary from the girders website (which I realize
> is
> not absolutely reliable):
> "20 Jul. On commissions of the peace for Norfolk and Wiltshire.
> (C.P.R.1476-85, pp.566 and 577)
> 24 Jul. On a commission of the peace for Cornwall. (ibid.p.556)
> 26 Jul. On commissions of the peace for Cornwall, Hertfordshire, Rutland,
> Huntingdonshire and Somerset. (ibid. pp.556, 562, 570 and 571)
> 28 Jul. On a commission of the peace for Kent. (ibid.p.563)
> 30 Jul. On commissions of the peace for Kent, Leicestershire and
> Warwickshire. (ibid.pp.563, 564 and 576)
> 9 Aug. On commissions of the peace for Leicestershire and Warwickshire.
> (ibid.pp.564 and 576)
> 11 Aug. On a commission of the peace for Worcestershire. (ibid.p.578)
> 18 Aug. On a commission of the peace for Suffolk. (ibid.p.574)
> 26 Aug. On a commission of the peace for Somerset. (ibid.p.571)
> 28 Aug. On a commission of oyer and terminer for London. (ibid.p.465)
> [Note gap]
> 24 Sep. He sent a letter to Henry Tudor inviting him to come to
> England.(Rowse p.277)
> Oct. He raised the rebellion. His force was rendered useless by floods of
> the rivers Wye and Severn on the fifteenth. (C.D.N.B.p.1231)
> Late Oct. He was at Weobly with Morton, John Rush, Sir William Knyvet and
> Thomas Nandik as the rebellion crumbled. (P.M.K. p.273)
> 23 Oct. A proclamation was issued offering a reward for his capture.
> (C.P.R.1476-85 p.367)
> 29/30 Oct. Taken to Salisbury. (P.M.K. p.273)
> 2 Nov. Executed in Salisbury Market Place. (ibid.p.274)"
> P.M.,K. is Kendall; C.P.R. is Calendar of Patent Rolls; C.D.N.B. is
> Compact
> Dictionary of National Biography; Rowse is A. L. Rowse, "Bosworth Field
> and
> the Wars of the Roses."
> //snip//
>
> Doug here:
> Norfolk's on the east coast of England, Wiltshire is, I believe
> Shakespeare
> territory. Would Buckingham have had any time to do anything other than
> ride?
> Because then there's Cornwall (as far west as one can go), followed by
> Hertfordshire, Rutland,Huntingdonshire and Somerset(*south* of
> Gloucester!)
> between 24 and 26 July and then Kent on the 28th! Even putting them in
> geographical order that would be, I think, Cornwall to Somerset to
> Hertfordshire to (guessing here) Huntingdonshire then Rutland. All in two
> days? Then he's in Kent two days later?
> Something's off here. Perhaps Buckingham never left London and his
> "itinerary" is actually *where* he was sending out messengers, because I
> just don't see how he could have made those trips in that amount of time.
> Doug
>
>
>
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-17 16:38:43
"SandraMachin" wrote:
>
> Don’t know what this is, but here’s the link anyway. http://www.amazon.co.uk/Life-John-Morton-Archbishop-Canterbury/dp/1103690094/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1368539271&sr=8-2&keywords=archbishop+morton There’s only one at Amazon. If it’s something stupid, I didn’t tell anyone.
Carol responds:
It's a reprint of an 1895 work and seems from the sample pages to have the traditional pro-Tudor bias. Still, it's possible to glean facts from biased works, so it might be worth reading. Unfortunately, he seems from my hasty glimpse to have left the Latin passages untranslated, a disadvantage for us moderns deprived of a classical education.
The original book is in the public domain and probably available through Google Books.
Carol
>
> Don’t know what this is, but here’s the link anyway. http://www.amazon.co.uk/Life-John-Morton-Archbishop-Canterbury/dp/1103690094/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1368539271&sr=8-2&keywords=archbishop+morton There’s only one at Amazon. If it’s something stupid, I didn’t tell anyone.
Carol responds:
It's a reprint of an 1895 work and seems from the sample pages to have the traditional pro-Tudor bias. Still, it's possible to glean facts from biased works, so it might be worth reading. Unfortunately, he seems from my hasty glimpse to have left the Latin passages untranslated, a disadvantage for us moderns deprived of a classical education.
The original book is in the public domain and probably available through Google Books.
Carol
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-17 16:53:21
Pamela Bain wrote:
>
> So, could we perhaps "suggest" some Vatican scholar to study the "last Catholic Plantagenet"?
Carol responds:
Interesting idea. But, technically, the "last Catholic Plantagenet" was Richard's niece, Margaret Pole (George's daughter), who refused to convert. Of course, Richard wasn't the last Catholic king (make that monarch) of England; Henry VII was Catholic and so was Henry VIII in his early years, and, of course, Mary temporarily revived Catholicism as the state religion. (I'm ignoring any secretly Catholic Stuarts.)
Still, yes, a Vatican scholar would be helpful. Now all we need to do is find one!
Carol
>
> So, could we perhaps "suggest" some Vatican scholar to study the "last Catholic Plantagenet"?
Carol responds:
Interesting idea. But, technically, the "last Catholic Plantagenet" was Richard's niece, Margaret Pole (George's daughter), who refused to convert. Of course, Richard wasn't the last Catholic king (make that monarch) of England; Henry VII was Catholic and so was Henry VIII in his early years, and, of course, Mary temporarily revived Catholicism as the state religion. (I'm ignoring any secretly Catholic Stuarts.)
Still, yes, a Vatican scholar would be helpful. Now all we need to do is find one!
Carol
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-17 17:12:24
Yes, you are correct about kings and Catholicism. It would be lovely to find a curious Jesuitical mind to investigate!
Sent from my iPhone
On May 17, 2013, at 10:53 AM, "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...<mailto:justcarol67@...>> wrote:
Pamela Bain wrote:
>
> So, could we perhaps "suggest" some Vatican scholar to study the "last Catholic Plantagenet"?
Carol responds:
Interesting idea. But, technically, the "last Catholic Plantagenet" was Richard's niece, Margaret Pole (George's daughter), who refused to convert. Of course, Richard wasn't the last Catholic king (make that monarch) of England; Henry VII was Catholic and so was Henry VIII in his early years, and, of course, Mary temporarily revived Catholicism as the state religion. (I'm ignoring any secretly Catholic Stuarts.)
Still, yes, a Vatican scholar would be helpful. Now all we need to do is find one!
Carol
Sent from my iPhone
On May 17, 2013, at 10:53 AM, "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...<mailto:justcarol67@...>> wrote:
Pamela Bain wrote:
>
> So, could we perhaps "suggest" some Vatican scholar to study the "last Catholic Plantagenet"?
Carol responds:
Interesting idea. But, technically, the "last Catholic Plantagenet" was Richard's niece, Margaret Pole (George's daughter), who refused to convert. Of course, Richard wasn't the last Catholic king (make that monarch) of England; Henry VII was Catholic and so was Henry VIII in his early years, and, of course, Mary temporarily revived Catholicism as the state religion. (I'm ignoring any secretly Catholic Stuarts.)
Still, yes, a Vatican scholar would be helpful. Now all we need to do is find one!
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 17:20:18
Its only recently that I realised that John Welles was related to MB!....The Deceivers...Geoffrey Richardson. What on earth were they planning to do if they had *rescued* the boys is a mystery....but the mind certainly works overtime with that one...Eileen
--- In , Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@...> wrote:
>
>
Carson further speculates that Dr. A. probably last saw
> the boys in late July or early August, when the John Welles conspiracy was
> discovered.
>
>
>
> Hope this helps!
>
>
>
> Loyaulte me lie,
>
>
>
> Johanne
>
>
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> Johanne L. Tournier
>
>
>
> Email - jltournier60@...
>
> or jltournier@...
>
>
>
> "With God, all things are possible."
>
> - Jesus of Nazareth
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
>
>
> From:
> [mailto:] On Behalf Of justcarol67
> Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 8:10 PM
> To:
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
>
>
>
>
> Carol earlier:
>
> > > I suspect that B. knew about the bodyguard that the chronicler mentions,
> and it's quite possible that the boys *had* been moved deeper into the Tower
> for their own safety.
>
> Claire responded:
> > That comes from Mancini, right? I've been wondering what "deeper into the
> Tower" actually means. Maybe that they were moved to the White Tower - which
> is close to the centre of the compound - rathjer than one of the buildings
> nearer the edge. But the garden/green is all one open space as far as I can
> see, so if they came outside at all they'd be visible from the surrounding
> walls, as much if they were living in the White Tower as if they were in one
> of the other buildings.
> >
> > Maybe Mancini said something a bit different and it's been mistranslated.
> > Or maybe Mancini himself misunderstood what Dr Argentine said.
>
> Carol again:
>
> Maybe. Here's what Mancini actually said (copied from a source who quotes
> him since Mancini's book is not online):
>
> "He [Edward] and his brother were withdrawn into the inner apartments of the
> Tower proper, and day by day began to be seen more rarely behind the bars
> and windows, till at length they ceased to appear altogether. A Strasbourg
> doctor, the last of his attendants, whose services the King enjoyed,
> reported that the young King, like a victim prepared for sacrifice, sought
> remission of his sins by daily confession and penance, because he believed
> that death was facing him. Already there was a suspicion that he had been
> done away with. Whether however, he has been done away with, and by what
> manner of death, so far I have not at all discovered."
>
> Note that he was writing in December 1483, from hearsay, having left England
> before Richard's coronation--at a time when the boys certainly had not been
> withdrawn anywhere and were still being seen "shotying and playing" in the
> Tower Garden. Also, "Strasbourg doctor" has been taken to mean Dr.
> Argentine, but Argentine was English, another indication of Mancini's
> unreliability. I don't know the date when Dr. Argentine was dismissed, but
> it might help a little, setting aside the bias and assumptions in this
> second- or third-hand report. But note that the rumors Mancini has heard
> relate only to Edward and not to his younger brother. (Exactly what the
> point of killing only one brother would be, I don't know.)
>
> Croyland, for comparison, has them "in the Tower of London, in the custody
> of certain persons appointed for that purpose," while various malcontents
> (at this point presumably Woodville supporters) plotted to "deliver them
> from this captivity." How widespread these rebellions were is unclear, but
> they probably involved no more than a few hundred people, most of them
> attainted and then pardoned after Buckingham's rebellion. Only a few,
> including Buckingham himself and Thomas St. Leger, were executed. These same
> few hundred, plus a limited number of new recruits, were all the Englishmen
> who fought against Richard at Bosworth. It's important (I'm actually
> speaking to Sandra here) not to let Croyland or later sources lead us into
> thinking that the whole kingdom was up in arms against Richard. The towns
> along the route of the progress had as opposite a reaction as is humanly
> possible, and even in the southern counties, the size of the rebellion was
> limited. It's interesting that both the Staffords and the Vaughns
> voluntarily worked to thwart Buckingham.
>
> Carol
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
--- In , Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@...> wrote:
>
>
Carson further speculates that Dr. A. probably last saw
> the boys in late July or early August, when the John Welles conspiracy was
> discovered.
>
>
>
> Hope this helps!
>
>
>
> Loyaulte me lie,
>
>
>
> Johanne
>
>
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> Johanne L. Tournier
>
>
>
> Email - jltournier60@...
>
> or jltournier@...
>
>
>
> "With God, all things are possible."
>
> - Jesus of Nazareth
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
>
>
> From:
> [mailto:] On Behalf Of justcarol67
> Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 8:10 PM
> To:
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
>
>
>
>
> Carol earlier:
>
> > > I suspect that B. knew about the bodyguard that the chronicler mentions,
> and it's quite possible that the boys *had* been moved deeper into the Tower
> for their own safety.
>
> Claire responded:
> > That comes from Mancini, right? I've been wondering what "deeper into the
> Tower" actually means. Maybe that they were moved to the White Tower - which
> is close to the centre of the compound - rathjer than one of the buildings
> nearer the edge. But the garden/green is all one open space as far as I can
> see, so if they came outside at all they'd be visible from the surrounding
> walls, as much if they were living in the White Tower as if they were in one
> of the other buildings.
> >
> > Maybe Mancini said something a bit different and it's been mistranslated.
> > Or maybe Mancini himself misunderstood what Dr Argentine said.
>
> Carol again:
>
> Maybe. Here's what Mancini actually said (copied from a source who quotes
> him since Mancini's book is not online):
>
> "He [Edward] and his brother were withdrawn into the inner apartments of the
> Tower proper, and day by day began to be seen more rarely behind the bars
> and windows, till at length they ceased to appear altogether. A Strasbourg
> doctor, the last of his attendants, whose services the King enjoyed,
> reported that the young King, like a victim prepared for sacrifice, sought
> remission of his sins by daily confession and penance, because he believed
> that death was facing him. Already there was a suspicion that he had been
> done away with. Whether however, he has been done away with, and by what
> manner of death, so far I have not at all discovered."
>
> Note that he was writing in December 1483, from hearsay, having left England
> before Richard's coronation--at a time when the boys certainly had not been
> withdrawn anywhere and were still being seen "shotying and playing" in the
> Tower Garden. Also, "Strasbourg doctor" has been taken to mean Dr.
> Argentine, but Argentine was English, another indication of Mancini's
> unreliability. I don't know the date when Dr. Argentine was dismissed, but
> it might help a little, setting aside the bias and assumptions in this
> second- or third-hand report. But note that the rumors Mancini has heard
> relate only to Edward and not to his younger brother. (Exactly what the
> point of killing only one brother would be, I don't know.)
>
> Croyland, for comparison, has them "in the Tower of London, in the custody
> of certain persons appointed for that purpose," while various malcontents
> (at this point presumably Woodville supporters) plotted to "deliver them
> from this captivity." How widespread these rebellions were is unclear, but
> they probably involved no more than a few hundred people, most of them
> attainted and then pardoned after Buckingham's rebellion. Only a few,
> including Buckingham himself and Thomas St. Leger, were executed. These same
> few hundred, plus a limited number of new recruits, were all the Englishmen
> who fought against Richard at Bosworth. It's important (I'm actually
> speaking to Sandra here) not to let Croyland or later sources lead us into
> thinking that the whole kingdom was up in arms against Richard. The towns
> along the route of the progress had as opposite a reaction as is humanly
> possible, and even in the southern counties, the size of the rebellion was
> limited. It's interesting that both the Staffords and the Vaughns
> voluntarily worked to thwart Buckingham.
>
> Carol
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Lady Day
2013-05-17 17:24:19
Sandra wrote:
>
> Can anyone confirm that I am correct to believe that Lady Day 1487 would be New Year’s Day? It seems fairly clear the two were the same, but I’d appreciate someone else telling me it is. Thank you.
Carol responds:
Lady Day (the Feast of the Annunciation) was always celebrated on March 25 (exactly nine months before the Nativity, or Christmas Day) and coincided with New Year's Day until the adoption of the Gregorian calendar in 1752.
Carol
>
> Can anyone confirm that I am correct to believe that Lady Day 1487 would be New Year’s Day? It seems fairly clear the two were the same, but I’d appreciate someone else telling me it is. Thank you.
Carol responds:
Lady Day (the Feast of the Annunciation) was always celebrated on March 25 (exactly nine months before the Nativity, or Christmas Day) and coincided with New Year's Day until the adoption of the Gregorian calendar in 1752.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 17:28:20
From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
To:
Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 4:44 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> I know hip-baths showed up in the 18th century, but I honestly
have no idea *how* a bath was accomplished before that.
I thought they used a big wooden tub like half a giant barrel, surrounded by
screens. I know I've come across this in historical novels but I'm *fairly*
sure I've also seen it illustrated in a Mediaeval illumination.
> Could it have been a
matter of the bather simply standing "au naturel" next to a large container
of hot(ish) water and having a scrubdown? Even in front of a roaring fire,
that's *not* something I'd look forward to.
Having spent a long time in a flat where the gas boiler had been condemned
and hot water could be obtained only by boiling an electric kettle, I can
assure you that washing from a container of hot water every day works
perfectly well. My mother still effectively does this and has done for many
years, since she's too arthritic to climb into the bath/shower and we can't
afford one of those ones with the opening sides for use by the disabled -
although at least nowadays we can fill the sink from a hot tap rather than a
kettle.
To:
Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 4:44 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> I know hip-baths showed up in the 18th century, but I honestly
have no idea *how* a bath was accomplished before that.
I thought they used a big wooden tub like half a giant barrel, surrounded by
screens. I know I've come across this in historical novels but I'm *fairly*
sure I've also seen it illustrated in a Mediaeval illumination.
> Could it have been a
matter of the bather simply standing "au naturel" next to a large container
of hot(ish) water and having a scrubdown? Even in front of a roaring fire,
that's *not* something I'd look forward to.
Having spent a long time in a flat where the gas boiler had been condemned
and hot water could be obtained only by boiling an electric kettle, I can
assure you that washing from a container of hot water every day works
perfectly well. My mother still effectively does this and has done for many
years, since she's too arthritic to climb into the bath/shower and we can't
afford one of those ones with the opening sides for use by the disabled -
although at least nowadays we can fill the sink from a hot tap rather than a
kettle.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 17:33:31
Doug, the aristocracy had bathing tents over the tub. The Church may have been getting at the Roman Orgy type public baths (have you watched Mary Beard on this?)
Actually dirt (or rather lack of washing) reached its zenith in the eighteenth century when it was actually quite fashionable to be smelly. (Versailles was a public hygiene nightmare). Before that personal hygiene was not bad - I spent the first 12 years of my life in a house where you had a bath once a week in a tin bath in front of the fire and had a 'good wash' the rest of the time. And this was well post WW2, but in the country. Most social classes of Richard's time would set great store by smelling nice, cleaning teeth etc. And it was in your interests to keep the fleas at bay!! Cheers H
________________________________
From: Douglas Eugene Stamate <destama@...>
To:
Sent: Thursday, 16 May 2013, 16:44
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Johanne Tournier wrote:
"What "Church-ordered contempt for soap and water" are you talking about?
Water has an important ritual function in Christianity (baptism and
christening) as it does in Judaism (ritual bathing in a mikvah for purposes
of purification). I tend to think that acceptance of a certain amount of
dirt may have been a practical point in places with damp, chilly climates as
Britain has tended to be. On the other hand, the impression that I have
gotten is that someone (of the noble class) like Richard, would have bathed
pretty regularly. But if I were a commoner, and I had to haul the water and
heat it laboriously, you can betcha that I would have been inclined to bathe
less often rather than more. Conversely, the Romans had their tradition of
public baths. I am not sure that that ceased simply because of the switch
from paganism to Christianity, although I suspect it was the tradition of
public nudity in paganism that may have been disapproved of by the
Christians. It certainly was by the Jews."
Doug here:
As being baptised or christened only happens once in one's life, so I don't
know if that's a good rebuttal about everyday cleanliness.
What *does* seem to have happened was that the Church *had* denounced the
Roman habit of public bathing, *not* because the Church was necessaily
against cleanliness, but because the Roman Baths were associated with
lascivious activities. The denunciations of the "Baths" developed into, if
not a denunciation, then certainly a disdain for "baths" in general and the
view seems to have developed that all that any good Christian needed in the
way of staying clean was a quick "wash-up" before meals and most special
occasions.
To be honest, until the invention of modern plumbing with its accompanying
all-ready heated water, I can't imagine anyone, noble *or* commoner, staying
very clean. I know hip-baths showed up in the 18th century, but I honestly
have no idea *how* a bath was accomplished before that. Could it have been a
matter of the bather simply standing "au naturel" next to a large container
of hot(ish) water and having a scrubdown? Even in front of a roaring fire,
that's *not* something I'd look forward to. And, as you noted, there's that
disapproval of "public" nudity which would further limit those occasions.
Doug
Actually dirt (or rather lack of washing) reached its zenith in the eighteenth century when it was actually quite fashionable to be smelly. (Versailles was a public hygiene nightmare). Before that personal hygiene was not bad - I spent the first 12 years of my life in a house where you had a bath once a week in a tin bath in front of the fire and had a 'good wash' the rest of the time. And this was well post WW2, but in the country. Most social classes of Richard's time would set great store by smelling nice, cleaning teeth etc. And it was in your interests to keep the fleas at bay!! Cheers H
________________________________
From: Douglas Eugene Stamate <destama@...>
To:
Sent: Thursday, 16 May 2013, 16:44
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Johanne Tournier wrote:
"What "Church-ordered contempt for soap and water" are you talking about?
Water has an important ritual function in Christianity (baptism and
christening) as it does in Judaism (ritual bathing in a mikvah for purposes
of purification). I tend to think that acceptance of a certain amount of
dirt may have been a practical point in places with damp, chilly climates as
Britain has tended to be. On the other hand, the impression that I have
gotten is that someone (of the noble class) like Richard, would have bathed
pretty regularly. But if I were a commoner, and I had to haul the water and
heat it laboriously, you can betcha that I would have been inclined to bathe
less often rather than more. Conversely, the Romans had their tradition of
public baths. I am not sure that that ceased simply because of the switch
from paganism to Christianity, although I suspect it was the tradition of
public nudity in paganism that may have been disapproved of by the
Christians. It certainly was by the Jews."
Doug here:
As being baptised or christened only happens once in one's life, so I don't
know if that's a good rebuttal about everyday cleanliness.
What *does* seem to have happened was that the Church *had* denounced the
Roman habit of public bathing, *not* because the Church was necessaily
against cleanliness, but because the Roman Baths were associated with
lascivious activities. The denunciations of the "Baths" developed into, if
not a denunciation, then certainly a disdain for "baths" in general and the
view seems to have developed that all that any good Christian needed in the
way of staying clean was a quick "wash-up" before meals and most special
occasions.
To be honest, until the invention of modern plumbing with its accompanying
all-ready heated water, I can't imagine anyone, noble *or* commoner, staying
very clean. I know hip-baths showed up in the 18th century, but I honestly
have no idea *how* a bath was accomplished before that. Could it have been a
matter of the bather simply standing "au naturel" next to a large container
of hot(ish) water and having a scrubdown? Even in front of a roaring fire,
that's *not* something I'd look forward to. And, as you noted, there's that
disapproval of "public" nudity which would further limit those occasions.
Doug
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 17:44:59
From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
To:
Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 5:06 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> Something's off here. Perhaps Buckingham never left London and his
"itinerary" is actually *where* he was sending out messengers, because I
just don't see how he could have made those trips in that amount of time.
He couldn't - he'd have to gallop all the way, with no time to sleep oir
take any action while he was there. I suspect these are all desk jobs and
what it means is that he sat on committees dealing with these places, but
the committees sat in London or Westminster.
To:
Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 5:06 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> Something's off here. Perhaps Buckingham never left London and his
"itinerary" is actually *where* he was sending out messengers, because I
just don't see how he could have made those trips in that amount of time.
He couldn't - he'd have to gallop all the way, with no time to sleep oir
take any action while he was there. I suspect these are all desk jobs and
what it means is that he sat on committees dealing with these places, but
the committees sat in London or Westminster.
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-17 17:45:58
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 4:23 PM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
> Yes, I think he was a committed Lancastrian with an animus against the
> House of York, but I see him as wily and sinister, a force to be reckoned
> with but working in the shadows like a double agent
Ah, well, my grandfather and two of his brothers were in special ops, so I
don't have a problem with spies!
> He was formidably intelligent, but I find nothing in him to admire, nor do
> I consider him in the least romantic.
Loyalty is loyalty - if you're right that his motivation was mainly loyalty
and not spite or self interest then that's arguably admirable, even if his
loyalty was to a dubious cause.
After all, Richard's loyalty to Edward was spent on a somewhat unworthy
cause - especially if the pre-contract story was true - but we still find it
admirable. And anyone who was loyal to Anjou might well feel she had been
shabbily treated, either by Edward or by fate, and carry a grudge on her
behalf - even though Richard didn't deserve to be the object of that grudge.
To:
Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 4:23 PM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
> Yes, I think he was a committed Lancastrian with an animus against the
> House of York, but I see him as wily and sinister, a force to be reckoned
> with but working in the shadows like a double agent
Ah, well, my grandfather and two of his brothers were in special ops, so I
don't have a problem with spies!
> He was formidably intelligent, but I find nothing in him to admire, nor do
> I consider him in the least romantic.
Loyalty is loyalty - if you're right that his motivation was mainly loyalty
and not spite or self interest then that's arguably admirable, even if his
loyalty was to a dubious cause.
After all, Richard's loyalty to Edward was spent on a somewhat unworthy
cause - especially if the pre-contract story was true - but we still find it
admirable. And anyone who was loyal to Anjou might well feel she had been
shabbily treated, either by Edward or by fate, and carry a grudge on her
behalf - even though Richard didn't deserve to be the object of that grudge.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 18:22:28
Hi, Doug -
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of Douglas Eugene
Stamate
Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 12:44 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
<snip my earlier message>
Doug here:
As being baptised or christened only happens once in one's life, so I don't
know if that's a good rebuttal about everyday cleanliness.
[JLT] That wasn't exactly my point. I was asking Tamara to give specifics
for her claim that there was "Church-ordered contempt for soap and water,"
something which I am not aware of. I mentioned baptism and christening as
the Christian successors to Jewish ritual bathing in a mikvah, which
occurred (and still occurs) much more frequently, sometimes as often as once
a week, depending on one's particular branch of the Jewish faith. My point
was basically that water tended to be the focus of an important ritual, in
the Christian religion signifying rebirth into one's new life of faith.
You wrote -
What *does* seem to have happened was that the Church *had* denounced the
Roman habit of public bathing, *not* because the Church was necessaily
against cleanliness, but because the Roman Baths were associated with
lascivious activities.
[JLT] I think that's part of it, but if you look into the matter further, I
think you'll find that the concept of mere public nudity was denounced by
the orthodox. The Essenes, for example, were supposed to wear their robes
till they were worn out, but they were penalized if the worn out robe
exposed their more intimate areas. J I seem to recall almost identical
provisions for at least one of the orders of monks in the Medieval era.
You wrote -
The denunciations of the "Baths" developed into, if
not a denunciation, then certainly a disdain for "baths" in general and the
view seems to have developed that all that any good Christian needed in the
way of staying clean was a quick "wash-up" before meals and most special
occasions.
[JLT] I wouldn't disagree with this, but as I mentioned, part of the reason
for the disdain for bathing may have been due to simple practicality and
because of the inconvenience and discomfort that one had to go through in
order to bathe. I think it would be much easier to be a frequent bather if
one lived in one of the Mediterranean countries than northern Europe
(including England). Brrrr!!! (Except maybe for Finland, where they had
saunas! J)
You wrote -
To be honest, until the invention of modern plumbing with its accompanying
all-ready heated water, I can't imagine anyone, noble *or* commoner, staying
very clean. I know hip-baths showed up in the 18th century, but I honestly
have no idea *how* a bath was accomplished before that. Could it have been a
matter of the bather simply standing "au naturel" next to a large container
of hot(ish) water and having a scrubdown? Even in front of a roaring fire,
that's *not* something I'd look forward to. And, as you noted, there's that
disapproval of "public" nudity which would further limit those occasions.
Doug
[JLT] Yes, perhaps you recollect, as I do, the practice in fairly modern
times of everyone having a bath once a week, on Saturday night (with Church
services the next day). My husband would say, "Whether they needed it or
not." <smileyface> I believe the usual practice was that everyone in the
family used the same bath water, starting from oldest and proceeding through
the kids. Oh, joy! (NOT!)
TTFN (smiley),
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of Douglas Eugene
Stamate
Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 12:44 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
<snip my earlier message>
Doug here:
As being baptised or christened only happens once in one's life, so I don't
know if that's a good rebuttal about everyday cleanliness.
[JLT] That wasn't exactly my point. I was asking Tamara to give specifics
for her claim that there was "Church-ordered contempt for soap and water,"
something which I am not aware of. I mentioned baptism and christening as
the Christian successors to Jewish ritual bathing in a mikvah, which
occurred (and still occurs) much more frequently, sometimes as often as once
a week, depending on one's particular branch of the Jewish faith. My point
was basically that water tended to be the focus of an important ritual, in
the Christian religion signifying rebirth into one's new life of faith.
You wrote -
What *does* seem to have happened was that the Church *had* denounced the
Roman habit of public bathing, *not* because the Church was necessaily
against cleanliness, but because the Roman Baths were associated with
lascivious activities.
[JLT] I think that's part of it, but if you look into the matter further, I
think you'll find that the concept of mere public nudity was denounced by
the orthodox. The Essenes, for example, were supposed to wear their robes
till they were worn out, but they were penalized if the worn out robe
exposed their more intimate areas. J I seem to recall almost identical
provisions for at least one of the orders of monks in the Medieval era.
You wrote -
The denunciations of the "Baths" developed into, if
not a denunciation, then certainly a disdain for "baths" in general and the
view seems to have developed that all that any good Christian needed in the
way of staying clean was a quick "wash-up" before meals and most special
occasions.
[JLT] I wouldn't disagree with this, but as I mentioned, part of the reason
for the disdain for bathing may have been due to simple practicality and
because of the inconvenience and discomfort that one had to go through in
order to bathe. I think it would be much easier to be a frequent bather if
one lived in one of the Mediterranean countries than northern Europe
(including England). Brrrr!!! (Except maybe for Finland, where they had
saunas! J)
You wrote -
To be honest, until the invention of modern plumbing with its accompanying
all-ready heated water, I can't imagine anyone, noble *or* commoner, staying
very clean. I know hip-baths showed up in the 18th century, but I honestly
have no idea *how* a bath was accomplished before that. Could it have been a
matter of the bather simply standing "au naturel" next to a large container
of hot(ish) water and having a scrubdown? Even in front of a roaring fire,
that's *not* something I'd look forward to. And, as you noted, there's that
disapproval of "public" nudity which would further limit those occasions.
Doug
[JLT] Yes, perhaps you recollect, as I do, the practice in fairly modern
times of everyone having a bath once a week, on Saturday night (with Church
services the next day). My husband would say, "Whether they needed it or
not." <smileyface> I believe the usual practice was that everyone in the
family used the same bath water, starting from oldest and proceeding through
the kids. Oh, joy! (NOT!)
TTFN (smiley),
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-17 18:29:51
Doug wrote:
> [snip]I tend to think that the original plan *must* have intended for Buckingham and Tudor to meet up as quickly as possible and so the landing would *have* to be somewhere closer than the south coast ports. There's also the point that *one* army of 5-6000 men would be a much better recruiting tool than *two* widely separated bands of 1-2000 men; each of which ran the risk of possibly having to fight a battle *before* they could unite.
> I've also wondered if the whole affair wasn't supposed to have started off a month or so earlier, say in early September? Even if Tudor wasn't aware of the problems that the weather would likely cause in October, whether in the Bristol Channel or along the south coast, surely his advisors would? Do we know when Tudor began his preparations?
> A final thought: could, weather permitting, Gloucester itself have been the *original* intended landing place? IOW, was Gloucester capable of handling the shipping involved in the projected "invasion"?
Carol responds:
I don't think that the rebellion involved anything like 5,000 men. Henry needed Welsh and French reinforcements to reach that total at Bosworth, IIRC.
At any rate, Tudor's letter to Henry was dated September 24, so, no, the affair was not intended to start earlier.
As for Henry's landing, the place to look is Vergil's "Anglica Historia," which is essential reading for any Ricardian (know thine enemy!). However unreliable Vergil may be (and is) regarding Richard, he had firsthand access to Tudor and could report his movements accurately. Here's the relevant passage in its sixteenth-century English version (with cuts for conciseness):
"Whyle these thinges [Buckingham's preparations] were doone in England, Henry erle of Richemoond had preparyd an army of v.M. [5,000--an exaggeration--don't believe it] Bryttaynes, and furnyshyd a navy of xvtn. [15--don't know whether this is true or not] shipps, and now was approchyd the day of his departure, who began to sayle with prosperous wynd the vjth, ides of October in the yere of helth M.CCCC.lxxxiiij. [October 6, 1484--error for 15th or xvth since that would be the ides?], and the second king Richerd began his raigne. But a little before even suddayn tempest arose, wherwithall he was so afflyctyd that his shipps wer constraygnyd by force of a crewell gale of wyne to turne ther course from one way from another; divers of them wer blowen bak into Normandie, others into Bryttany.
"The ship wherin Henry was, with one other, tossyd all the night long with the waves, cam at the last very early in the morning, whan the winde grew calme, uppon the south coast of the iland, agaynst the haven caulyd Pole [Poole?]. From hence erle Henry, viewing afur of all the shore beset with soldiers, which king Richerd . . . had every wher disposyd, gave open commandment that not one man of them all showld take landing before the resydew of the ships showld come togythers; which, while he taryeth for, he sent owt a bote to try whether they wer his frindes which hoovyd so in the same place. Than those who wer sent wer earnestly desyryd by the soldiers from the shore to come a land, crying that they wer sent from the duke of Buchingham to be ready for the accompanying of erle Henry safe unto the camp, which the duke himself had at hand with a notable excellent army, so so that joigning ther forces they might they both might pursew king Richard who was fled. But erle Henry suspecting yt to be a trayn [trap], as yt was in dede, after that he dyd see none of his owne ships within view, hoysyd upp sale, and with prosperus wynde came into Normandy. . . ."
http://newr3.dreamhosters.com/?page_id=248
So Buckingham wrote to Tudor on September 24 but must have had other means of communication with him since this letter was intercepted. Henry left Brittany, supposedly with 5,000 Breton troops but with only a few hundred English followers, intending to meet Buckingham, but I don't know where. When the storm dispersed his ships (probably not fifteen), he landed at Poole, where Richard clearly was expecting him given the attempt to persuade him to land.
I know that Vergil is hard to read, especially in early sixteenth-century English. He's biased, he invents details and dialogue (but not to the extent that More does), he relies on rumor for material related to Richard, he exaggerates numbers (larger here, smaller at Bosworth) to favor Henry (though the exaggerations may be Henry's own, followed by Vergil)--but it's essential to know which details come from him (and/or More)--and when to trust him or at least consider the possibility that he may be accurate on rare occasions.
I strongly recommend that anyone on this list who hasn't already read More, Vergil, and Croyland set aside your distaste and read these works, discursive and inaccurate and biased as they are (and, in the first two cases, wholly imaginary in their dramatic scenes and dialogues) to fully understand the traditionalist viewpoint that we are trying to counter. All three can be found on the American branch website: http://newr3.dreamhosters.com/?page_id=57 We also need Mancini, who is much harder to find.
And, of course, those with access to the Harleian manuscripts, York letters, and so forth, can help us out.
Carol
> [snip]I tend to think that the original plan *must* have intended for Buckingham and Tudor to meet up as quickly as possible and so the landing would *have* to be somewhere closer than the south coast ports. There's also the point that *one* army of 5-6000 men would be a much better recruiting tool than *two* widely separated bands of 1-2000 men; each of which ran the risk of possibly having to fight a battle *before* they could unite.
> I've also wondered if the whole affair wasn't supposed to have started off a month or so earlier, say in early September? Even if Tudor wasn't aware of the problems that the weather would likely cause in October, whether in the Bristol Channel or along the south coast, surely his advisors would? Do we know when Tudor began his preparations?
> A final thought: could, weather permitting, Gloucester itself have been the *original* intended landing place? IOW, was Gloucester capable of handling the shipping involved in the projected "invasion"?
Carol responds:
I don't think that the rebellion involved anything like 5,000 men. Henry needed Welsh and French reinforcements to reach that total at Bosworth, IIRC.
At any rate, Tudor's letter to Henry was dated September 24, so, no, the affair was not intended to start earlier.
As for Henry's landing, the place to look is Vergil's "Anglica Historia," which is essential reading for any Ricardian (know thine enemy!). However unreliable Vergil may be (and is) regarding Richard, he had firsthand access to Tudor and could report his movements accurately. Here's the relevant passage in its sixteenth-century English version (with cuts for conciseness):
"Whyle these thinges [Buckingham's preparations] were doone in England, Henry erle of Richemoond had preparyd an army of v.M. [5,000--an exaggeration--don't believe it] Bryttaynes, and furnyshyd a navy of xvtn. [15--don't know whether this is true or not] shipps, and now was approchyd the day of his departure, who began to sayle with prosperous wynd the vjth, ides of October in the yere of helth M.CCCC.lxxxiiij. [October 6, 1484--error for 15th or xvth since that would be the ides?], and the second king Richerd began his raigne. But a little before even suddayn tempest arose, wherwithall he was so afflyctyd that his shipps wer constraygnyd by force of a crewell gale of wyne to turne ther course from one way from another; divers of them wer blowen bak into Normandie, others into Bryttany.
"The ship wherin Henry was, with one other, tossyd all the night long with the waves, cam at the last very early in the morning, whan the winde grew calme, uppon the south coast of the iland, agaynst the haven caulyd Pole [Poole?]. From hence erle Henry, viewing afur of all the shore beset with soldiers, which king Richerd . . . had every wher disposyd, gave open commandment that not one man of them all showld take landing before the resydew of the ships showld come togythers; which, while he taryeth for, he sent owt a bote to try whether they wer his frindes which hoovyd so in the same place. Than those who wer sent wer earnestly desyryd by the soldiers from the shore to come a land, crying that they wer sent from the duke of Buchingham to be ready for the accompanying of erle Henry safe unto the camp, which the duke himself had at hand with a notable excellent army, so so that joigning ther forces they might they both might pursew king Richard who was fled. But erle Henry suspecting yt to be a trayn [trap], as yt was in dede, after that he dyd see none of his owne ships within view, hoysyd upp sale, and with prosperus wynde came into Normandy. . . ."
http://newr3.dreamhosters.com/?page_id=248
So Buckingham wrote to Tudor on September 24 but must have had other means of communication with him since this letter was intercepted. Henry left Brittany, supposedly with 5,000 Breton troops but with only a few hundred English followers, intending to meet Buckingham, but I don't know where. When the storm dispersed his ships (probably not fifteen), he landed at Poole, where Richard clearly was expecting him given the attempt to persuade him to land.
I know that Vergil is hard to read, especially in early sixteenth-century English. He's biased, he invents details and dialogue (but not to the extent that More does), he relies on rumor for material related to Richard, he exaggerates numbers (larger here, smaller at Bosworth) to favor Henry (though the exaggerations may be Henry's own, followed by Vergil)--but it's essential to know which details come from him (and/or More)--and when to trust him or at least consider the possibility that he may be accurate on rare occasions.
I strongly recommend that anyone on this list who hasn't already read More, Vergil, and Croyland set aside your distaste and read these works, discursive and inaccurate and biased as they are (and, in the first two cases, wholly imaginary in their dramatic scenes and dialogues) to fully understand the traditionalist viewpoint that we are trying to counter. All three can be found on the American branch website: http://newr3.dreamhosters.com/?page_id=57 We also need Mancini, who is much harder to find.
And, of course, those with access to the Harleian manuscripts, York letters, and so forth, can help us out.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 18:36:30
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 12:17 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
To:
<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 4:44 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Doug -
> I know hip-baths showed up in the 18th century, but I honestly
have no idea *how* a bath was accomplished before that.
Claire -
I thought they used a big wooden tub like half a giant barrel, surrounded by
screens. I know I've come across this in historical novels but I'm *fairly*
sure I've also seen it illustrated in a Mediaeval illumination.
[JLT] I'm almost positive I've seen pictures of bathing like you describle,
Claire, but I haven't succeeded in finding any examples yet. I know Sharon
Kay Penman refers to Richard bathing in *Sunne* but I know that's not a 100%
guarantee of historical accuracy. <smiley>
I will keep looking and let you know if I find anything. It can probably be
found in one of the books on medieval life, like one of the books by Frances
Gies, I would imagine.
TTFN <smile>
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
[mailto:] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 12:17 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
To:
<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 4:44 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Doug -
> I know hip-baths showed up in the 18th century, but I honestly
have no idea *how* a bath was accomplished before that.
Claire -
I thought they used a big wooden tub like half a giant barrel, surrounded by
screens. I know I've come across this in historical novels but I'm *fairly*
sure I've also seen it illustrated in a Mediaeval illumination.
[JLT] I'm almost positive I've seen pictures of bathing like you describle,
Claire, but I haven't succeeded in finding any examples yet. I know Sharon
Kay Penman refers to Richard bathing in *Sunne* but I know that's not a 100%
guarantee of historical accuracy. <smiley>
I will keep looking and let you know if I find anything. It can probably be
found in one of the books on medieval life, like one of the books by Frances
Gies, I would imagine.
TTFN <smile>
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Re: Lady Day
2013-05-17 19:00:51
--- In , "SandraMachin" <sandramachin@...> wrote:
>
> Ah, well that one I can more or less get to grips with. Nine months is nine months. Having just read Bacon recording that Henry VII kept Christmas in Norwich in April 1487 (when I’m led by others to understand it was Easter) and that he then went to Cambridge and straight back to London, without any mention of Coventry or Kenilworth, I’m not sure of anything. There are times when I want to throw everything at the nearest wall. You’re going to tell me I shouldn’t trust Bacon to spell his name right, aren’t you? I can feel it.
Carol responds:
Bacon, as you know, requires a great deal of salt. <grin> Seriously,
Bacon is interesting in that, unlike the earlier Vergil, he is not a Tudor apologist and is writing during a later reign where he is free to make the occasional favorable remark about Richard, noting the contrast between his "crimes" and his enlightened legislation without (like Vergil) attributing Richard's good works to hypocrisy. He is, of course, entirely mistaken that "the king [Henry] gave out" the details of Tyrell's (imaginary) confession, thinking that More was reporting Henry's words (with perhaps a little embroidery) rather than inventing them. Too many historians have followed him in this regard. He's also confused regarding the date of Perkin Warbeck's execution and that of Sir James Tyrrell.
But his views on Henry and Morton are interesting, and where he doesn't rely on More, he may be reliable. (I don't know as I haven't checked anything other than the part involving Tyrrell.) At any rate, his work is generally regarded as an early modern classic, and he has no personal axe to grind against Richard and is usually astute (despite his surprising gullibility in believing that the laconic Henry would "give out" such an elaborate and improbable tale--or even that Sir James would make such a detailed confession, complete with a private conversation between Richard sitting on the privy and a "secret page").
Of course, Bacon (1561-1626) had no personal acquaintance with anyone who lived during Henry's reign (1485-1509), and rumors regarding, say, Perkin Warbeck (or Sir James Tyrrell) would have had plenty of time to flourish and develop new variations. It's interesting that Bacon was writing at about the same time as Sir George Buck when Titulus Regius had been rediscovered and it was possible to question old sources or rethink old material. If you're interested in Henry, he's the place to start, but I would bear in mind the limitations of his sources.
Carol
>
> Ah, well that one I can more or less get to grips with. Nine months is nine months. Having just read Bacon recording that Henry VII kept Christmas in Norwich in April 1487 (when I’m led by others to understand it was Easter) and that he then went to Cambridge and straight back to London, without any mention of Coventry or Kenilworth, I’m not sure of anything. There are times when I want to throw everything at the nearest wall. You’re going to tell me I shouldn’t trust Bacon to spell his name right, aren’t you? I can feel it.
Carol responds:
Bacon, as you know, requires a great deal of salt. <grin> Seriously,
Bacon is interesting in that, unlike the earlier Vergil, he is not a Tudor apologist and is writing during a later reign where he is free to make the occasional favorable remark about Richard, noting the contrast between his "crimes" and his enlightened legislation without (like Vergil) attributing Richard's good works to hypocrisy. He is, of course, entirely mistaken that "the king [Henry] gave out" the details of Tyrell's (imaginary) confession, thinking that More was reporting Henry's words (with perhaps a little embroidery) rather than inventing them. Too many historians have followed him in this regard. He's also confused regarding the date of Perkin Warbeck's execution and that of Sir James Tyrrell.
But his views on Henry and Morton are interesting, and where he doesn't rely on More, he may be reliable. (I don't know as I haven't checked anything other than the part involving Tyrrell.) At any rate, his work is generally regarded as an early modern classic, and he has no personal axe to grind against Richard and is usually astute (despite his surprising gullibility in believing that the laconic Henry would "give out" such an elaborate and improbable tale--or even that Sir James would make such a detailed confession, complete with a private conversation between Richard sitting on the privy and a "secret page").
Of course, Bacon (1561-1626) had no personal acquaintance with anyone who lived during Henry's reign (1485-1509), and rumors regarding, say, Perkin Warbeck (or Sir James Tyrrell) would have had plenty of time to flourish and develop new variations. It's interesting that Bacon was writing at about the same time as Sir George Buck when Titulus Regius had been rediscovered and it was possible to question old sources or rethink old material. If you're interested in Henry, he's the place to start, but I would bear in mind the limitations of his sources.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 19:09:59
"Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...> wrote:
> OK, then it was probably undercover. Even so, if they dug a 10ft hole to put them in that would take hours, and if they put them in a 10ft hole already dug by workmen - even if they dug it a bit deeper and then covered them well - they'd be running a major risk that the workmen would find them within a few days. It really doesn't make much sense as a means of disposing of bodies in such a public place (unless the workmen were in on it) - it's far more likely that the bodies were there before the foundations.
>
Carol responds:
"They" according to More was a single unnamed "priest of Brackenbury's," who later, at Richard's request, removed them from under the "great heap of stones" at the foot of (not under the foundations of) a staircase and reburied them in consecrated ground. Of course, according to More, the priest had died before Tyrrell (and Dighton) confessed to the murder and neither knew where the bodies had been moved.
But, yes, I agree with your assessment of the improbabilities--except that the only workmen involved were the ones who found the skeletons and threw them on a rubbish heap until someone decided that they "must" have been those of the "princes" and retrieved parts of them, along with chicken bones and other rubbish.
And, like you, I suspect that the bodies predate the construction of the staircase.
Carol
> OK, then it was probably undercover. Even so, if they dug a 10ft hole to put them in that would take hours, and if they put them in a 10ft hole already dug by workmen - even if they dug it a bit deeper and then covered them well - they'd be running a major risk that the workmen would find them within a few days. It really doesn't make much sense as a means of disposing of bodies in such a public place (unless the workmen were in on it) - it's far more likely that the bodies were there before the foundations.
>
Carol responds:
"They" according to More was a single unnamed "priest of Brackenbury's," who later, at Richard's request, removed them from under the "great heap of stones" at the foot of (not under the foundations of) a staircase and reburied them in consecrated ground. Of course, according to More, the priest had died before Tyrrell (and Dighton) confessed to the murder and neither knew where the bodies had been moved.
But, yes, I agree with your assessment of the improbabilities--except that the only workmen involved were the ones who found the skeletons and threw them on a rubbish heap until someone decided that they "must" have been those of the "princes" and retrieved parts of them, along with chicken bones and other rubbish.
And, like you, I suspect that the bodies predate the construction of the staircase.
Carol
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-17 19:21:46
Doug wrote:
> [snip] It could very well be that originally Buckingham *did* plan on restoring Edward to the throne, replacing a Ricardian Protectorate with a Henrician one; followed, of course, by years and years of Buckingham being the second most powerful person in the kingdom because E(V) was sooo grateful.
Carol responds:
Why would he do that when he had already helped to depose Edward (who would hardly be grateful to a man who publicly declared him illegitimate) and to put Richard on the throne when Richard gave him much more power (and land) than he was ever likely to receive under E V? As for a Henrician protectorate, the question is why he ever allied himself with Tudor at all given that his own claim was superior to Henry's (though not, of course, to Richard's) and unclouded by illegitimacy? He was, as Richard stated in one of his letters to York, of "the old blood royal"--like Richard himself and unlike the upstart Woodvilles (Tudor not even fitting into the picture at this point as far as Richard knew).
The one thing that Tudor and Buckingham had in common was that the same people were in their way as claimants--Richard, the "princes," Edward of Warwick. If the plan is to clear the way for one or the other, the best strategy would be for them to act as allies against Richard, dispose of the children in some way (or claim that they were dead until proven otherwise), and then fight each other when all else was taken care of. I can't imagine Buckingham ever supporting Tudor in his haughty heart.
Carol
> [snip] It could very well be that originally Buckingham *did* plan on restoring Edward to the throne, replacing a Ricardian Protectorate with a Henrician one; followed, of course, by years and years of Buckingham being the second most powerful person in the kingdom because E(V) was sooo grateful.
Carol responds:
Why would he do that when he had already helped to depose Edward (who would hardly be grateful to a man who publicly declared him illegitimate) and to put Richard on the throne when Richard gave him much more power (and land) than he was ever likely to receive under E V? As for a Henrician protectorate, the question is why he ever allied himself with Tudor at all given that his own claim was superior to Henry's (though not, of course, to Richard's) and unclouded by illegitimacy? He was, as Richard stated in one of his letters to York, of "the old blood royal"--like Richard himself and unlike the upstart Woodvilles (Tudor not even fitting into the picture at this point as far as Richard knew).
The one thing that Tudor and Buckingham had in common was that the same people were in their way as claimants--Richard, the "princes," Edward of Warwick. If the plan is to clear the way for one or the other, the best strategy would be for them to act as allies against Richard, dispose of the children in some way (or claim that they were dead until proven otherwise), and then fight each other when all else was taken care of. I can't imagine Buckingham ever supporting Tudor in his haughty heart.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 19:39:29
A single priest moved 30 cubic feet of earth in under an hour?! Who was
he, the Incredible Hulk?
As for the likelihood that the bones predate the staircase -- if they turn
out to be female bones, that's a strong likelihood. The Anglo-Saxons
didn't practise human sacrifice to the same extent as their neighbors in Germany
and the Nordic regions, but they would do so during crises:
http://www.carlanayland.org/essays/human_sacrifice.htm
In a message dated 5/17/2013 1:10:01 P.M. Central Daylight Time,
justcarol67@... writes:
"Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...> wrote:
> OK, then it was probably undercover. Even so, if they dug a 10ft hole
to put them in that would take hours, and if they put them in a 10ft hole
already dug by workmen - even if they dug it a bit deeper and then covered
them well - they'd be running a major risk that the workmen would find them
within a few days. It really doesn't make much sense as a means of
disposing of bodies in such a public place (unless the workmen were in on it) -
it's far more likely that the bodies were there before the foundations.
>
Carol responds:
"They" according to More was a single unnamed "priest of Brackenbury's,"
who later, at Richard's request, removed them from under the "great heap of
stones" at the foot of (not under the foundations of) a staircase and
reburied them in consecrated ground. Of course, according to More, the priest
had died before Tyrrell (and Dighton) confessed to the murder and neither
knew where the bodies had been moved.
But, yes, I agree with your assessment of the improbabilities--except that
the only workmen involved were the ones who found the skeletons and threw
them on a rubbish heap until someone decided that they "must" have been
those of the "princes" and retrieved parts of them, along with chicken bones
and other rubbish.
And, like you, I suspect that the bodies predate the construction of the
staircase.
Carol
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
he, the Incredible Hulk?
As for the likelihood that the bones predate the staircase -- if they turn
out to be female bones, that's a strong likelihood. The Anglo-Saxons
didn't practise human sacrifice to the same extent as their neighbors in Germany
and the Nordic regions, but they would do so during crises:
http://www.carlanayland.org/essays/human_sacrifice.htm
In a message dated 5/17/2013 1:10:01 P.M. Central Daylight Time,
justcarol67@... writes:
"Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...> wrote:
> OK, then it was probably undercover. Even so, if they dug a 10ft hole
to put them in that would take hours, and if they put them in a 10ft hole
already dug by workmen - even if they dug it a bit deeper and then covered
them well - they'd be running a major risk that the workmen would find them
within a few days. It really doesn't make much sense as a means of
disposing of bodies in such a public place (unless the workmen were in on it) -
it's far more likely that the bodies were there before the foundations.
>
Carol responds:
"They" according to More was a single unnamed "priest of Brackenbury's,"
who later, at Richard's request, removed them from under the "great heap of
stones" at the foot of (not under the foundations of) a staircase and
reburied them in consecrated ground. Of course, according to More, the priest
had died before Tyrrell (and Dighton) confessed to the murder and neither
knew where the bodies had been moved.
But, yes, I agree with your assessment of the improbabilities--except that
the only workmen involved were the ones who found the skeletons and threw
them on a rubbish heap until someone decided that they "must" have been
those of the "princes" and retrieved parts of them, along with chicken bones
and other rubbish.
And, like you, I suspect that the bodies predate the construction of the
staircase.
Carol
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 19:46:22
--- In , "Stephen Lark" <stephenmlark@...> wrote:
>
> By More's time, the Duke of Buckingham was indeed named Edward (1478-1521).
Carol responds:
Yes, but More was referring to Richard's Duke of Buckingham, not his son, who was a child of five in 1483. "Edward Duke of Buckingham" *could* have been a slip of the pen which somehow remained uncorrected (More would know perfectly well from having read Vergil that Richard's Buckingham was named Henry), but how can we explain "Richard" for "William" (Hastings) in the same sentence?
Either More was extremely careless (if he can't even get names and ages right, how can we trust his other "information"?) or he was dropping a hint here (and in "fifty-three years, seven months, and six days" for "forty years, eleven months, and twelve days") that nothing in his book is to be believed.
And note the names Edward and Richard--those of Edward IV and his brother Richard III and of the "murdered" nephews, also Edward and Richard. It's a very odd error, and I'm surprised that no one (to my knowledge) has commented on it until now.
It just occurred to me that More's repeated phrase, "some wise men deem," could be a [sardonic?] reference to Vergil. It would be interesting to compare the "histories" to see if that's the case. (Can't do it now--I'm trying to catch up on posting,)
Carol
>
> By More's time, the Duke of Buckingham was indeed named Edward (1478-1521).
Carol responds:
Yes, but More was referring to Richard's Duke of Buckingham, not his son, who was a child of five in 1483. "Edward Duke of Buckingham" *could* have been a slip of the pen which somehow remained uncorrected (More would know perfectly well from having read Vergil that Richard's Buckingham was named Henry), but how can we explain "Richard" for "William" (Hastings) in the same sentence?
Either More was extremely careless (if he can't even get names and ages right, how can we trust his other "information"?) or he was dropping a hint here (and in "fifty-three years, seven months, and six days" for "forty years, eleven months, and twelve days") that nothing in his book is to be believed.
And note the names Edward and Richard--those of Edward IV and his brother Richard III and of the "murdered" nephews, also Edward and Richard. It's a very odd error, and I'm surprised that no one (to my knowledge) has commented on it until now.
It just occurred to me that More's repeated phrase, "some wise men deem," could be a [sardonic?] reference to Vergil. It would be interesting to compare the "histories" to see if that's the case. (Can't do it now--I'm trying to catch up on posting,)
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 19:46:28
Hi, Hilary, Doug et al
From: [mailto:] On Behalf Of Hilary Jones
Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 1:34 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Hilary wrote -
Doug, the aristocracy had bathing tents over the tub. The Church may have been getting at the Roman Orgy type public baths (have you watched Mary Beard on this?)
[JLT] That's an interesting tidbit. And I think we would all agree on the public baths thing being what the Church was really down on. Although aspects of the public baths might have been quite convivial (have you seen the humongous public toilets with, like, 25-50 or so holes, all open, all side by side?), I am equally sure that they did encourage sins of the flesh (as St. Paul would call them), and the Romans certainly had enough of those!
Hilary wrote -
Actually dirt (or rather lack of washing) reached its zenith in the eighteenth century when it was actually quite fashionable to be smelly. (Versailles was a public hygiene nightmare). Before that personal hygiene was not bad - I spent the first 12 years of my life in a house where you had a bath once a week in a tin bath in front of the fire and had a 'good wash' the rest of the time. And this was well post WW2, but in the country. Most social classes of Richard's time would set great store by smelling nice, cleaning teeth etc. And it was in your interests to keep the fleas at bay!! Cheers H
[JLT] Another interesting bit of info! Speaking of the 18th. c., I thought of the old phrase, Cleanliness is next to godliness. Having checked my Bible software and a quick look online, it seems pretty clear that there is no such explicit Biblical verse. Apparently the saying derives from a sermon of the 18th. c. founder of Methodism, John Wesley, whose sermon was titled, On Dress. The Methodists were known for preaching to the poor and uneducated. Here is what I found online at http://www.sermoncentral.com/sermons/cleanliness-is-next-to-godliness-david-dykes-sermon-on-apologetics-general-96251.asp
The phrase Cleanliness is next to godliness was probably a Hebrew proverb that had been around for many centuries, but it first appeared in a printed sermon entitled On Dress by John Wesley in 1769. Wesley said, Slovenliness is no part of religion&Cleanliness is indeed next to godliness.
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
<http://groups.yahoo.com/group/;_ylc=X3oDMTJlOTA5M2o5BF9TAzk3MzU5NzE0BGdycElkAzU1Mjc3OTEEZ3Jwc3BJZAMxNzA1Mjk3MzMzBHNlYwN2dGwEc2xrA3ZnaHAEc3RpbWUDMTM2ODgwODQxMQ--> Visit Your Group
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From: [mailto:] On Behalf Of Hilary Jones
Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 1:34 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Hilary wrote -
Doug, the aristocracy had bathing tents over the tub. The Church may have been getting at the Roman Orgy type public baths (have you watched Mary Beard on this?)
[JLT] That's an interesting tidbit. And I think we would all agree on the public baths thing being what the Church was really down on. Although aspects of the public baths might have been quite convivial (have you seen the humongous public toilets with, like, 25-50 or so holes, all open, all side by side?), I am equally sure that they did encourage sins of the flesh (as St. Paul would call them), and the Romans certainly had enough of those!
Hilary wrote -
Actually dirt (or rather lack of washing) reached its zenith in the eighteenth century when it was actually quite fashionable to be smelly. (Versailles was a public hygiene nightmare). Before that personal hygiene was not bad - I spent the first 12 years of my life in a house where you had a bath once a week in a tin bath in front of the fire and had a 'good wash' the rest of the time. And this was well post WW2, but in the country. Most social classes of Richard's time would set great store by smelling nice, cleaning teeth etc. And it was in your interests to keep the fleas at bay!! Cheers H
[JLT] Another interesting bit of info! Speaking of the 18th. c., I thought of the old phrase, Cleanliness is next to godliness. Having checked my Bible software and a quick look online, it seems pretty clear that there is no such explicit Biblical verse. Apparently the saying derives from a sermon of the 18th. c. founder of Methodism, John Wesley, whose sermon was titled, On Dress. The Methodists were known for preaching to the poor and uneducated. Here is what I found online at http://www.sermoncentral.com/sermons/cleanliness-is-next-to-godliness-david-dykes-sermon-on-apologetics-general-96251.asp
The phrase Cleanliness is next to godliness was probably a Hebrew proverb that had been around for many centuries, but it first appeared in a printed sermon entitled On Dress by John Wesley in 1769. Wesley said, Slovenliness is no part of religion&Cleanliness is indeed next to godliness.
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
<http://groups.yahoo.com/group/;_ylc=X3oDMTJlOTA5M2o5BF9TAzk3MzU5NzE0BGdycElkAzU1Mjc3OTEEZ3Jwc3BJZAMxNzA1Mjk3MzMzBHNlYwN2dGwEc2xrA3ZnaHAEc3RpbWUDMTM2ODgwODQxMQ--> Visit Your Group
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Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 20:44:15
William Hastings' successors in More's time were Edward and then George. I think the Buckingham forenames did confuse More, however.
----- Original Message -----
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 7:46 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
--- In , "Stephen Lark" <stephenmlark@...> wrote:
>
> By More's time, the Duke of Buckingham was indeed named Edward (1478-1521).
Carol responds:
Yes, but More was referring to Richard's Duke of Buckingham, not his son, who was a child of five in 1483. "Edward Duke of Buckingham" *could* have been a slip of the pen which somehow remained uncorrected (More would know perfectly well from having read Vergil that Richard's Buckingham was named Henry), but how can we explain "Richard" for "William" (Hastings) in the same sentence?
Either More was extremely careless (if he can't even get names and ages right, how can we trust his other "information"?) or he was dropping a hint here (and in "fifty-three years, seven months, and six days" for "forty years, eleven months, and twelve days") that nothing in his book is to be believed.
And note the names Edward and Richard--those of Edward IV and his brother Richard III and of the "murdered" nephews, also Edward and Richard. It's a very odd error, and I'm surprised that no one (to my knowledge) has commented on it until now.
It just occurred to me that More's repeated phrase, "some wise men deem," could be a [sardonic?] reference to Vergil. It would be interesting to compare the "histories" to see if that's the case. (Can't do it now--I'm trying to catch up on posting,)
Carol
----- Original Message -----
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 7:46 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
--- In , "Stephen Lark" <stephenmlark@...> wrote:
>
> By More's time, the Duke of Buckingham was indeed named Edward (1478-1521).
Carol responds:
Yes, but More was referring to Richard's Duke of Buckingham, not his son, who was a child of five in 1483. "Edward Duke of Buckingham" *could* have been a slip of the pen which somehow remained uncorrected (More would know perfectly well from having read Vergil that Richard's Buckingham was named Henry), but how can we explain "Richard" for "William" (Hastings) in the same sentence?
Either More was extremely careless (if he can't even get names and ages right, how can we trust his other "information"?) or he was dropping a hint here (and in "fifty-three years, seven months, and six days" for "forty years, eleven months, and twelve days") that nothing in his book is to be believed.
And note the names Edward and Richard--those of Edward IV and his brother Richard III and of the "murdered" nephews, also Edward and Richard. It's a very odd error, and I'm surprised that no one (to my knowledge) has commented on it until now.
It just occurred to me that More's repeated phrase, "some wise men deem," could be a [sardonic?] reference to Vergil. It would be interesting to compare the "histories" to see if that's the case. (Can't do it now--I'm trying to catch up on posting,)
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 21:34:36
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 7:09 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> But, yes, I agree with your assessment of the improbabilities--except that
> the only workmen involved were the ones who found the skeletons
I'm assuming that if there had indeed been a heap of stones near the foot of
the stair, big enough to conceal two bodies in, it would be because there
was some sort of building work in progress at that time.
> And, like you, I suspect that the bodies predate the construction of the
> staircase.
Yup. Especially as the City of London has been inhabited continuously for
thousands of years - dig a hole anywhere in the Square Mile and your chances
of eventually finding a body must be pretty high.
What's surprising is that more wasn't made of the two bodies who were,
supposedly, found behind a wall - they sound like far more likely
candidates, if genuine.
To:
Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 7:09 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> But, yes, I agree with your assessment of the improbabilities--except that
> the only workmen involved were the ones who found the skeletons
I'm assuming that if there had indeed been a heap of stones near the foot of
the stair, big enough to conceal two bodies in, it would be because there
was some sort of building work in progress at that time.
> And, like you, I suspect that the bodies predate the construction of the
> staircase.
Yup. Especially as the City of London has been inhabited continuously for
thousands of years - dig a hole anywhere in the Square Mile and your chances
of eventually finding a body must be pretty high.
What's surprising is that more wasn't made of the two bodies who were,
supposedly, found behind a wall - they sound like far more likely
candidates, if genuine.
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-17 21:34:54
My assumption has always been that Buckingham was promised the succession to the throne if Henry Tudor failed to sire an heir.
The Yorkist line left Buckingham way down the order; practically the entire nobility was decended from Edward III from an older son than Thomas of Woodstock (whose arms Buckingham bore).
But if the Beaufort claim were to be established, then his hopes would increase greatly.
Remember that Buckingham's mother was also called Margaret Beaufort.
________________________________
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
To:
Sent: Friday, 17 May 2013, 19:21
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Doug wrote:
> [snip] It could very well be that originally Buckingham *did* plan on restoring Edward to the throne, replacing a Ricardian Protectorate with a Henrician one; followed, of course, by years and years of Buckingham being the second most powerful person in the kingdom because E(V) was sooo grateful.
Carol responds:
Why would he do that when he had already helped to depose Edward (who would hardly be grateful to a man who publicly declared him illegitimate) and to put Richard on the throne when Richard gave him much more power (and land) than he was ever likely to receive under E V? As for a Henrician protectorate, the question is why he ever allied himself with Tudor at all given that his own claim was superior to Henry's (though not, of course, to Richard's) and unclouded by illegitimacy? He was, as Richard stated in one of his letters to York, of "the old blood royal"--like Richard himself and unlike the upstart Woodvilles (Tudor not even fitting into the picture at this point as far as Richard knew).
The one thing that Tudor and Buckingham had in common was that the same people were in their way as claimants--Richard, the "princes," Edward of Warwick. If the plan is to clear the way for one or the other, the best strategy would be for them to act as allies against Richard, dispose of the children in some way (or claim that they were dead until proven otherwise), and then fight each other when all else was taken care of. I can't imagine Buckingham ever supporting Tudor in his haughty heart.
Carol
The Yorkist line left Buckingham way down the order; practically the entire nobility was decended from Edward III from an older son than Thomas of Woodstock (whose arms Buckingham bore).
But if the Beaufort claim were to be established, then his hopes would increase greatly.
Remember that Buckingham's mother was also called Margaret Beaufort.
________________________________
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
To:
Sent: Friday, 17 May 2013, 19:21
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Doug wrote:
> [snip] It could very well be that originally Buckingham *did* plan on restoring Edward to the throne, replacing a Ricardian Protectorate with a Henrician one; followed, of course, by years and years of Buckingham being the second most powerful person in the kingdom because E(V) was sooo grateful.
Carol responds:
Why would he do that when he had already helped to depose Edward (who would hardly be grateful to a man who publicly declared him illegitimate) and to put Richard on the throne when Richard gave him much more power (and land) than he was ever likely to receive under E V? As for a Henrician protectorate, the question is why he ever allied himself with Tudor at all given that his own claim was superior to Henry's (though not, of course, to Richard's) and unclouded by illegitimacy? He was, as Richard stated in one of his letters to York, of "the old blood royal"--like Richard himself and unlike the upstart Woodvilles (Tudor not even fitting into the picture at this point as far as Richard knew).
The one thing that Tudor and Buckingham had in common was that the same people were in their way as claimants--Richard, the "princes," Edward of Warwick. If the plan is to clear the way for one or the other, the best strategy would be for them to act as allies against Richard, dispose of the children in some way (or claim that they were dead until proven otherwise), and then fight each other when all else was taken care of. I can't imagine Buckingham ever supporting Tudor in his haughty heart.
Carol
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-17 21:55:18
I agree. Somewhere it all went wrong.
________________________________
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
To:
Sent: Friday, 17 May 2013, 19:21
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Doug wrote:
> [snip] It could very well be that originally Buckingham *did* plan on restoring Edward to the throne, replacing a Ricardian Protectorate with a Henrician one; followed, of course, by years and years of Buckingham being the second most powerful person in the kingdom because E(V) was sooo grateful.
Carol responds:
Why would he do that when he had already helped to depose Edward (who would hardly be grateful to a man who publicly declared him illegitimate) and to put Richard on the throne when Richard gave him much more power (and land) than he was ever likely to receive under E V? As for a Henrician protectorate, the question is why he ever allied himself with Tudor at all given that his own claim was superior to Henry's (though not, of course, to Richard's) and unclouded by illegitimacy? He was, as Richard stated in one of his letters to York, of "the old blood royal"--like Richard himself and unlike the upstart Woodvilles (Tudor not even fitting into the picture at this point as far as Richard knew).
The one thing that Tudor and Buckingham had in common was that the same people were in their way as claimants--Richard, the "princes," Edward of Warwick. If the plan is to clear the way for one or the other, the best strategy would be for them to act as allies against Richard, dispose of the children in some way (or claim that they were dead until proven otherwise), and then fight each other when all else was taken care of. I can't imagine Buckingham ever supporting Tudor in his haughty heart.
Carol
________________________________
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
To:
Sent: Friday, 17 May 2013, 19:21
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Doug wrote:
> [snip] It could very well be that originally Buckingham *did* plan on restoring Edward to the throne, replacing a Ricardian Protectorate with a Henrician one; followed, of course, by years and years of Buckingham being the second most powerful person in the kingdom because E(V) was sooo grateful.
Carol responds:
Why would he do that when he had already helped to depose Edward (who would hardly be grateful to a man who publicly declared him illegitimate) and to put Richard on the throne when Richard gave him much more power (and land) than he was ever likely to receive under E V? As for a Henrician protectorate, the question is why he ever allied himself with Tudor at all given that his own claim was superior to Henry's (though not, of course, to Richard's) and unclouded by illegitimacy? He was, as Richard stated in one of his letters to York, of "the old blood royal"--like Richard himself and unlike the upstart Woodvilles (Tudor not even fitting into the picture at this point as far as Richard knew).
The one thing that Tudor and Buckingham had in common was that the same people were in their way as claimants--Richard, the "princes," Edward of Warwick. If the plan is to clear the way for one or the other, the best strategy would be for them to act as allies against Richard, dispose of the children in some way (or claim that they were dead until proven otherwise), and then fight each other when all else was taken care of. I can't imagine Buckingham ever supporting Tudor in his haughty heart.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 22:31:25
Ishita Bandyo wrote:
>
> He would never have passed high school with his knowledge of history! It would be like my answering Obama while being asked who was the President during WW2!
Carol responds:
Actually, More would have known that Edward, Duke of Buckingham (close to his own age) was the son of Henry, Duke of Buckingham (executed by Richard as a traitor), if only because he had read and partially followed, partially disagreed with Vergil's version of events. In other words, he would have known that Richard's Buckingham was Henry, not Edward. That's why the error stands out for me--along with many other scenes that aren't what they appear to be to people taking More's book as straightforward "history" (or even a moral tract indifferent to the facts).
More does make errors of a more ordinary kind (such as his statement that Dr. Shaw's sermon referred to Edward IV's bastardy and not that of his children), but he doesn't ordinarily get first names wrong, especially not two in one sentence.
Carol
>
> He would never have passed high school with his knowledge of history! It would be like my answering Obama while being asked who was the President during WW2!
Carol responds:
Actually, More would have known that Edward, Duke of Buckingham (close to his own age) was the son of Henry, Duke of Buckingham (executed by Richard as a traitor), if only because he had read and partially followed, partially disagreed with Vergil's version of events. In other words, he would have known that Richard's Buckingham was Henry, not Edward. That's why the error stands out for me--along with many other scenes that aren't what they appear to be to people taking More's book as straightforward "history" (or even a moral tract indifferent to the facts).
More does make errors of a more ordinary kind (such as his statement that Dr. Shaw's sermon referred to Edward IV's bastardy and not that of his children), but he doesn't ordinarily get first names wrong, especially not two in one sentence.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 22:37:47
"Claire M Jordan" wrote:
>
> [snip] Yes, but apparently this Wigram person believes that the site had been undercover in the 15th C. [snip]
Carol responds:
Isolde Wigram is the vice president of the main branch of the Richard III Society. http://newr3.dreamhosters.com/?page_id=2139 http://www.zoominfo.com/p/Isolde-Wigram/167230322
Carol
>
> [snip] Yes, but apparently this Wigram person believes that the site had been undercover in the 15th C. [snip]
Carol responds:
Isolde Wigram is the vice president of the main branch of the Richard III Society. http://newr3.dreamhosters.com/?page_id=2139 http://www.zoominfo.com/p/Isolde-Wigram/167230322
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 22:47:46
Carol earlier:
> > If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the date of Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same in both chronicles),
Claire responded:
> Between 4th and 8th August, accto girders' itinerary for Richard - he arrived in Glocester on the 4th and in Warwick on or by the 8th, both dates derived from articles in The Ricardian.
Carol responds:
First, I should mention that I still don't think Buckingham accompanied Richard on the progress or met him in Gloucester since that's unclear from the snippet. I'm only interested in the day when More and Vergil would have him leaving Gloucester for Brecon, which doesn't appear to fit his girders chronology at all.
Girders has an itinerary for Richard? I thought it only had chronologies for the "minor characters," so to speak. Where can I find it?
Carol
> > If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the date of Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same in both chronicles),
Claire responded:
> Between 4th and 8th August, accto girders' itinerary for Richard - he arrived in Glocester on the 4th and in Warwick on or by the 8th, both dates derived from articles in The Ricardian.
Carol responds:
First, I should mention that I still don't think Buckingham accompanied Richard on the progress or met him in Gloucester since that's unclear from the snippet. I'm only interested in the day when More and Vergil would have him leaving Gloucester for Brecon, which doesn't appear to fit his girders chronology at all.
Girders has an itinerary for Richard? I thought it only had chronologies for the "minor characters," so to speak. Where can I find it?
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 23:02:48
The site's author, I think, is attempting to write biographies of everyone
alive during Richard's lifetime. He said England in the 15th century had a
population of about 2.5 million (how do we know - does anyone know?) and
that he has about 100,000 "bios" on the site, now. Of course, some are
duplicates.
Richard's itinerary is found in the "Diary" folder. There's one for each
year 1452-1485.
A J
On Fri, May 17, 2013 at 4:47 PM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
> Carol earlier:
>
> > > If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the
> date of Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same
> in both chronicles),
>
> Claire responded:
>
> > Between 4th and 8th August, accto girders' itinerary for Richard - he
> arrived in Glocester on the 4th and in Warwick on or by the 8th, both dates
> derived from articles in The Ricardian.
>
> Carol responds:
>
> First, I should mention that I still don't think Buckingham accompanied
> Richard on the progress or met him in Gloucester since that's unclear from
> the snippet. I'm only interested in the day when More and Vergil would have
> him leaving Gloucester for Brecon, which doesn't appear to fit his girders
> chronology at all.
>
> Girders has an itinerary for Richard? I thought it only had chronologies
> for the "minor characters," so to speak. Where can I find it?
>
> Carol
>
>
>
alive during Richard's lifetime. He said England in the 15th century had a
population of about 2.5 million (how do we know - does anyone know?) and
that he has about 100,000 "bios" on the site, now. Of course, some are
duplicates.
Richard's itinerary is found in the "Diary" folder. There's one for each
year 1452-1485.
A J
On Fri, May 17, 2013 at 4:47 PM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
> Carol earlier:
>
> > > If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the
> date of Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same
> in both chronicles),
>
> Claire responded:
>
> > Between 4th and 8th August, accto girders' itinerary for Richard - he
> arrived in Glocester on the 4th and in Warwick on or by the 8th, both dates
> derived from articles in The Ricardian.
>
> Carol responds:
>
> First, I should mention that I still don't think Buckingham accompanied
> Richard on the progress or met him in Gloucester since that's unclear from
> the snippet. I'm only interested in the day when More and Vergil would have
> him leaving Gloucester for Brecon, which doesn't appear to fit his girders
> chronology at all.
>
> Girders has an itinerary for Richard? I thought it only had chronologies
> for the "minor characters," so to speak. Where can I find it?
>
> Carol
>
>
>
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-17 23:05:15
Maybe I'm being a bit thick here but I still don't get it at all, regardless of the Beaufort claim. Buckingham surely stil lhad a much better claim to the throne that Tydder To me this is the biggest puzzle of the whole thing why on earth would Buck push the claim of someone whose claim was much much weaker than his own.
________________________________
From: david rayner <theblackprussian@...>
To: "" <>
Sent: Friday, 17 May 2013, 21:08
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
My assumption has always been that Buckingham was promised the succession to the throne if Henry Tudor failed to sire an heir.
The Yorkist line left Buckingham way down the order; practically the entire nobility was decended from Edward III from an older son than Thomas of Woodstock (whose arms Buckingham bore).
But if the Beaufort claim were to be established, then his hopes would increase greatly.
Remember that Buckingham's mother was also called Margaret Beaufort.
________________________________
From: david rayner <theblackprussian@...>
To: "" <>
Sent: Friday, 17 May 2013, 21:08
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
My assumption has always been that Buckingham was promised the succession to the throne if Henry Tudor failed to sire an heir.
The Yorkist line left Buckingham way down the order; practically the entire nobility was decended from Edward III from an older son than Thomas of Woodstock (whose arms Buckingham bore).
But if the Beaufort claim were to be established, then his hopes would increase greatly.
Remember that Buckingham's mother was also called Margaret Beaufort.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 23:10:24
Claire wrote:
> Between 4th and 8th August, accto girders' itinerary for Richard - he arrived in Glocester on the 4th and in Warwick on or by the 8th, both dates derived from articles in The Ricardian.
A J Hibbard responded:
>
> Rhoda Edwards' *Itinerary* has Richard 4 Aug 1483 at Tewkesbury, 5 Aug at Worcester (probably the Priory), & 8-9 Aug at Warwick Castle.
>
> Ian Rogers' Yearly Diary for 1483 (=? girders' itinerary) has 8-15 Aug. Richard was at Warwick. [snip]
>
> (Ricardian 53 p.18)
Carol adds:
Oh, great. They agree on Warwick, but not on August 4 through 7?
Someone with a knowledge of English geography please tell me where Gloucester is in relation to those other cities, none of which is mentioned by More or Vergil, our only "sources" for B's supposed departure from Richard at Gloucester.
Those two "chroniclers" disagree on the city from which Richard ostensibly wrote to Brackenbury and where he was when he sent Tyrrell to London, but I won't worry about that now.
What are Edwards's sources, AJ?
Thanks to both of you, by the way.
Carol
> Between 4th and 8th August, accto girders' itinerary for Richard - he arrived in Glocester on the 4th and in Warwick on or by the 8th, both dates derived from articles in The Ricardian.
A J Hibbard responded:
>
> Rhoda Edwards' *Itinerary* has Richard 4 Aug 1483 at Tewkesbury, 5 Aug at Worcester (probably the Priory), & 8-9 Aug at Warwick Castle.
>
> Ian Rogers' Yearly Diary for 1483 (=? girders' itinerary) has 8-15 Aug. Richard was at Warwick. [snip]
>
> (Ricardian 53 p.18)
Carol adds:
Oh, great. They agree on Warwick, but not on August 4 through 7?
Someone with a knowledge of English geography please tell me where Gloucester is in relation to those other cities, none of which is mentioned by More or Vergil, our only "sources" for B's supposed departure from Richard at Gloucester.
Those two "chroniclers" disagree on the city from which Richard ostensibly wrote to Brackenbury and where he was when he sent Tyrrell to London, but I won't worry about that now.
What are Edwards's sources, AJ?
Thanks to both of you, by the way.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 23:31:49
"ricard1an" wrote:
>
> Definitely Eileen. It says a lot about the traditionalists.
Carol responds:
I have a theory about the traditionalists. They have no imagination, so they don't recognize imaginative fiction (More's book) when they read it. They have no sense of humor, either, so they don't recognize his dark, sardonic irony or consider the possibility that he might be ridiculing those "wise men" and their absurd "deem[ing]".
Most traditionalist historians have no understanding of female psychology, either, which explains their assumption that EW would come to terms with a man she believed had ordered the murder of her two young sons. And they take Mancini and Croyland as gospel, failing to see gaps, contradictions, and biases, not to mention treating Mancini's humanistic dialogues as actual conversations.
Carol
>
> Definitely Eileen. It says a lot about the traditionalists.
Carol responds:
I have a theory about the traditionalists. They have no imagination, so they don't recognize imaginative fiction (More's book) when they read it. They have no sense of humor, either, so they don't recognize his dark, sardonic irony or consider the possibility that he might be ridiculing those "wise men" and their absurd "deem[ing]".
Most traditionalist historians have no understanding of female psychology, either, which explains their assumption that EW would come to terms with a man she believed had ordered the murder of her two young sons. And they take Mancini and Croyland as gospel, failing to see gaps, contradictions, and biases, not to mention treating Mancini's humanistic dialogues as actual conversations.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 23:45:02
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 10:31 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> More does make errors of a more ordinary kind (such as his statement that
> Dr. Shaw's sermon referred to Edward IV's bastardy and not that of his
> children), but he doesn't ordinarily get first names wrong, especially not
> two in one sentence.
I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to
crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would
ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate.
On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing
wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*?
I wonder if he just wasn't very organised in his note taking, and
accidentally attached somebody else's birthdate to Edward. e.g. by writing
the date and Edward's name down close together and then mistakenly thinking
they belonged together.
To:
Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 10:31 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> More does make errors of a more ordinary kind (such as his statement that
> Dr. Shaw's sermon referred to Edward IV's bastardy and not that of his
> children), but he doesn't ordinarily get first names wrong, especially not
> two in one sentence.
I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to
crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would
ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate.
On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing
wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*?
I wonder if he just wasn't very organised in his note taking, and
accidentally attached somebody else's birthdate to Edward. e.g. by writing
the date and Edward's name down close together and then mistakenly thinking
they belonged together.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 23:45:23
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 10:47 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> Girders has an itinerary for Richard? I thought it only had chronologies
> for the "minor characters," so to speak. Where can I find it?
I think it's just labelled "diary". One file per year but the last time I
looked, he(?) hadn't completed 1485. Or if you like I can email them to
you - I downloaded them all a couple of years ago.
To:
Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 10:47 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> Girders has an itinerary for Richard? I thought it only had chronologies
> for the "minor characters," so to speak. Where can I find it?
I think it's just labelled "diary". One file per year but the last time I
looked, he(?) hadn't completed 1485. Or if you like I can email them to
you - I downloaded them all a couple of years ago.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-17 23:49:21
Oh you are absolutely on track, I think.....especially about women.
On May 17, 2013, at 5:31 PM, "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...<mailto:justcarol67@...>> wrote:
"ricard1an" wrote:
>
> Definitely Eileen. It says a lot about the traditionalists.
Carol responds:
I have a theory about the traditionalists. They have no imagination, so they don't recognize imaginative fiction (More's book) when they read it. They have no sense of humor, either, so they don't recognize his dark, sardonic irony or consider the possibility that he might be ridiculing those "wise men" and their absurd "deem[ing]".
Most traditionalist historians have no understanding of female psychology, either, which explains their assumption that EW would come to terms with a man she believed had ordered the murder of her two young sons. And they take Mancini and Croyland as gospel, failing to see gaps, contradictions, and biases, not to mention treating Mancini's humanistic dialogues as actual conversations.
Carol
On May 17, 2013, at 5:31 PM, "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...<mailto:justcarol67@...>> wrote:
"ricard1an" wrote:
>
> Definitely Eileen. It says a lot about the traditionalists.
Carol responds:
I have a theory about the traditionalists. They have no imagination, so they don't recognize imaginative fiction (More's book) when they read it. They have no sense of humor, either, so they don't recognize his dark, sardonic irony or consider the possibility that he might be ridiculing those "wise men" and their absurd "deem[ing]".
Most traditionalist historians have no understanding of female psychology, either, which explains their assumption that EW would come to terms with a man she believed had ordered the murder of her two young sons. And they take Mancini and Croyland as gospel, failing to see gaps, contradictions, and biases, not to mention treating Mancini's humanistic dialogues as actual conversations.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-18 00:25:23
Point 1 - I've been looking at the Commissions of the Peace included in the
Appendix to the volumes of the Calendar of Patent Rolls, & it sure looks as
if these give the names of the commissioners, but do not necessarily imply
when or if they were present. Someone must know what the rules were for
these commissions - did they require, for instance, a certain number to be
present, when they met? Was there a requirement to meet? if so, how often?
What exactly were the duties of the men named to such commissions? etc. It
looks as if these commissions consisted of a number of lords, some of whom,
like George Duke of Clarence were named to multiple commissions & varied
depending on who was in favor with the King at the time, while the names of
commoners often continued commission after commission regardless of who was
king. It looks as if most (maybe all) of them only served on one
commission, presumably local. I will know more after I've entered these
into my timeline spreadsheet.
Point 2 - Edwards *Itinerary*
4 Aug 1483, Tewkesbury - Harl 433 Vol 2 p 7
5 Aug 1483, Worcester (monasterium) - PRO C81/886/18
8 Aug 1483, Warwick Castle - Harl 433 Vol 3 p 24; PRO C81/886/19
Harl 433 is the Harleian ms which Edwards says "almost certainly represents
papers from the Signet Office of Edward V & Richard III" and as the
department working most closely with the King would have travelled with
him. PRO C is the abbreviation for Chancery Records in the Public Record
Office.
Checking Harl 433 confirms that a document was generated to "Thabbot of
Tewkesbury" that was "Yevene etc at Tewkesbury the iiijth day of August
Anno primo Ricardi iiijth" and on 8 Aug 1483 a document was generated that
stated the ambassador of the Queen of Spain, said, affirmed & promised to
the most illustrious and powerful prince, the King of England etc before
the lords of his council, on the day, month, and year below written in the
town of Warwick, as follows... on the eighth day of the month of August in
the year of the Lord 1483."
A J
On Fri, May 17, 2013 at 5:10 PM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
> Claire wrote:
>
> > Between 4th and 8th August, accto girders' itinerary for Richard - he
> arrived in Glocester on the 4th and in Warwick on or by the 8th, both dates
> derived from articles in The Ricardian.
>
> A J Hibbard responded:
> >
> > Rhoda Edwards' *Itinerary* has Richard 4 Aug 1483 at Tewkesbury, 5 Aug
> at Worcester (probably the Priory), & 8-9 Aug at Warwick Castle.
> >
> > Ian Rogers' Yearly Diary for 1483 (=? girders' itinerary) has 8-15 Aug.
> Richard was at Warwick. [snip]
> >
> > (Ricardian 53 p.18)
>
> Carol adds:
>
> Oh, great. They agree on Warwick, but not on August 4 through 7?
>
> Someone with a knowledge of English geography please tell me where
> Gloucester is in relation to those other cities, none of which is mentioned
> by More or Vergil, our only "sources" for B's supposed departure from
> Richard at Gloucester.
>
> Those two "chroniclers" disagree on the city from which Richard ostensibly
> wrote to Brackenbury and where he was when he sent Tyrrell to London, but I
> won't worry about that now.
>
> What are Edwards's sources, AJ?
>
> Thanks to both of you, by the way.
>
> Carol
>
>
>
Appendix to the volumes of the Calendar of Patent Rolls, & it sure looks as
if these give the names of the commissioners, but do not necessarily imply
when or if they were present. Someone must know what the rules were for
these commissions - did they require, for instance, a certain number to be
present, when they met? Was there a requirement to meet? if so, how often?
What exactly were the duties of the men named to such commissions? etc. It
looks as if these commissions consisted of a number of lords, some of whom,
like George Duke of Clarence were named to multiple commissions & varied
depending on who was in favor with the King at the time, while the names of
commoners often continued commission after commission regardless of who was
king. It looks as if most (maybe all) of them only served on one
commission, presumably local. I will know more after I've entered these
into my timeline spreadsheet.
Point 2 - Edwards *Itinerary*
4 Aug 1483, Tewkesbury - Harl 433 Vol 2 p 7
5 Aug 1483, Worcester (monasterium) - PRO C81/886/18
8 Aug 1483, Warwick Castle - Harl 433 Vol 3 p 24; PRO C81/886/19
Harl 433 is the Harleian ms which Edwards says "almost certainly represents
papers from the Signet Office of Edward V & Richard III" and as the
department working most closely with the King would have travelled with
him. PRO C is the abbreviation for Chancery Records in the Public Record
Office.
Checking Harl 433 confirms that a document was generated to "Thabbot of
Tewkesbury" that was "Yevene etc at Tewkesbury the iiijth day of August
Anno primo Ricardi iiijth" and on 8 Aug 1483 a document was generated that
stated the ambassador of the Queen of Spain, said, affirmed & promised to
the most illustrious and powerful prince, the King of England etc before
the lords of his council, on the day, month, and year below written in the
town of Warwick, as follows... on the eighth day of the month of August in
the year of the Lord 1483."
A J
On Fri, May 17, 2013 at 5:10 PM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
> Claire wrote:
>
> > Between 4th and 8th August, accto girders' itinerary for Richard - he
> arrived in Glocester on the 4th and in Warwick on or by the 8th, both dates
> derived from articles in The Ricardian.
>
> A J Hibbard responded:
> >
> > Rhoda Edwards' *Itinerary* has Richard 4 Aug 1483 at Tewkesbury, 5 Aug
> at Worcester (probably the Priory), & 8-9 Aug at Warwick Castle.
> >
> > Ian Rogers' Yearly Diary for 1483 (=? girders' itinerary) has 8-15 Aug.
> Richard was at Warwick. [snip]
> >
> > (Ricardian 53 p.18)
>
> Carol adds:
>
> Oh, great. They agree on Warwick, but not on August 4 through 7?
>
> Someone with a knowledge of English geography please tell me where
> Gloucester is in relation to those other cities, none of which is mentioned
> by More or Vergil, our only "sources" for B's supposed departure from
> Richard at Gloucester.
>
> Those two "chroniclers" disagree on the city from which Richard ostensibly
> wrote to Brackenbury and where he was when he sent Tyrrell to London, but I
> won't worry about that now.
>
> What are Edwards's sources, AJ?
>
> Thanks to both of you, by the way.
>
> Carol
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-18 01:19:03
--- In , "wednesday_mc" <wednesday.mac@...> wrote:
>
> I think we were originally trying to figure out how close Windsor and London were, to ascertain if Buckingham "lingered" in London, how long would it take him to get to Windsor IF he was to join Richard when he left from Windsor on his progress.
>
> Richard visited Oxford first on his progress, and the list of men with him there doesn't include Buckingham. Some sources have Buckingham meeting up with Richard at Gloucester and then going on to Brecon, and not being with Richard at all on the progress itself.
>
> I don't think Buckingham would have traveled alone in any case, so I'm thinking his speed of travel would have been at an amble, the better for those along the way to view the magnificence of his household?
Carol responds:
Which sources (besides Kendall) have Buckingham meeting Richard at Gloucester? As I said, the contemporary chronicles don't mention him at all between the coronation and the rebellion. Vergil has him and Richard parting after a quarrel, having hated each other all along (which makes no sense, but Vergil believed that Buckingham repented aiding the evil usurper, Richard, and chose to support the saintly Henry instead); More explores that possibility but decides that they must have parted in apparent friendship, each too wily to reveal open hostility. But there's no evidence other than their word that he was on the progress at all, and the idea that he met Richard in Gloucester is just Kendall's attempt to make the absence of other evidence match Vergil (and More).
Or am I missing something?
Carol
>
> I think we were originally trying to figure out how close Windsor and London were, to ascertain if Buckingham "lingered" in London, how long would it take him to get to Windsor IF he was to join Richard when he left from Windsor on his progress.
>
> Richard visited Oxford first on his progress, and the list of men with him there doesn't include Buckingham. Some sources have Buckingham meeting up with Richard at Gloucester and then going on to Brecon, and not being with Richard at all on the progress itself.
>
> I don't think Buckingham would have traveled alone in any case, so I'm thinking his speed of travel would have been at an amble, the better for those along the way to view the magnificence of his household?
Carol responds:
Which sources (besides Kendall) have Buckingham meeting Richard at Gloucester? As I said, the contemporary chronicles don't mention him at all between the coronation and the rebellion. Vergil has him and Richard parting after a quarrel, having hated each other all along (which makes no sense, but Vergil believed that Buckingham repented aiding the evil usurper, Richard, and chose to support the saintly Henry instead); More explores that possibility but decides that they must have parted in apparent friendship, each too wily to reveal open hostility. But there's no evidence other than their word that he was on the progress at all, and the idea that he met Richard in Gloucester is just Kendall's attempt to make the absence of other evidence match Vergil (and More).
Or am I missing something?
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-18 09:07:46
Both are north of Gloucester but Warwick is several miles east.
----- Original Message -----
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 11:10 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Claire wrote:
> Between 4th and 8th August, accto girders' itinerary for Richard - he arrived in Glocester on the 4th and in Warwick on or by the 8th, both dates derived from articles in The Ricardian.
A J Hibbard responded:
>
> Rhoda Edwards' *Itinerary* has Richard 4 Aug 1483 at Tewkesbury, 5 Aug at Worcester (probably the Priory), & 8-9 Aug at Warwick Castle.
>
> Ian Rogers' Yearly Diary for 1483 (=? girders' itinerary) has 8-15 Aug. Richard was at Warwick. [snip]
>
> (Ricardian 53 p.18)
Carol adds:
Oh, great. They agree on Warwick, but not on August 4 through 7?
Someone with a knowledge of English geography please tell me where Gloucester is in relation to those other cities, none of which is mentioned by More or Vergil, our only "sources" for B's supposed departure from Richard at Gloucester.
Those two "chroniclers" disagree on the city from which Richard ostensibly wrote to Brackenbury and where he was when he sent Tyrrell to London, but I won't worry about that now.
What are Edwards's sources, AJ?
Thanks to both of you, by the way.
Carol
----- Original Message -----
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 11:10 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Claire wrote:
> Between 4th and 8th August, accto girders' itinerary for Richard - he arrived in Glocester on the 4th and in Warwick on or by the 8th, both dates derived from articles in The Ricardian.
A J Hibbard responded:
>
> Rhoda Edwards' *Itinerary* has Richard 4 Aug 1483 at Tewkesbury, 5 Aug at Worcester (probably the Priory), & 8-9 Aug at Warwick Castle.
>
> Ian Rogers' Yearly Diary for 1483 (=? girders' itinerary) has 8-15 Aug. Richard was at Warwick. [snip]
>
> (Ricardian 53 p.18)
Carol adds:
Oh, great. They agree on Warwick, but not on August 4 through 7?
Someone with a knowledge of English geography please tell me where Gloucester is in relation to those other cities, none of which is mentioned by More or Vergil, our only "sources" for B's supposed departure from Richard at Gloucester.
Those two "chroniclers" disagree on the city from which Richard ostensibly wrote to Brackenbury and where he was when he sent Tyrrell to London, but I won't worry about that now.
What are Edwards's sources, AJ?
Thanks to both of you, by the way.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-18 10:00:14
We can estimate population and I would say he is slightly high. The majority of the population was of course rural, with London having a population of 60,000 in 1520 and the next biggest town being Norwich at 12,000. There were 700 towns in 1500, but with much smaller populations. For example, Warwick (still in the top ten) had 2000. This was one of my specialisms at uni so I know it well (and love it well). Peter Clark and Paul Slack's English Towns in Transitions is very good on this if you can still get it.
As for girders; I think he's gone for volume rather than depth or quality (sorry don't mean to be disparaging it's still hard work). Checking and double checking is tedious work. At the moment I'm wading through the Visitations and even they aren't always right. To get a true picture you have to put several bits of evidence together and go for the common factor. I await the day when my rellies appear on his list though!
________________________________
From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
To: "" <>
Sent: Friday, 17 May 2013, 23:02
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
The site's author, I think, is attempting to write biographies of everyone
alive during Richard's lifetime. He said England in the 15th century had a
population of about 2.5 million (how do we know - does anyone know?) and
that he has about 100,000 "bios" on the site, now. Of course, some are
duplicates.
Richard's itinerary is found in the "Diary" folder. There's one for each
year 1452-1485.
A J
On Fri, May 17, 2013 at 4:47 PM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
> Carol earlier:
>
> > > If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the
> date of Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same
> in both chronicles),
>
> Claire responded:
>
> > Between 4th and 8th August, accto girders' itinerary for Richard - he
> arrived in Glocester on the 4th and in Warwick on or by the 8th, both dates
> derived from articles in The Ricardian.
>
> Carol responds:
>
> First, I should mention that I still don't think Buckingham accompanied
> Richard on the progress or met him in Gloucester since that's unclear from
> the snippet. I'm only interested in the day when More and Vergil would have
> him leaving Gloucester for Brecon, which doesn't appear to fit his girders
> chronology at all.
>
> Girders has an itinerary for Richard? I thought it only had chronologies
> for the "minor characters," so to speak. Where can I find it?
>
> Carol
>
>
>
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
As for girders; I think he's gone for volume rather than depth or quality (sorry don't mean to be disparaging it's still hard work). Checking and double checking is tedious work. At the moment I'm wading through the Visitations and even they aren't always right. To get a true picture you have to put several bits of evidence together and go for the common factor. I await the day when my rellies appear on his list though!
________________________________
From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
To: "" <>
Sent: Friday, 17 May 2013, 23:02
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
The site's author, I think, is attempting to write biographies of everyone
alive during Richard's lifetime. He said England in the 15th century had a
population of about 2.5 million (how do we know - does anyone know?) and
that he has about 100,000 "bios" on the site, now. Of course, some are
duplicates.
Richard's itinerary is found in the "Diary" folder. There's one for each
year 1452-1485.
A J
On Fri, May 17, 2013 at 4:47 PM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
> Carol earlier:
>
> > > If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the
> date of Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same
> in both chronicles),
>
> Claire responded:
>
> > Between 4th and 8th August, accto girders' itinerary for Richard - he
> arrived in Glocester on the 4th and in Warwick on or by the 8th, both dates
> derived from articles in The Ricardian.
>
> Carol responds:
>
> First, I should mention that I still don't think Buckingham accompanied
> Richard on the progress or met him in Gloucester since that's unclear from
> the snippet. I'm only interested in the day when More and Vergil would have
> him leaving Gloucester for Brecon, which doesn't appear to fit his girders
> chronology at all.
>
> Girders has an itinerary for Richard? I thought it only had chronologies
> for the "minor characters," so to speak. Where can I find it?
>
> Carol
>
>
>
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-18 10:06:28
I'm with you Liz. I don't buy the Beaufort thing, they had been barred and Buckingham had a much better legitimate claim. He would also know there were others around like the Percies and the Bourchiers, who also had a better claim. Everything about him points to the fact that he was a snob. Yes he might have been influenced and promised help by Auntie Margaret, but it was more likely a put up that they were supporting him, so he stirred up a rebellion, took the chop if it went wrong, or Henry/they got rid of him fast if he succeeded. Just my view.
________________________________
From: liz williams <ferrymansdaughter@...>
To: "" <>
Sent: Friday, 17 May 2013, 23:05
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Maybe I'm being a bit thick here but I still don't get it at all, regardless of the Beaufort claim. Buckingham surely stil lhad a much better claim to the throne that Tydder To me this is the biggest puzzle of the whole thing why on earth would Buck push the claim of someone whose claim was much much weaker than his own.
________________________________
From: david rayner <mailto:theblackprussian%40yahoo.co.uk>
To: "mailto:%40yahoogroups.com" <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Friday, 17 May 2013, 21:08
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
My assumption has always been that Buckingham was promised the succession to the throne if Henry Tudor failed to sire an heir.
The Yorkist line left Buckingham way down the order; practically the entire nobility was decended from Edward III from an older son than Thomas of Woodstock (whose arms Buckingham bore).
But if the Beaufort claim were to be established, then his hopes would increase greatly.
Remember that Buckingham's mother was also called Margaret Beaufort.
________________________________
From: liz williams <ferrymansdaughter@...>
To: "" <>
Sent: Friday, 17 May 2013, 23:05
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Maybe I'm being a bit thick here but I still don't get it at all, regardless of the Beaufort claim. Buckingham surely stil lhad a much better claim to the throne that Tydder To me this is the biggest puzzle of the whole thing why on earth would Buck push the claim of someone whose claim was much much weaker than his own.
________________________________
From: david rayner <mailto:theblackprussian%40yahoo.co.uk>
To: "mailto:%40yahoogroups.com" <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Friday, 17 May 2013, 21:08
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
My assumption has always been that Buckingham was promised the succession to the throne if Henry Tudor failed to sire an heir.
The Yorkist line left Buckingham way down the order; practically the entire nobility was decended from Edward III from an older son than Thomas of Woodstock (whose arms Buckingham bore).
But if the Beaufort claim were to be established, then his hopes would increase greatly.
Remember that Buckingham's mother was also called Margaret Beaufort.
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-18 10:32:11
Query: How do we know Buckingham was joining Tudor? Maybe his understanding was that Tudor was coming to support *him*? The other thought that occurs to me is that they might have been engaged in a let's you and him fight egging on Buckingham to oppose Richard, figuring that at least one would eliminate the other and both would probably end up weaker than before thus making Tudor's ultimate task easier.
Make any sense at all?
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From: [mailto:] On Behalf Of Hilary Jones
Sent: Saturday, May 18, 2013 6:06 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
I'm with you Liz. I don't buy the Beaufort thing, they had been barred and Buckingham had a much better legitimate claim. He would also know there were others around like the Percies and the Bourchiers, who also had a better claim. Everything about him points to the fact that he was a snob. Yes he might have been influenced and promised help by Auntie Margaret, but it was more likely a put up that they were supporting him, so he stirred up a rebellion, took the chop if it went wrong, or Henry/they got rid of him fast if he succeeded. Just my view.
________________________________
From: liz williams <ferrymansdaughter@... <mailto:ferrymansdaughter%40btinternet.com> >
To: " <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> " < <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> >
Sent: Friday, 17 May 2013, 23:05
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Maybe I'm being a bit thick here but I still don't get it at all, regardless of the Beaufort claim. Buckingham surely stil lhad a much better claim to the throne that Tydder To me this is the biggest puzzle of the whole thing why on earth would Buck push the claim of someone whose claim was much much weaker than his own.
________________________________
From: david rayner <mailto:theblackprussian%40yahoo.co.uk>
To: "mailto:%40yahoogroups.com" <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Friday, 17 May 2013, 21:08
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
My assumption has always been that Buckingham was promised the succession to the throne if Henry Tudor failed to sire an heir.
The Yorkist line left Buckingham way down the order; practically the entire nobility was decended from Edward III from an older son than Thomas of Woodstock (whose arms Buckingham bore).
But if the Beaufort claim were to be established, then his hopes would increase greatly.
Remember that Buckingham's mother was also called Margaret Beaufort.
Make any sense at all?
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From: [mailto:] On Behalf Of Hilary Jones
Sent: Saturday, May 18, 2013 6:06 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
I'm with you Liz. I don't buy the Beaufort thing, they had been barred and Buckingham had a much better legitimate claim. He would also know there were others around like the Percies and the Bourchiers, who also had a better claim. Everything about him points to the fact that he was a snob. Yes he might have been influenced and promised help by Auntie Margaret, but it was more likely a put up that they were supporting him, so he stirred up a rebellion, took the chop if it went wrong, or Henry/they got rid of him fast if he succeeded. Just my view.
________________________________
From: liz williams <ferrymansdaughter@... <mailto:ferrymansdaughter%40btinternet.com> >
To: " <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> " < <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com> >
Sent: Friday, 17 May 2013, 23:05
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Maybe I'm being a bit thick here but I still don't get it at all, regardless of the Beaufort claim. Buckingham surely stil lhad a much better claim to the throne that Tydder To me this is the biggest puzzle of the whole thing why on earth would Buck push the claim of someone whose claim was much much weaker than his own.
________________________________
From: david rayner <mailto:theblackprussian%40yahoo.co.uk>
To: "mailto:%40yahoogroups.com" <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Friday, 17 May 2013, 21:08
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
My assumption has always been that Buckingham was promised the succession to the throne if Henry Tudor failed to sire an heir.
The Yorkist line left Buckingham way down the order; practically the entire nobility was decended from Edward III from an older son than Thomas of Woodstock (whose arms Buckingham bore).
But if the Beaufort claim were to be established, then his hopes would increase greatly.
Remember that Buckingham's mother was also called Margaret Beaufort.
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-18 11:08:03
From Johanne:
Query: How do we know Buckingham was joining Tudor? ...... The other thought that occurs to me is that they might have been engaged in a let's you and him fight egging on Buckingham to oppose Richard, figuring that at least one would eliminate the other and both would probably end up weaker than before thus making Tudor's ultimate task easier. Make any sense at all?
Sandra replies:
I share this view of it, Johanne. I feel Buckingham was puffed up into acting for himself, so that he drew Richard's attention, while the real thing' sneaked in on the south coast. A little like Harold in 1066, being distracted by having to deal with Harald Hardrada, and then having to march all the way south to confront William the Conqueror's invasion. In 1483, thank goodness for the British weather and Henry Tudor's over-cautiousness. Buckingham's destination from Brecon could even have been London, certainly on a direct route from Gloucester. What would have happened if he'd been able to cross the Severn and take' the capital, while Henry sailed safely' back to Brittany to try again another day? Unlikely, I suppose, but an interesting thought. I know, someone is going to shoot this wandering thought down in flames, but it is the weekend, when my brain is inclined to float around.
Query: How do we know Buckingham was joining Tudor? ...... The other thought that occurs to me is that they might have been engaged in a let's you and him fight egging on Buckingham to oppose Richard, figuring that at least one would eliminate the other and both would probably end up weaker than before thus making Tudor's ultimate task easier. Make any sense at all?
Sandra replies:
I share this view of it, Johanne. I feel Buckingham was puffed up into acting for himself, so that he drew Richard's attention, while the real thing' sneaked in on the south coast. A little like Harold in 1066, being distracted by having to deal with Harald Hardrada, and then having to march all the way south to confront William the Conqueror's invasion. In 1483, thank goodness for the British weather and Henry Tudor's over-cautiousness. Buckingham's destination from Brecon could even have been London, certainly on a direct route from Gloucester. What would have happened if he'd been able to cross the Severn and take' the capital, while Henry sailed safely' back to Brittany to try again another day? Unlikely, I suppose, but an interesting thought. I know, someone is going to shoot this wandering thought down in flames, but it is the weekend, when my brain is inclined to float around.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-18 13:16:33
I know what you mean about the relatives. Just for giggles (since so far
my own distant genealogy is only internet-based & we all know how
trustworthy that is) I've tried plugging in a couple of the few names in my
family tree from that era & they're not there either.
A J
On Sat, May 18, 2013 at 4:00 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
> We can estimate population and I would say he is slightly high. The
> majority of the population was of course rural, with London having a
> population of 60,000 in 1520 and the next biggest town being Norwich at
> 12,000. There were 700 towns in 1500, but with much smaller populations.
> For example, Warwick (still in the top ten) had 2000. This was one of my
> specialisms at uni so I know it well (and love it well). Peter Clark and
> Paul Slack's English Towns in Transitions is very good on this if you can
> still get it.
>
> As for girders; I think he's gone for volume rather than depth or quality
> (sorry don't mean to be disparaging it's still hard work). Checking and
> double checking is tedious work. At the moment I'm wading through the
> Visitations and even they aren't always right. To get a true picture you
> have to put several bits of evidence together and go for the common factor.
> I await the day when my rellies appear on his list though!
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
> To: "" <
> >
> Sent: Friday, 17 May 2013, 23:02
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
>
>
> The site's author, I think, is attempting to write biographies of everyone
> alive during Richard's lifetime. He said England in the 15th century had a
> population of about 2.5 million (how do we know - does anyone know?) and
> that he has about 100,000 "bios" on the site, now. Of course, some are
> duplicates.
>
> Richard's itinerary is found in the "Diary" folder. There's one for each
> year 1452-1485.
>
> A J
>
> On Fri, May 17, 2013 at 4:47 PM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
> wrote:
>
> > **
>
> >
> >
> > Carol earlier:
> >
> > > > If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the
> > date of Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same
> > in both chronicles),
> >
> > Claire responded:
> >
> > > Between 4th and 8th August, accto girders' itinerary for Richard - he
> > arrived in Glocester on the 4th and in Warwick on or by the 8th, both
> dates
> > derived from articles in The Ricardian.
> >
> > Carol responds:
> >
> > First, I should mention that I still don't think Buckingham accompanied
> > Richard on the progress or met him in Gloucester since that's unclear
> from
> > the snippet. I'm only interested in the day when More and Vergil would
> have
> > him leaving Gloucester for Brecon, which doesn't appear to fit his
> girders
> > chronology at all.
> >
> > Girders has an itinerary for Richard? I thought it only had chronologies
> > for the "minor characters," so to speak. Where can I find it?
> >
> > Carol
> >
> >
> >
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
>
>
my own distant genealogy is only internet-based & we all know how
trustworthy that is) I've tried plugging in a couple of the few names in my
family tree from that era & they're not there either.
A J
On Sat, May 18, 2013 at 4:00 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
> We can estimate population and I would say he is slightly high. The
> majority of the population was of course rural, with London having a
> population of 60,000 in 1520 and the next biggest town being Norwich at
> 12,000. There were 700 towns in 1500, but with much smaller populations.
> For example, Warwick (still in the top ten) had 2000. This was one of my
> specialisms at uni so I know it well (and love it well). Peter Clark and
> Paul Slack's English Towns in Transitions is very good on this if you can
> still get it.
>
> As for girders; I think he's gone for volume rather than depth or quality
> (sorry don't mean to be disparaging it's still hard work). Checking and
> double checking is tedious work. At the moment I'm wading through the
> Visitations and even they aren't always right. To get a true picture you
> have to put several bits of evidence together and go for the common factor.
> I await the day when my rellies appear on his list though!
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
> To: "" <
> >
> Sent: Friday, 17 May 2013, 23:02
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
>
>
> The site's author, I think, is attempting to write biographies of everyone
> alive during Richard's lifetime. He said England in the 15th century had a
> population of about 2.5 million (how do we know - does anyone know?) and
> that he has about 100,000 "bios" on the site, now. Of course, some are
> duplicates.
>
> Richard's itinerary is found in the "Diary" folder. There's one for each
> year 1452-1485.
>
> A J
>
> On Fri, May 17, 2013 at 4:47 PM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
> wrote:
>
> > **
>
> >
> >
> > Carol earlier:
> >
> > > > If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the
> > date of Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same
> > in both chronicles),
> >
> > Claire responded:
> >
> > > Between 4th and 8th August, accto girders' itinerary for Richard - he
> > arrived in Glocester on the 4th and in Warwick on or by the 8th, both
> dates
> > derived from articles in The Ricardian.
> >
> > Carol responds:
> >
> > First, I should mention that I still don't think Buckingham accompanied
> > Richard on the progress or met him in Gloucester since that's unclear
> from
> > the snippet. I'm only interested in the day when More and Vergil would
> have
> > him leaving Gloucester for Brecon, which doesn't appear to fit his
> girders
> > chronology at all.
> >
> > Girders has an itinerary for Richard? I thought it only had chronologies
> > for the "minor characters," so to speak. Where can I find it?
> >
> > Carol
> >
> >
> >
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-18 14:27:32
Claire M Jordan wrote:
"He couldn't - he'd have to gallop all the way, with no time to sleep or
take any action while he was there. I suspect these are all desk jobs and
what it means is that he sat on committees dealing with these places, but
the committees sat in London or Westminster."
Doug here:
Which would mean we *still* don't when Buckingham left London or where he
definitely was until he October?
Oi!!
Doug
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
>
"He couldn't - he'd have to gallop all the way, with no time to sleep or
take any action while he was there. I suspect these are all desk jobs and
what it means is that he sat on committees dealing with these places, but
the committees sat in London or Westminster."
Doug here:
Which would mean we *still* don't when Buckingham left London or where he
definitely was until he October?
Oi!!
Doug
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Lady Day
2013-05-18 15:28:27
It took Russia until 1918 to switch....
--- On Thu, 16/5/13, Paul Trevor Bale <paul.bale@...> wrote:
> 200 years after the rest of Europe
> even then!
> Paul
>
>
> On 15/05/2013 16:02, Stephen Lark wrote:
> > The New Year began on 25 March until the calendar
> changed in 1752. The Gregorian equivalent is 6 April when
> the UK tax year still begins.
--- On Thu, 16/5/13, Paul Trevor Bale <paul.bale@...> wrote:
> 200 years after the rest of Europe
> even then!
> Paul
>
>
> On 15/05/2013 16:02, Stephen Lark wrote:
> > The New Year began on 25 March until the calendar
> changed in 1752. The Gregorian equivalent is 6 April when
> the UK tax year still begins.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-18 15:32:50
Douglas Eugene Stamate wrote:
Claire M Jordan wrote:
"He couldn't - he'd have to gallop all the way, with no time to sleep or
take any action while he was there. I suspect these are all desk jobs and
what it means is that he sat on committees dealing with these places, but
the committees sat in London or Westminster."
Doug here:
Which would mean we *still* don't know when Buckingham left London or where
he definitely was until he re-appears in October?
Oi!!
Doug
(resent to correct errors, sorry)
Claire M Jordan wrote:
"He couldn't - he'd have to gallop all the way, with no time to sleep or
take any action while he was there. I suspect these are all desk jobs and
what it means is that he sat on committees dealing with these places, but
the committees sat in London or Westminster."
Doug here:
Which would mean we *still* don't know when Buckingham left London or where
he definitely was until he re-appears in October?
Oi!!
Doug
(resent to correct errors, sorry)
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-18 15:47:52
I just got that book....haven't opened it yet. I will open it today, and see if there are any estimates of population.
On May 18, 2013, at 7:16 AM, "A J Hibbard" <ajhibbard@...> wrote:
> I know what you mean about the relatives. Just for giggles (since so far
> my own distant genealogy is only internet-based & we all know how
> trustworthy that is) I've tried plugging in a couple of the few names in my
> family tree from that era & they're not there either.
>
> A J
>
>
> On Sat, May 18, 2013 at 4:00 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
>
>> **
>>
>>
>> We can estimate population and I would say he is slightly high. The
>> majority of the population was of course rural, with London having a
>> population of 60,000 in 1520 and the next biggest town being Norwich at
>> 12,000. There were 700 towns in 1500, but with much smaller populations.
>> For example, Warwick (still in the top ten) had 2000. This was one of my
>> specialisms at uni so I know it well (and love it well). Peter Clark and
>> Paul Slack's English Towns in Transitions is very good on this if you can
>> still get it.
>>
>> As for girders; I think he's gone for volume rather than depth or quality
>> (sorry don't mean to be disparaging it's still hard work). Checking and
>> double checking is tedious work. At the moment I'm wading through the
>> Visitations and even they aren't always right. To get a true picture you
>> have to put several bits of evidence together and go for the common factor.
>> I await the day when my rellies appear on his list though!
>>
>>
>> ________________________________
>> From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
>> To: "" <
>> >
>> Sent: Friday, 17 May 2013, 23:02
>> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>>
>>
>>
>> The site's author, I think, is attempting to write biographies of everyone
>> alive during Richard's lifetime. He said England in the 15th century had a
>> population of about 2.5 million (how do we know - does anyone know?) and
>> that he has about 100,000 "bios" on the site, now. Of course, some are
>> duplicates.
>>
>> Richard's itinerary is found in the "Diary" folder. There's one for each
>> year 1452-1485.
>>
>> A J
>>
>> On Fri, May 17, 2013 at 4:47 PM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
>> wrote:
>>
>>> **
>>
>>>
>>>
>>> Carol earlier:
>>>
>>>>> If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the
>>> date of Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same
>>> in both chronicles),
>>>
>>> Claire responded:
>>>
>>>> Between 4th and 8th August, accto girders' itinerary for Richard - he
>>> arrived in Glocester on the 4th and in Warwick on or by the 8th, both
>> dates
>>> derived from articles in The Ricardian.
>>>
>>> Carol responds:
>>>
>>> First, I should mention that I still don't think Buckingham accompanied
>>> Richard on the progress or met him in Gloucester since that's unclear
>> from
>>> the snippet. I'm only interested in the day when More and Vergil would
>> have
>>> him leaving Gloucester for Brecon, which doesn't appear to fit his
>> girders
>>> chronology at all.
>>>
>>> Girders has an itinerary for Richard? I thought it only had chronologies
>>> for the "minor characters," so to speak. Where can I find it?
>>>
>>> Carol
>>
>>
>>
>> ------------------------------------
>>
>> Yahoo! Groups Links
>>
>>
>>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
On May 18, 2013, at 7:16 AM, "A J Hibbard" <ajhibbard@...> wrote:
> I know what you mean about the relatives. Just for giggles (since so far
> my own distant genealogy is only internet-based & we all know how
> trustworthy that is) I've tried plugging in a couple of the few names in my
> family tree from that era & they're not there either.
>
> A J
>
>
> On Sat, May 18, 2013 at 4:00 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
>
>> **
>>
>>
>> We can estimate population and I would say he is slightly high. The
>> majority of the population was of course rural, with London having a
>> population of 60,000 in 1520 and the next biggest town being Norwich at
>> 12,000. There were 700 towns in 1500, but with much smaller populations.
>> For example, Warwick (still in the top ten) had 2000. This was one of my
>> specialisms at uni so I know it well (and love it well). Peter Clark and
>> Paul Slack's English Towns in Transitions is very good on this if you can
>> still get it.
>>
>> As for girders; I think he's gone for volume rather than depth or quality
>> (sorry don't mean to be disparaging it's still hard work). Checking and
>> double checking is tedious work. At the moment I'm wading through the
>> Visitations and even they aren't always right. To get a true picture you
>> have to put several bits of evidence together and go for the common factor.
>> I await the day when my rellies appear on his list though!
>>
>>
>> ________________________________
>> From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
>> To: "" <
>> >
>> Sent: Friday, 17 May 2013, 23:02
>> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>>
>>
>>
>> The site's author, I think, is attempting to write biographies of everyone
>> alive during Richard's lifetime. He said England in the 15th century had a
>> population of about 2.5 million (how do we know - does anyone know?) and
>> that he has about 100,000 "bios" on the site, now. Of course, some are
>> duplicates.
>>
>> Richard's itinerary is found in the "Diary" folder. There's one for each
>> year 1452-1485.
>>
>> A J
>>
>> On Fri, May 17, 2013 at 4:47 PM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
>> wrote:
>>
>>> **
>>
>>>
>>>
>>> Carol earlier:
>>>
>>>>> If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the
>>> date of Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same
>>> in both chronicles),
>>>
>>> Claire responded:
>>>
>>>> Between 4th and 8th August, accto girders' itinerary for Richard - he
>>> arrived in Glocester on the 4th and in Warwick on or by the 8th, both
>> dates
>>> derived from articles in The Ricardian.
>>>
>>> Carol responds:
>>>
>>> First, I should mention that I still don't think Buckingham accompanied
>>> Richard on the progress or met him in Gloucester since that's unclear
>> from
>>> the snippet. I'm only interested in the day when More and Vergil would
>> have
>>> him leaving Gloucester for Brecon, which doesn't appear to fit his
>> girders
>>> chronology at all.
>>>
>>> Girders has an itinerary for Richard? I thought it only had chronologies
>>> for the "minor characters," so to speak. Where can I find it?
>>>
>>> Carol
>>
>>
>>
>> ------------------------------------
>>
>> Yahoo! Groups Links
>>
>>
>>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-18 15:56:20
It will keep you going for a bit!
________________________________
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...>
To: "<>" <>
Sent: Saturday, 18 May 2013, 15:47
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
I just got that book....haven't opened it yet. I will open it today, and see if there are any estimates of population.
On May 18, 2013, at 7:16 AM, "A J Hibbard" <ajhibbard@...> wrote:
> I know what you mean about the relatives. Just for giggles (since so far
> my own distant genealogy is only internet-based & we all know how
> trustworthy that is) I've tried plugging in a couple of the few names in my
> family tree from that era & they're not there either.
>
> A J
>
>
> On Sat, May 18, 2013 at 4:00 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
>
>> **
>>
>>
>> We can estimate population and I would say he is slightly high. The
>> majority of the population was of course rural, with London having a
>> population of 60,000 in 1520 and the next biggest town being Norwich at
>> 12,000. There were 700 towns in 1500, but with much smaller populations.
>> For example, Warwick (still in the top ten) had 2000. This was one of my
>> specialisms at uni so I know it well (and love it well). Peter Clark and
>> Paul Slack's English Towns in Transitions is very good on this if you can
>> still get it.
>>
>> As for girders; I think he's gone for volume rather than depth or quality
>> (sorry don't mean to be disparaging it's still hard work). Checking and
>> double checking is tedious work. At the moment I'm wading through the
>> Visitations and even they aren't always right. To get a true picture you
>> have to put several bits of evidence together and go for the common factor.
>> I await the day when my rellies appear on his list though!
>>
>>
>> ________________________________
>> From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
>> To: "" <
>> >
>> Sent: Friday, 17 May 2013, 23:02
>> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>>
>>
>>
>> The site's author, I think, is attempting to write biographies of everyone
>> alive during Richard's lifetime. He said England in the 15th century had a
>> population of about 2.5 million (how do we know - does anyone know?) and
>> that he has about 100,000 "bios" on the site, now. Of course, some are
>> duplicates.
>>
>> Richard's itinerary is found in the "Diary" folder. There's one for each
>> year 1452-1485.
>>
>> A J
>>
>> On Fri, May 17, 2013 at 4:47 PM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
>> wrote:
>>
>>> **
>>
>>>
>>>
>>> Carol earlier:
>>>
>>>>> If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the
>>> date of Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same
>>> in both chronicles),
>>>
>>> Claire responded:
>>>
>>>> Between 4th and 8th August, accto girders' itinerary for Richard - he
>>> arrived in Glocester on the 4th and in Warwick on or by the 8th, both
>> dates
>>> derived from articles in The Ricardian.
>>>
>>> Carol responds:
>>>
>>> First, I should mention that I still don't think Buckingham accompanied
>>> Richard on the progress or met him in Gloucester since that's unclear
>> from
>>> the snippet. I'm only interested in the day when More and Vergil would
>> have
>>> him leaving Gloucester for Brecon, which doesn't appear to fit his
>> girders
>>> chronology at all.
>>>
>>> Girders has an itinerary for Richard? I thought it only had chronologies
>>> for the "minor characters," so to speak. Where can I find it?
>>>
>>> Carol
>>
>>
>>
>> ------------------------------------
>>
>> Yahoo! Groups Links
>>
>>
>>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
________________________________
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...>
To: "<>" <>
Sent: Saturday, 18 May 2013, 15:47
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
I just got that book....haven't opened it yet. I will open it today, and see if there are any estimates of population.
On May 18, 2013, at 7:16 AM, "A J Hibbard" <ajhibbard@...> wrote:
> I know what you mean about the relatives. Just for giggles (since so far
> my own distant genealogy is only internet-based & we all know how
> trustworthy that is) I've tried plugging in a couple of the few names in my
> family tree from that era & they're not there either.
>
> A J
>
>
> On Sat, May 18, 2013 at 4:00 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
>
>> **
>>
>>
>> We can estimate population and I would say he is slightly high. The
>> majority of the population was of course rural, with London having a
>> population of 60,000 in 1520 and the next biggest town being Norwich at
>> 12,000. There were 700 towns in 1500, but with much smaller populations.
>> For example, Warwick (still in the top ten) had 2000. This was one of my
>> specialisms at uni so I know it well (and love it well). Peter Clark and
>> Paul Slack's English Towns in Transitions is very good on this if you can
>> still get it.
>>
>> As for girders; I think he's gone for volume rather than depth or quality
>> (sorry don't mean to be disparaging it's still hard work). Checking and
>> double checking is tedious work. At the moment I'm wading through the
>> Visitations and even they aren't always right. To get a true picture you
>> have to put several bits of evidence together and go for the common factor.
>> I await the day when my rellies appear on his list though!
>>
>>
>> ________________________________
>> From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
>> To: "" <
>> >
>> Sent: Friday, 17 May 2013, 23:02
>> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>>
>>
>>
>> The site's author, I think, is attempting to write biographies of everyone
>> alive during Richard's lifetime. He said England in the 15th century had a
>> population of about 2.5 million (how do we know - does anyone know?) and
>> that he has about 100,000 "bios" on the site, now. Of course, some are
>> duplicates.
>>
>> Richard's itinerary is found in the "Diary" folder. There's one for each
>> year 1452-1485.
>>
>> A J
>>
>> On Fri, May 17, 2013 at 4:47 PM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
>> wrote:
>>
>>> **
>>
>>>
>>>
>>> Carol earlier:
>>>
>>>>> If anyone has a copy of Richard's itinerary, we could determine the
>>> date of Buckingham's supposed departure from Richard's progress (the same
>>> in both chronicles),
>>>
>>> Claire responded:
>>>
>>>> Between 4th and 8th August, accto girders' itinerary for Richard - he
>>> arrived in Glocester on the 4th and in Warwick on or by the 8th, both
>> dates
>>> derived from articles in The Ricardian.
>>>
>>> Carol responds:
>>>
>>> First, I should mention that I still don't think Buckingham accompanied
>>> Richard on the progress or met him in Gloucester since that's unclear
>> from
>>> the snippet. I'm only interested in the day when More and Vergil would
>> have
>>> him leaving Gloucester for Brecon, which doesn't appear to fit his
>> girders
>>> chronology at all.
>>>
>>> Girders has an itinerary for Richard? I thought it only had chronologies
>>> for the "minor characters," so to speak. Where can I find it?
>>>
>>> Carol
>>
>>
>>
>> ------------------------------------
>>
>> Yahoo! Groups Links
>>
>>
>>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-18 16:33:00
Carol wrote:
"I don't think that the rebellion involved anything like 5,000 men. Henry
needed Welsh and French reinforcements to reach that total at Bosworth,
IIRC.
At any rate, Tudor's letter to Henry was dated September 24, so, no, the
affair was not intended to start earlier.
As for Henry's landing, the place to look is Vergil's "Anglica Historia,"
which is essential reading for any Ricardian (know thine enemy!). However
unreliable Vergil may be (and is) regarding Richard, he had firsthand access
to Tudor and could report his movements accurately. Here's the relevant
passage in its sixteenth-century English version (with cuts for
conciseness):
//snip//
Doug here:
Thank you very much for that link, it's going to get a work-out!
I noted an interesting item while looking for the bit about the date of
Buckingham's letter to Tudor:
"But the common report was otherwyse; for the multytude sayd that the duke
dyd the less disswade kinge Richerd from usurping the kingdome, by mean of
so many mischievous dedes, uppon that intent that he afterward, being hatyd
both of God and man, might be expellyd from the same, and so himself be
caulyd by the commons to that dignytie, wheunto he asspyred by all means
possible, and that yerfor he had at the last stirryd upp warr agaynst King
Rycherd: but let us returne to owr purpose."
Is it me, or is Vergil saying, quite plainly, that it was widely presumed
that Buckingham rebelled *to claim the throne for himself* and Buckingham
had not opposed Richard so that the "commons" would, having been revolted by
Richard's actions, turn to Buckingham, begging him to take the throne?
Then immediately dismisses that because "owr purpose" *isn't* telling the
truth, but rather burnishing the myths of how HVII ascended the throne and
hoping noone noticed?
(Okay, that last is my interpretation...)
I couldn't find any reference to the letter (I *was* rushing). Did I miss it
or is it in another "history"? Or worse, is it yet another one of those
things in the "given out" class?
Doug
"I don't think that the rebellion involved anything like 5,000 men. Henry
needed Welsh and French reinforcements to reach that total at Bosworth,
IIRC.
At any rate, Tudor's letter to Henry was dated September 24, so, no, the
affair was not intended to start earlier.
As for Henry's landing, the place to look is Vergil's "Anglica Historia,"
which is essential reading for any Ricardian (know thine enemy!). However
unreliable Vergil may be (and is) regarding Richard, he had firsthand access
to Tudor and could report his movements accurately. Here's the relevant
passage in its sixteenth-century English version (with cuts for
conciseness):
//snip//
Doug here:
Thank you very much for that link, it's going to get a work-out!
I noted an interesting item while looking for the bit about the date of
Buckingham's letter to Tudor:
"But the common report was otherwyse; for the multytude sayd that the duke
dyd the less disswade kinge Richerd from usurping the kingdome, by mean of
so many mischievous dedes, uppon that intent that he afterward, being hatyd
both of God and man, might be expellyd from the same, and so himself be
caulyd by the commons to that dignytie, wheunto he asspyred by all means
possible, and that yerfor he had at the last stirryd upp warr agaynst King
Rycherd: but let us returne to owr purpose."
Is it me, or is Vergil saying, quite plainly, that it was widely presumed
that Buckingham rebelled *to claim the throne for himself* and Buckingham
had not opposed Richard so that the "commons" would, having been revolted by
Richard's actions, turn to Buckingham, begging him to take the throne?
Then immediately dismisses that because "owr purpose" *isn't* telling the
truth, but rather burnishing the myths of how HVII ascended the throne and
hoping noone noticed?
(Okay, that last is my interpretation...)
I couldn't find any reference to the letter (I *was* rushing). Did I miss it
or is it in another "history"? Or worse, is it yet another one of those
things in the "given out" class?
Doug
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-18 16:38:35
Carol wrote:
"Why would he do that when he had already helped to depose Edward (who would
hardly be grateful to a man who publicly declared him illegitimate) and to
put Richard on the throne when Richard gave him much more power (and land)
than he was ever likely to receive under E V? As for a Henrician
protectorate, the question is why he ever allied himself with Tudor at all
given that his own claim was superior to Henry's (though not, of course, to
Richard's) and unclouded by illegitimacy? He was, as Richard stated in one
of his letters to York, of "the old blood royal"--like Richard himself and
unlike the upstart Woodvilles (Tudor not even fitting into the picture at
this point as far as Richard knew).
The one thing that Tudor and Buckingham had in common was that the same
people were in their way as claimants--Richard, the "princes," Edward of
Warwick. If the plan is to clear the way for one or the other, the best
strategy would be for them to act as allies against Richard, dispose of the
children in some way (or claim that they were dead until proven otherwise),
and then fight each other when all else was taken care of. I can't imagine
Buckingham ever supporting Tudor in his haughty heart."
Doug here:
Sorry, I was being snarky (those extra "o's"), but I definitely agree with
your post. There's no way Buckingham would put any claims for the throne by
Tudor ahead of his own. I rather wonder if the "haughty" Buckingham ever
considered Morton double-crossing him - until it was too late, anyway.
Doug
"Why would he do that when he had already helped to depose Edward (who would
hardly be grateful to a man who publicly declared him illegitimate) and to
put Richard on the throne when Richard gave him much more power (and land)
than he was ever likely to receive under E V? As for a Henrician
protectorate, the question is why he ever allied himself with Tudor at all
given that his own claim was superior to Henry's (though not, of course, to
Richard's) and unclouded by illegitimacy? He was, as Richard stated in one
of his letters to York, of "the old blood royal"--like Richard himself and
unlike the upstart Woodvilles (Tudor not even fitting into the picture at
this point as far as Richard knew).
The one thing that Tudor and Buckingham had in common was that the same
people were in their way as claimants--Richard, the "princes," Edward of
Warwick. If the plan is to clear the way for one or the other, the best
strategy would be for them to act as allies against Richard, dispose of the
children in some way (or claim that they were dead until proven otherwise),
and then fight each other when all else was taken care of. I can't imagine
Buckingham ever supporting Tudor in his haughty heart."
Doug here:
Sorry, I was being snarky (those extra "o's"), but I definitely agree with
your post. There's no way Buckingham would put any claims for the throne by
Tudor ahead of his own. I rather wonder if the "haughty" Buckingham ever
considered Morton double-crossing him - until it was too late, anyway.
Doug
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-18 16:58:52
A J Hibbard wrote:
> [snip] Point 2 - Edwards *Itinerary*
> 4 Aug 1483, Tewkesbury - Harl 433 Vol 2 p 7
> 5 Aug 1483, Worcester (monasterium) - PRO C81/886/18
> 8 Aug 1483, Warwick Castle - Harl 433 Vol 3 p 24; PRO C81/886/19
>
> Harl 433 is the Harleian ms which Edwards says "almost certainly represents papers from the Signet Office of Edward V & Richard III" and as the department working most closely with the King would have travelled with him. PRO C is the abbreviation for Chancery Records in the Public Record Office.
>
> Checking Harl 433 confirms that a document was generated to "Thabbot of Tewkesbury" that was "Yevene etc at Tewkesbury the iiijth day of August Anno primo Ricardi iiijth" and on 8 Aug 1483 a document was generated that stated the ambassador of the Queen of Spain, said, affirmed & promised to the most illustrious and powerful prince, the King of England etc before the lords of his council, on the day, month, and year below written in the town of Warwick, as follows... on the eighth day of the month of August in the year of the Lord 1483."
Carol responds:
Sorry I can't respond to point one. Thanks very much for the info and sources for point two. Makes me wish I were in England with easy access to them or at least still teaching at the University of Arizona, which has a surprisingly good selection of material on Richard III, including a hardbound edition of the Harleian manuscripts. I guess I need to bite the bullet and buy Edwards's "Itinerary."
It certainly seems that Isabella was glad to have Richard as an ally. No wonder she was reluctant to deal with the Tudor upstarts.
But "Ricardi iiijth"? That makes him Richard the Fourth!
Carol
> [snip] Point 2 - Edwards *Itinerary*
> 4 Aug 1483, Tewkesbury - Harl 433 Vol 2 p 7
> 5 Aug 1483, Worcester (monasterium) - PRO C81/886/18
> 8 Aug 1483, Warwick Castle - Harl 433 Vol 3 p 24; PRO C81/886/19
>
> Harl 433 is the Harleian ms which Edwards says "almost certainly represents papers from the Signet Office of Edward V & Richard III" and as the department working most closely with the King would have travelled with him. PRO C is the abbreviation for Chancery Records in the Public Record Office.
>
> Checking Harl 433 confirms that a document was generated to "Thabbot of Tewkesbury" that was "Yevene etc at Tewkesbury the iiijth day of August Anno primo Ricardi iiijth" and on 8 Aug 1483 a document was generated that stated the ambassador of the Queen of Spain, said, affirmed & promised to the most illustrious and powerful prince, the King of England etc before the lords of his council, on the day, month, and year below written in the town of Warwick, as follows... on the eighth day of the month of August in the year of the Lord 1483."
Carol responds:
Sorry I can't respond to point one. Thanks very much for the info and sources for point two. Makes me wish I were in England with easy access to them or at least still teaching at the University of Arizona, which has a surprisingly good selection of material on Richard III, including a hardbound edition of the Harleian manuscripts. I guess I need to bite the bullet and buy Edwards's "Itinerary."
It certainly seems that Isabella was glad to have Richard as an ally. No wonder she was reluctant to deal with the Tudor upstarts.
But "Ricardi iiijth"? That makes him Richard the Fourth!
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-18 17:20:40
"Ricardi iiijth" - that was a typo It actually reads "Ricardi iijth"
A J
On Sat, May 18, 2013 at 10:58 AM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
> A J Hibbard wrote:
>
> > [snip] Point 2 - Edwards *Itinerary*
>
> > 4 Aug 1483, Tewkesbury - Harl 433 Vol 2 p 7
> > 5 Aug 1483, Worcester (monasterium) - PRO C81/886/18
> > 8 Aug 1483, Warwick Castle - Harl 433 Vol 3 p 24; PRO C81/886/19
> >
> > Harl 433 is the Harleian ms which Edwards says "almost certainly
> represents papers from the Signet Office of Edward V & Richard III" and as
> the department working most closely with the King would have travelled with
> him. PRO C is the abbreviation for Chancery Records in the Public Record
> Office.
> >
> > Checking Harl 433 confirms that a document was generated to "Thabbot of
> Tewkesbury" that was "Yevene etc at Tewkesbury the iiijth day of August
> Anno primo Ricardi iiijth" and on 8 Aug 1483 a document was generated that
> stated the ambassador of the Queen of Spain, said, affirmed & promised to
> the most illustrious and powerful prince, the King of England etc before
> the lords of his council, on the day, month, and year below written in the
> town of Warwick, as follows... on the eighth day of the month of August in
> the year of the Lord 1483."
>
> Carol responds:
>
> Sorry I can't respond to point one. Thanks very much for the info and
> sources for point two. Makes me wish I were in England with easy access to
> them or at least still teaching at the University of Arizona, which has a
> surprisingly good selection of material on Richard III, including a
> hardbound edition of the Harleian manuscripts. I guess I need to bite the
> bullet and buy Edwards's "Itinerary."
>
> It certainly seems that Isabella was glad to have Richard as an ally. No
> wonder she was reluctant to deal with the Tudor upstarts.
>
> But "Ricardi iiijth"? That makes him Richard the Fourth!
>
> Carol
>
>
>
A J
On Sat, May 18, 2013 at 10:58 AM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
> A J Hibbard wrote:
>
> > [snip] Point 2 - Edwards *Itinerary*
>
> > 4 Aug 1483, Tewkesbury - Harl 433 Vol 2 p 7
> > 5 Aug 1483, Worcester (monasterium) - PRO C81/886/18
> > 8 Aug 1483, Warwick Castle - Harl 433 Vol 3 p 24; PRO C81/886/19
> >
> > Harl 433 is the Harleian ms which Edwards says "almost certainly
> represents papers from the Signet Office of Edward V & Richard III" and as
> the department working most closely with the King would have travelled with
> him. PRO C is the abbreviation for Chancery Records in the Public Record
> Office.
> >
> > Checking Harl 433 confirms that a document was generated to "Thabbot of
> Tewkesbury" that was "Yevene etc at Tewkesbury the iiijth day of August
> Anno primo Ricardi iiijth" and on 8 Aug 1483 a document was generated that
> stated the ambassador of the Queen of Spain, said, affirmed & promised to
> the most illustrious and powerful prince, the King of England etc before
> the lords of his council, on the day, month, and year below written in the
> town of Warwick, as follows... on the eighth day of the month of August in
> the year of the Lord 1483."
>
> Carol responds:
>
> Sorry I can't respond to point one. Thanks very much for the info and
> sources for point two. Makes me wish I were in England with easy access to
> them or at least still teaching at the University of Arizona, which has a
> surprisingly good selection of material on Richard III, including a
> hardbound edition of the Harleian manuscripts. I guess I need to bite the
> bullet and buy Edwards's "Itinerary."
>
> It certainly seems that Isabella was glad to have Richard as an ally. No
> wonder she was reluctant to deal with the Tudor upstarts.
>
> But "Ricardi iiijth"? That makes him Richard the Fourth!
>
> Carol
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-18 17:48:20
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 11:31 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> I have a theory about the traditionalists. They have no imagination, so
> they don't recognize imaginative fiction (More's book) when they read it.
Yes. Because the novel as such hadn't formally been invented yet, they
assume More was writing history when he was really writing a historical
novel, or at best what would now be called faction.
> They have no sense of humor, either, so they don't recognize his dark,
> sardonic irony or consider the possibility that he might be ridiculing
> those "wise men" and their absurd "deem[ing]".
I'd be more convinced by that one if More hadn't been such a fanatic -
fanatics rarely have much sense of humour.
> Most traditionalist historians have no understanding of female psychology,
> either,
They just don't understand psychology - never mind whether it's female or
not. I mean, how many men would make peace with somebody they believed had
murdered two of their children?
I think many historians forget that people in the past were breathing,
fallible people, not sterile units of historical information. I've seen a
historian argue that Buckingham couldn't have done X because it would have
been a silly thing to do - the idea that Buckingham might have been a very
silly man didn't seem to have occurred to them, just as the idea that More
might have had the same relationship to the truth as the average tabloid
journalist doesn't occur to them.
To:
Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 11:31 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> I have a theory about the traditionalists. They have no imagination, so
> they don't recognize imaginative fiction (More's book) when they read it.
Yes. Because the novel as such hadn't formally been invented yet, they
assume More was writing history when he was really writing a historical
novel, or at best what would now be called faction.
> They have no sense of humor, either, so they don't recognize his dark,
> sardonic irony or consider the possibility that he might be ridiculing
> those "wise men" and their absurd "deem[ing]".
I'd be more convinced by that one if More hadn't been such a fanatic -
fanatics rarely have much sense of humour.
> Most traditionalist historians have no understanding of female psychology,
> either,
They just don't understand psychology - never mind whether it's female or
not. I mean, how many men would make peace with somebody they believed had
murdered two of their children?
I think many historians forget that people in the past were breathing,
fallible people, not sterile units of historical information. I've seen a
historian argue that Buckingham couldn't have done X because it would have
been a silly thing to do - the idea that Buckingham might have been a very
silly man didn't seem to have occurred to them, just as the idea that More
might have had the same relationship to the truth as the average tabloid
journalist doesn't occur to them.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-18 18:28:36
Johanne Tournier wrote:
> A few questions - Where did Mancini and Dr. Argentine meet on the Continent? Who was employing them at that time? [snip]I have
> always thought that Morton may have been the source of the rumours of the boys being dead that were spread on the Continent. Is it possible that they came from Dr. Argentine?
Carol responds:
Good questions which I can't answer at the moment. All I know is that Mancini did not complete his report until December 1483, two months after the rumor was spread in the southern counties that the boys were dead (Mancini has heard rumors that *the older boy* was dead but doesn't mention his brother possibly sharing his supposed fate) and that he was working for Angelo Cato, archbishop of Vienne and a councillor of Louis XI, who would still have been alive but probably dying when Mancini left England in late June or early July. By the time he finished the manuscript, France had a child king under a female regent who would undoubtedly have seen a parallel between her young brother and Edward V (not to mention that she feared Richard as a perceived enemy of France thanks to Picquigny)--fertile ground for rumors presenting Richard as a murderous usurper.
At any rate, Cato apparently remained influential in the French court--Commynes also presented *his* memoirs to Cato, who later wrote a biography of Louis XI: http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/04163a.htm
As for Dr. Argentine, here's the DNB article on him, which by some miracle is publicly accessible:
http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/printable/642
This article states that he remained in the service of Richard III, which can't be true, and that Mancini refers to him by name as "Argentinus medicus," which, if true, casts doubt on the "Strasbourg doctor" translation I quoted earlier (from our friends, the Richard III Foundation): http://www.richard111.com/Dominic%20Mancini.htm
As a doctor and an astrologer, he would have gotten along famously with Cato, who was also, in addition to being an archbishop, Louis XI's physician and astrologer!
His ability to speak Italian (mentioned in the article) makes it likely that he was Mancini's primary source for the rumor (reported to him after the fact when they were both in France) and for the supposed conversation (remembered after the fact and translated into Italian and from there to Latin) between Edward V and the dukes of Gloucester and Buckingham so often treated as a literal transcript by historians and biographers.
Mancini, as I said, seems to have returned to France in late June or early July. Dr. Argentine, if he left Richard to join the Woodville/Tudor contingent as I had supposed, would not have arrived there until June 1484, which means that I need to rethink some of my theories. Could Mancini have been in correspondence with Argentine's friend, Bishop Morton, who was in Flanders at the time, or with Argentine himself, who, it seems, remained in England? Where would he have encountered these tearful men who thought that Edward IV's older son had been mysteriously done away with? Surely, not in England in late June or early July 1483 when the boys were still on public view? Were they Frenchmen crying crocodile tears after hearing Guillame de Rochefort's confident public declaration that Richard had murdered both nephews? That can't be since the statement was made in January 1484 and must have been inspired by Mancini's much less confident statement that he can't find out what, if anything, happened to the older son.
I'm getting more and more confused!
Carol
The article says that he was a friend of John Morton.
> A few questions - Where did Mancini and Dr. Argentine meet on the Continent? Who was employing them at that time? [snip]I have
> always thought that Morton may have been the source of the rumours of the boys being dead that were spread on the Continent. Is it possible that they came from Dr. Argentine?
Carol responds:
Good questions which I can't answer at the moment. All I know is that Mancini did not complete his report until December 1483, two months after the rumor was spread in the southern counties that the boys were dead (Mancini has heard rumors that *the older boy* was dead but doesn't mention his brother possibly sharing his supposed fate) and that he was working for Angelo Cato, archbishop of Vienne and a councillor of Louis XI, who would still have been alive but probably dying when Mancini left England in late June or early July. By the time he finished the manuscript, France had a child king under a female regent who would undoubtedly have seen a parallel between her young brother and Edward V (not to mention that she feared Richard as a perceived enemy of France thanks to Picquigny)--fertile ground for rumors presenting Richard as a murderous usurper.
At any rate, Cato apparently remained influential in the French court--Commynes also presented *his* memoirs to Cato, who later wrote a biography of Louis XI: http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/04163a.htm
As for Dr. Argentine, here's the DNB article on him, which by some miracle is publicly accessible:
http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/printable/642
This article states that he remained in the service of Richard III, which can't be true, and that Mancini refers to him by name as "Argentinus medicus," which, if true, casts doubt on the "Strasbourg doctor" translation I quoted earlier (from our friends, the Richard III Foundation): http://www.richard111.com/Dominic%20Mancini.htm
As a doctor and an astrologer, he would have gotten along famously with Cato, who was also, in addition to being an archbishop, Louis XI's physician and astrologer!
His ability to speak Italian (mentioned in the article) makes it likely that he was Mancini's primary source for the rumor (reported to him after the fact when they were both in France) and for the supposed conversation (remembered after the fact and translated into Italian and from there to Latin) between Edward V and the dukes of Gloucester and Buckingham so often treated as a literal transcript by historians and biographers.
Mancini, as I said, seems to have returned to France in late June or early July. Dr. Argentine, if he left Richard to join the Woodville/Tudor contingent as I had supposed, would not have arrived there until June 1484, which means that I need to rethink some of my theories. Could Mancini have been in correspondence with Argentine's friend, Bishop Morton, who was in Flanders at the time, or with Argentine himself, who, it seems, remained in England? Where would he have encountered these tearful men who thought that Edward IV's older son had been mysteriously done away with? Surely, not in England in late June or early July 1483 when the boys were still on public view? Were they Frenchmen crying crocodile tears after hearing Guillame de Rochefort's confident public declaration that Richard had murdered both nephews? That can't be since the statement was made in January 1484 and must have been inspired by Mancini's much less confident statement that he can't find out what, if anything, happened to the older son.
I'm getting more and more confused!
Carol
The article says that he was a friend of John Morton.
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-18 19:53:17
Johanne Tournier wrote:
>
> Query: How do we know Buckingham was joining Tudor? Maybe his understanding was that Tudor was coming to support *him*? The other thought that occurs to me is that they might have been engaged in a “let’s you and him fight†egging on Buckingham to oppose Richard, figuring that at least one would eliminate the other and both would probably end up weaker than before â€" thus making Tudor’s ultimate task easier.
Carol responds:
What we know is that Buckingham wrote a letter to Tudor dated September 24 inviting him to land and, apparently, agreeing to join forces with him. Again apparently, Richard's spies intercepted that letter, which is how Richard knew that Buckingham had turned traitor. Whether that letter is still extant, I don't know. I also haven't seen the bill of attainder against Buckingham, which might give more details.
What historians *think* they know comes from the chroniclers. Croyland, for example, says "At last, it was determined by the people in the vicinity of the city of London, throughout the counties of Kent, Essex, Sussex, Hampshire, Dorsetshire, Devonshire, Somersetshire, Wiltshire, and Berkshire, as well as some others of the southern counties of the kingdom, to avenge their grievances before-stated [Richard's "usurpation" and his nephews' "captivity"]; upon which, public proclamation was made, that Henry, duke of Buckingham, who at this time was living at Brecknock in Wales, had repented of his former conduct, and would be the chief mover in this attempt, while a rumour was spread that the sons of king Edwrd before-named had died a violent death, but it was uncertain how. Accordingly, all those who had set foot on this insurrection, seeing that if they could find no one to take the lead in their designs, the ruin of all would speedily ensue, turned their thoughts to Henry, earl of Richmond, who had been for many years living in exile in Britany. To him a message was, accordingly, sent, by the duke of Buckingham, by advice of the lord bishop of Ely, who was then his prisoner at Brecknock, requesting him to hasten over to England as soon as he possibly could, for the purpose of marrying Elizabeth, the eldest daughter of the late king, and, at the same time, together with her, taking possession of the throne." After a paragraph on Richard, whose spies have informed him what Buckingham is up to, and the actions of the Vaughans and Humphrey Stafford to thwart Buckingham, he places Buckingham with Morton and others at Webley. Why Buckingham feels compelled to flee in disguise while the others remain where they are is not explained--another example of Buckingham's folly, I guess, since he's captured and executed while Morton and the others survive.
To me, the idea that Buckingham suggested that Tudor marry EoY so that he can become king (which, of course, would only be possible if the rumor were really true) seems improbable given Buckingham's own ambitions (not to mention that unless he had killed the boys himself, he would know that they were alive) and may come from Morton after Richard's defeat and death (the chronicler was writing in 1486). But B. may well have invited Tudor over, at Morton's suggestion, as an ally against Richard. I can see each hoping that the other would be killed in the fighting, or, at least, Morton the manipulator hoping that either Richard or Buckingham would be killed, helping to clear the path for his pseudo-Lancastrian invader.
Essentially, Croyland assigns Buckingham the same improbable motive later assigned to him by the Tudor historians (More and Vergil both expand the tale in imaginative ways), which suggests the hand of Morton at work in all three versions but tells us nothing of B's real reasons for throwing away everything Richard had given him to join forces with a half-English refugee whose claim to the throne was nonexistent. Maybe he thought that Tudor was only trying to claim his earldom and would aid him in his quest for the crown? Would even Buckingham be that stupid? (But, surely, that's what the Woodvilles thought, too, when they first joined forces with him at a time when Richard was still Protector and Edward V the uncrowned king.)
What we need is a copy of that September 24 letter or a summary of its contents to compare with Croyland's summary of Buckingham's ostensible motives--what he actually said as opposed to what Croyland says he said.
BTW, I wonder what the dissident Yorkists thought of this strange new ally, who had helped to put Richard III on the throne and had turned traitor. How could they believe anything he said, true or not? Unfortunately, if they suspected *him* of killing the "princes," that would be reason to support Tudor!
Carol
>
> Query: How do we know Buckingham was joining Tudor? Maybe his understanding was that Tudor was coming to support *him*? The other thought that occurs to me is that they might have been engaged in a “let’s you and him fight†egging on Buckingham to oppose Richard, figuring that at least one would eliminate the other and both would probably end up weaker than before â€" thus making Tudor’s ultimate task easier.
Carol responds:
What we know is that Buckingham wrote a letter to Tudor dated September 24 inviting him to land and, apparently, agreeing to join forces with him. Again apparently, Richard's spies intercepted that letter, which is how Richard knew that Buckingham had turned traitor. Whether that letter is still extant, I don't know. I also haven't seen the bill of attainder against Buckingham, which might give more details.
What historians *think* they know comes from the chroniclers. Croyland, for example, says "At last, it was determined by the people in the vicinity of the city of London, throughout the counties of Kent, Essex, Sussex, Hampshire, Dorsetshire, Devonshire, Somersetshire, Wiltshire, and Berkshire, as well as some others of the southern counties of the kingdom, to avenge their grievances before-stated [Richard's "usurpation" and his nephews' "captivity"]; upon which, public proclamation was made, that Henry, duke of Buckingham, who at this time was living at Brecknock in Wales, had repented of his former conduct, and would be the chief mover in this attempt, while a rumour was spread that the sons of king Edwrd before-named had died a violent death, but it was uncertain how. Accordingly, all those who had set foot on this insurrection, seeing that if they could find no one to take the lead in their designs, the ruin of all would speedily ensue, turned their thoughts to Henry, earl of Richmond, who had been for many years living in exile in Britany. To him a message was, accordingly, sent, by the duke of Buckingham, by advice of the lord bishop of Ely, who was then his prisoner at Brecknock, requesting him to hasten over to England as soon as he possibly could, for the purpose of marrying Elizabeth, the eldest daughter of the late king, and, at the same time, together with her, taking possession of the throne." After a paragraph on Richard, whose spies have informed him what Buckingham is up to, and the actions of the Vaughans and Humphrey Stafford to thwart Buckingham, he places Buckingham with Morton and others at Webley. Why Buckingham feels compelled to flee in disguise while the others remain where they are is not explained--another example of Buckingham's folly, I guess, since he's captured and executed while Morton and the others survive.
To me, the idea that Buckingham suggested that Tudor marry EoY so that he can become king (which, of course, would only be possible if the rumor were really true) seems improbable given Buckingham's own ambitions (not to mention that unless he had killed the boys himself, he would know that they were alive) and may come from Morton after Richard's defeat and death (the chronicler was writing in 1486). But B. may well have invited Tudor over, at Morton's suggestion, as an ally against Richard. I can see each hoping that the other would be killed in the fighting, or, at least, Morton the manipulator hoping that either Richard or Buckingham would be killed, helping to clear the path for his pseudo-Lancastrian invader.
Essentially, Croyland assigns Buckingham the same improbable motive later assigned to him by the Tudor historians (More and Vergil both expand the tale in imaginative ways), which suggests the hand of Morton at work in all three versions but tells us nothing of B's real reasons for throwing away everything Richard had given him to join forces with a half-English refugee whose claim to the throne was nonexistent. Maybe he thought that Tudor was only trying to claim his earldom and would aid him in his quest for the crown? Would even Buckingham be that stupid? (But, surely, that's what the Woodvilles thought, too, when they first joined forces with him at a time when Richard was still Protector and Edward V the uncrowned king.)
What we need is a copy of that September 24 letter or a summary of its contents to compare with Croyland's summary of Buckingham's ostensible motives--what he actually said as opposed to what Croyland says he said.
BTW, I wonder what the dissident Yorkists thought of this strange new ally, who had helped to put Richard III on the throne and had turned traitor. How could they believe anything he said, true or not? Unfortunately, if they suspected *him* of killing the "princes," that would be reason to support Tudor!
Carol
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-18 20:04:53
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Saturday, May 18, 2013 7:53 PM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
> What we know is that Buckingham wrote a letter to Tudor dated September 24
> inviting him to land and, apparently, agreeing to join forces with him.
> Again apparently, Richard's spies intercepted that letter, which is how
> Richard knew that Buckingham had turned traitor.
And we're assuming that it *wasn't* deliberately leaked by the Tudor faction
who had realised that Buckingham was out to feather his own nest? Was it
more to Henry's advantage to use Buckingham to get rid of Richard or vice
versa?
To:
Sent: Saturday, May 18, 2013 7:53 PM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
> What we know is that Buckingham wrote a letter to Tudor dated September 24
> inviting him to land and, apparently, agreeing to join forces with him.
> Again apparently, Richard's spies intercepted that letter, which is how
> Richard knew that Buckingham had turned traitor.
And we're assuming that it *wasn't* deliberately leaked by the Tudor faction
who had realised that Buckingham was out to feather his own nest? Was it
more to Henry's advantage to use Buckingham to get rid of Richard or vice
versa?
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-18 20:13:14
Claire wrote:
> Loyalty is loyalty - if you're right that his motivation was mainly loyalty and not spite or self interest then that's arguably admirable, even if his loyalty was to a dubious cause.
>
> After all, Richard's loyalty to Edward was spent on a somewhat unworthy cause - especially if the pre-contract story was true - but we still find it admirable. And anyone who was loyal to Anjou might well feel she had been shabbily treated, either by Edward or by fate, and carry a grudge on her behalf - even though Richard didn't deserve to be the object of that grudge.
>
Carol responds:
But Richard was not working behind the scenes to put a dubious claimant on the throne, turning people against each other and ultimately causing hundreds of deaths. Sorry, but in my view there's no comparison. And I'm not saying that self-interest wasn't involved. Morton was a politician and a manipulator, not an altruist. Richard, though ambitious of necessity, was an idealist. Possibly, if he had been more like his brother, Morton might have been content to work within his regime, confining himself to petty intrigue. Instead, he combined forces with a kindred spirit, Margaret Beaufort, to ruin the House of York.
I don't want to argue, Claire, only to make clear that you seem to have misinterpreted my view of Morton, which is wholly unfavorable. It isn't his loyalty to an unworthy cause that I despise; it's his modus operandi, undermining and manipulating people, seizing on their ambitions and jealousies to turn them against each other, working insidiously to poison the House of York from within while encouraging the pretensions of a refugee who had spent most of his short lifetime sponging off the royal houses of Europe, fearing for his life and trusting no one.
If only the Wars of the Roses had really ended at Tewkesbury!
Carol
> Loyalty is loyalty - if you're right that his motivation was mainly loyalty and not spite or self interest then that's arguably admirable, even if his loyalty was to a dubious cause.
>
> After all, Richard's loyalty to Edward was spent on a somewhat unworthy cause - especially if the pre-contract story was true - but we still find it admirable. And anyone who was loyal to Anjou might well feel she had been shabbily treated, either by Edward or by fate, and carry a grudge on her behalf - even though Richard didn't deserve to be the object of that grudge.
>
Carol responds:
But Richard was not working behind the scenes to put a dubious claimant on the throne, turning people against each other and ultimately causing hundreds of deaths. Sorry, but in my view there's no comparison. And I'm not saying that self-interest wasn't involved. Morton was a politician and a manipulator, not an altruist. Richard, though ambitious of necessity, was an idealist. Possibly, if he had been more like his brother, Morton might have been content to work within his regime, confining himself to petty intrigue. Instead, he combined forces with a kindred spirit, Margaret Beaufort, to ruin the House of York.
I don't want to argue, Claire, only to make clear that you seem to have misinterpreted my view of Morton, which is wholly unfavorable. It isn't his loyalty to an unworthy cause that I despise; it's his modus operandi, undermining and manipulating people, seizing on their ambitions and jealousies to turn them against each other, working insidiously to poison the House of York from within while encouraging the pretensions of a refugee who had spent most of his short lifetime sponging off the royal houses of Europe, fearing for his life and trusting no one.
If only the Wars of the Roses had really ended at Tewkesbury!
Carol
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-18 21:04:59
I agree Carol about Morton and MB working together after Tewkesbury. It is a very plausible thought. I have a theory that in order to achieve her ambition of putting her darling son on the throne then she would have to remove some obstacles that would be in his way. Obviously Edward would be the biggest obstacle and it was either fortunate or planned that he died in 1483. Some years ago after reading R.E. Collins "Death of Edward IV" I speculated that there were other people that would stand in her way too, obviously the Woodvilles and the Princes, but Richard and Buckingham had better claims than Tudor. I thought that Hastings wouldn't stand by and allow Edward's son to be denied the throne. Then you have E of M and Warwick also having better claims than Tudor. I am probably not explaining my reasoning very well but the conclusion that I came to was that it was rather odd that all these people (apart from young Warwick) were dead two and a half years later, clearing the way for Tudor to take the crown. Yes he had to face Richard in battle but if the Stanleys and Rhys ap Thomas'treachery had been planned well in advance and they knew how formidable the French Mercenaries were, she could have been willing to risk it.
--- In , "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...> wrote:
>
> Carol wrote:
>
> > Carol thinks he [Morton] was driven by loyalty to Margaret of Anjou - which may well be so, and if so would make him considerably less horrible and almost, in a dark way, a romantic figure.
>
> carol responds:
>
> Oh, ugh! Not the way I see Morton at all. Yes, I think he was a committed Lancastrian with an animus against the House of York, but I see him as wily and sinister, a force to be reckoned with but working in the shadows like a double agent, seemingly reconciled to Edward but determined to bring him down even if it meant putting Tudor on the throne. He would have been on good terms with Louis XI, and as a Lancastrian, he would already have been acquainted with Margaret Beaufort, and they may well have began working together as early as Tewkesbury, with Morton transferring his loyalty from one Margaret to another. And once Edward IV died, their work behind the scenes, in particular fostering animosities among the Yorkists, intensified.
>
> He was formidably intelligeng, but I find nothing in him to admire, nor do I consider him in the least romantic.
>
> Carol
>
--- In , "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...> wrote:
>
> Carol wrote:
>
> > Carol thinks he [Morton] was driven by loyalty to Margaret of Anjou - which may well be so, and if so would make him considerably less horrible and almost, in a dark way, a romantic figure.
>
> carol responds:
>
> Oh, ugh! Not the way I see Morton at all. Yes, I think he was a committed Lancastrian with an animus against the House of York, but I see him as wily and sinister, a force to be reckoned with but working in the shadows like a double agent, seemingly reconciled to Edward but determined to bring him down even if it meant putting Tudor on the throne. He would have been on good terms with Louis XI, and as a Lancastrian, he would already have been acquainted with Margaret Beaufort, and they may well have began working together as early as Tewkesbury, with Morton transferring his loyalty from one Margaret to another. And once Edward IV died, their work behind the scenes, in particular fostering animosities among the Yorkists, intensified.
>
> He was formidably intelligeng, but I find nothing in him to admire, nor do I consider him in the least romantic.
>
> Carol
>
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-18 21:26:21
Doug wrote:
> Thank you very much for that link, it's going to get a work-out!
> I noted an interesting item while looking for the bit about the date of Buckingham's letter to Tudor:
> "But the common report was otherwyse; for the multytude sayd that the duke dyd the less disswade kinge Richerd from usurping the kingdome, by mean of so many mischievous dedes, uppon that intent that he afterward, being hatyd both of God and man, might be expellyd from the same, and so himself be caulyd by the commons to that dignytie, wheunto he asspyred by all means possible, and that yerfor he had at the last stirryd upp warr agaynst King Rycherd: but let us returne to owr purpose."
>
> Is it me, or is Vergil saying, quite plainly, that it was widely presumed that Buckingham rebelled *to claim the throne for himself* and Buckingham had not opposed Richard so that the "commons" would, having been revolted by Richard's actions, turn to Buckingham, begging him to take the throne?
> Then immediately dismisses that because "owr purpose" *isn't* telling the truth, but rather burnishing the myths of how HVII ascended the throne and hoping noone noticed?
> (Okay, that last is my interpretation...)
> I couldn't find any reference to the letter (I *was* rushing). Did I miss it or is it in another "history"? Or worse, is it yet another one of those things in the "given out" class?
Carol responds:
First, yes, Vergil is reporting the rumor, common in his time, that Buckingham had all along encouraged Richard in wicked deeds (like "usurpation" and "murder") so he could gain the throne himself. The idea that Buckingham talked Richard into killing his nephews or even killed them himself for his own ends was also in circulation. Commynes suggests at one point, if I recall correctly, that Buckingham killed the boys and Richard had him killed soon afterward, presumably for that reason.
More, in one of his imaginary humanist dialogues, has the wily Morton playing on the ambitions of the gullible duke, telling him that although he's better qualified than Tudor to replace Richard as king, Tudor has a better chance as he's free to marry Elizabeth of York.
Anyway, Vergil has Buckingham as the (nominal) head of the conspiracy but doesn't mention any letter from Buckingham to Tudor. (They seem to communicate through Morton and MB.) If I recall correctly, neither does More since he leaves off his manuscript in the middle of the conversation between More and Morton, but I can't check right now because I can't get the page to load.
The Croyland chronicler, as I mentioned in another post, does mention the letter and states that it not only invites Tudor to invade England but encourages him to marry EoY so he can become king, but it's unlikely that CC ever saw the letter and he's probably going by information obtained later from Morton.
Girders.com gives September 24 as the date of the letter and gives A. L. Rowse as the source for that date, but apparently Rowse's book is unsearchable on Google Books so I can't find the reference. "The Encyclopedia of the Wars of the Roses gives the same date but no source for the date: http://books.google.com/books?id=ubXnWRMt6uoC&pg=PA40&dq=%2224+September%22+Buckingham&hl=en&sa=X&ei=JOKXUdy9OIq6igLBoYCwBQ&sqi=2&ved=0CC0Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%2224%20September%22%20Buckingham&f=false
Our best bet might be Rot. Parl. VI, p. 244, which Kendall cites as the source for the attainder. Anyone have access to this document to see if the date and contents of the letter are listed?
Carol
> Thank you very much for that link, it's going to get a work-out!
> I noted an interesting item while looking for the bit about the date of Buckingham's letter to Tudor:
> "But the common report was otherwyse; for the multytude sayd that the duke dyd the less disswade kinge Richerd from usurping the kingdome, by mean of so many mischievous dedes, uppon that intent that he afterward, being hatyd both of God and man, might be expellyd from the same, and so himself be caulyd by the commons to that dignytie, wheunto he asspyred by all means possible, and that yerfor he had at the last stirryd upp warr agaynst King Rycherd: but let us returne to owr purpose."
>
> Is it me, or is Vergil saying, quite plainly, that it was widely presumed that Buckingham rebelled *to claim the throne for himself* and Buckingham had not opposed Richard so that the "commons" would, having been revolted by Richard's actions, turn to Buckingham, begging him to take the throne?
> Then immediately dismisses that because "owr purpose" *isn't* telling the truth, but rather burnishing the myths of how HVII ascended the throne and hoping noone noticed?
> (Okay, that last is my interpretation...)
> I couldn't find any reference to the letter (I *was* rushing). Did I miss it or is it in another "history"? Or worse, is it yet another one of those things in the "given out" class?
Carol responds:
First, yes, Vergil is reporting the rumor, common in his time, that Buckingham had all along encouraged Richard in wicked deeds (like "usurpation" and "murder") so he could gain the throne himself. The idea that Buckingham talked Richard into killing his nephews or even killed them himself for his own ends was also in circulation. Commynes suggests at one point, if I recall correctly, that Buckingham killed the boys and Richard had him killed soon afterward, presumably for that reason.
More, in one of his imaginary humanist dialogues, has the wily Morton playing on the ambitions of the gullible duke, telling him that although he's better qualified than Tudor to replace Richard as king, Tudor has a better chance as he's free to marry Elizabeth of York.
Anyway, Vergil has Buckingham as the (nominal) head of the conspiracy but doesn't mention any letter from Buckingham to Tudor. (They seem to communicate through Morton and MB.) If I recall correctly, neither does More since he leaves off his manuscript in the middle of the conversation between More and Morton, but I can't check right now because I can't get the page to load.
The Croyland chronicler, as I mentioned in another post, does mention the letter and states that it not only invites Tudor to invade England but encourages him to marry EoY so he can become king, but it's unlikely that CC ever saw the letter and he's probably going by information obtained later from Morton.
Girders.com gives September 24 as the date of the letter and gives A. L. Rowse as the source for that date, but apparently Rowse's book is unsearchable on Google Books so I can't find the reference. "The Encyclopedia of the Wars of the Roses gives the same date but no source for the date: http://books.google.com/books?id=ubXnWRMt6uoC&pg=PA40&dq=%2224+September%22+Buckingham&hl=en&sa=X&ei=JOKXUdy9OIq6igLBoYCwBQ&sqi=2&ved=0CC0Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%2224%20September%22%20Buckingham&f=false
Our best bet might be Rot. Parl. VI, p. 244, which Kendall cites as the source for the attainder. Anyone have access to this document to see if the date and contents of the letter are listed?
Carol
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-18 21:47:49
The fact is, the Beaufort claim was taken seriously enough for Henry to become King. The Lancastrian lobby was still powerful, and however remote this was the best they had.
Buckingham would have plausibly considered himself next in line to the as yet (legitimately) childless Henry, who had no other close family with a claim (bar his mother).
The supposed claim through Thomas of Woodstock is not credible; Buckingham's ambitions were through his mother's Beaufort line.
________________________________
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
To:
Sent: Saturday, 18 May 2013, 21:26
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Doug wrote:
> Thank you very much for that link, it's going to get a work-out!
> I noted an interesting item while looking for the bit about the date of Buckingham's letter to Tudor:
> "But the common report was otherwyse; for the multytude sayd that the duke dyd the less disswade kinge Richerd from usurping the kingdome, by mean of so many mischievous dedes, uppon that intent that he afterward, being hatyd both of God and man, might be expellyd from the same, and so himself be caulyd by the commons to that dignytie, wheunto he asspyred by all means possible, and that yerfor he had at the last stirryd upp warr agaynst King Rycherd: but let us returne to owr purpose."
>
> Is it me, or is Vergil saying, quite plainly, that it was widely presumed that Buckingham rebelled *to claim the throne for himself* and Buckingham had not opposed Richard so that the "commons" would, having been revolted by Richard's actions, turn to Buckingham, begging him to take the throne?
> Then immediately dismisses that because "owr purpose" *isn't* telling the truth, but rather burnishing the myths of how HVII ascended the throne and hoping noone noticed?
> (Okay, that last is my interpretation...)
> I couldn't find any reference to the letter (I *was* rushing). Did I miss it or is it in another "history"? Or worse, is it yet another one of those things in the "given out" class?
Carol responds:
First, yes, Vergil is reporting the rumor, common in his time, that Buckingham had all along encouraged Richard in wicked deeds (like "usurpation" and "murder") so he could gain the throne himself. The idea that Buckingham talked Richard into killing his nephews or even killed them himself for his own ends was also in circulation. Commynes suggests at one point, if I recall correctly, that Buckingham killed the boys and Richard had him killed soon afterward, presumably for that reason.
More, in one of his imaginary humanist dialogues, has the wily Morton playing on the ambitions of the gullible duke, telling him that although he's better qualified than Tudor to replace Richard as king, Tudor has a better chance as he's free to marry Elizabeth of York.
Anyway, Vergil has Buckingham as the (nominal) head of the conspiracy but doesn't mention any letter from Buckingham to Tudor. (They seem to communicate through Morton and MB.) If I recall correctly, neither does More since he leaves off his manuscript in the middle of the conversation between More and Morton, but I can't check right now because I can't get the page to load.
The Croyland chronicler, as I mentioned in another post, does mention the letter and states that it not only invites Tudor to invade England but encourages him to marry EoY so he can become king, but it's unlikely that CC ever saw the letter and he's probably going by information obtained later from Morton.
Girders.com gives September 24 as the date of the letter and gives A. L. Rowse as the source for that date, but apparently Rowse's book is unsearchable on Google Books so I can't find the reference. "The Encyclopedia of the Wars of the Roses gives the same date but no source for the date: http://books.google.com/books?id=ubXnWRMt6uoC&pg=PA40&dq=%2224+September%22+Buckingham&hl=en&sa=X&ei=JOKXUdy9OIq6igLBoYCwBQ&sqi=2&ved=0CC0Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%2224%20September%22%20Buckingham&f=false
Our best bet might be Rot. Parl. VI, p. 244, which Kendall cites as the source for the attainder. Anyone have access to this document to see if the date and contents of the letter are listed?
Carol
Buckingham would have plausibly considered himself next in line to the as yet (legitimately) childless Henry, who had no other close family with a claim (bar his mother).
The supposed claim through Thomas of Woodstock is not credible; Buckingham's ambitions were through his mother's Beaufort line.
________________________________
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
To:
Sent: Saturday, 18 May 2013, 21:26
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Doug wrote:
> Thank you very much for that link, it's going to get a work-out!
> I noted an interesting item while looking for the bit about the date of Buckingham's letter to Tudor:
> "But the common report was otherwyse; for the multytude sayd that the duke dyd the less disswade kinge Richerd from usurping the kingdome, by mean of so many mischievous dedes, uppon that intent that he afterward, being hatyd both of God and man, might be expellyd from the same, and so himself be caulyd by the commons to that dignytie, wheunto he asspyred by all means possible, and that yerfor he had at the last stirryd upp warr agaynst King Rycherd: but let us returne to owr purpose."
>
> Is it me, or is Vergil saying, quite plainly, that it was widely presumed that Buckingham rebelled *to claim the throne for himself* and Buckingham had not opposed Richard so that the "commons" would, having been revolted by Richard's actions, turn to Buckingham, begging him to take the throne?
> Then immediately dismisses that because "owr purpose" *isn't* telling the truth, but rather burnishing the myths of how HVII ascended the throne and hoping noone noticed?
> (Okay, that last is my interpretation...)
> I couldn't find any reference to the letter (I *was* rushing). Did I miss it or is it in another "history"? Or worse, is it yet another one of those things in the "given out" class?
Carol responds:
First, yes, Vergil is reporting the rumor, common in his time, that Buckingham had all along encouraged Richard in wicked deeds (like "usurpation" and "murder") so he could gain the throne himself. The idea that Buckingham talked Richard into killing his nephews or even killed them himself for his own ends was also in circulation. Commynes suggests at one point, if I recall correctly, that Buckingham killed the boys and Richard had him killed soon afterward, presumably for that reason.
More, in one of his imaginary humanist dialogues, has the wily Morton playing on the ambitions of the gullible duke, telling him that although he's better qualified than Tudor to replace Richard as king, Tudor has a better chance as he's free to marry Elizabeth of York.
Anyway, Vergil has Buckingham as the (nominal) head of the conspiracy but doesn't mention any letter from Buckingham to Tudor. (They seem to communicate through Morton and MB.) If I recall correctly, neither does More since he leaves off his manuscript in the middle of the conversation between More and Morton, but I can't check right now because I can't get the page to load.
The Croyland chronicler, as I mentioned in another post, does mention the letter and states that it not only invites Tudor to invade England but encourages him to marry EoY so he can become king, but it's unlikely that CC ever saw the letter and he's probably going by information obtained later from Morton.
Girders.com gives September 24 as the date of the letter and gives A. L. Rowse as the source for that date, but apparently Rowse's book is unsearchable on Google Books so I can't find the reference. "The Encyclopedia of the Wars of the Roses gives the same date but no source for the date: http://books.google.com/books?id=ubXnWRMt6uoC&pg=PA40&dq=%2224+September%22+Buckingham&hl=en&sa=X&ei=JOKXUdy9OIq6igLBoYCwBQ&sqi=2&ved=0CC0Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%2224%20September%22%20Buckingham&f=false
Our best bet might be Rot. Parl. VI, p. 244, which Kendall cites as the source for the attainder. Anyone have access to this document to see if the date and contents of the letter are listed?
Carol
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-18 21:48:48
B may have been "persuaded" that Tudor was bringing French mercenaries to help him claim the throne. As you say I think it is very doubtful that B intended to help Tudor claim the throne.
--- In , "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...> wrote:
>
> Doug wrote:
>
> > [snip] It could very well be that originally Buckingham *did* plan on restoring Edward to the throne, replacing a Ricardian Protectorate with a Henrician one; followed, of course, by years and years of Buckingham being the second most powerful person in the kingdom because E(V) was sooo grateful.
>
> Carol responds:
>
> Why would he do that when he had already helped to depose Edward (who would hardly be grateful to a man who publicly declared him illegitimate) and to put Richard on the throne when Richard gave him much more power (and land) than he was ever likely to receive under E V? As for a Henrician protectorate, the question is why he ever allied himself with Tudor at all given that his own claim was superior to Henry's (though not, of course, to Richard's) and unclouded by illegitimacy? He was, as Richard stated in one of his letters to York, of "the old blood royal"--like Richard himself and unlike the upstart Woodvilles (Tudor not even fitting into the picture at this point as far as Richard knew).
>
> The one thing that Tudor and Buckingham had in common was that the same people were in their way as claimants--Richard, the "princes," Edward of Warwick. If the plan is to clear the way for one or the other, the best strategy would be for them to act as allies against Richard, dispose of the children in some way (or claim that they were dead until proven otherwise), and then fight each other when all else was taken care of. I can't imagine Buckingham ever supporting Tudor in his haughty heart.
>
> Carol
>
--- In , "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...> wrote:
>
> Doug wrote:
>
> > [snip] It could very well be that originally Buckingham *did* plan on restoring Edward to the throne, replacing a Ricardian Protectorate with a Henrician one; followed, of course, by years and years of Buckingham being the second most powerful person in the kingdom because E(V) was sooo grateful.
>
> Carol responds:
>
> Why would he do that when he had already helped to depose Edward (who would hardly be grateful to a man who publicly declared him illegitimate) and to put Richard on the throne when Richard gave him much more power (and land) than he was ever likely to receive under E V? As for a Henrician protectorate, the question is why he ever allied himself with Tudor at all given that his own claim was superior to Henry's (though not, of course, to Richard's) and unclouded by illegitimacy? He was, as Richard stated in one of his letters to York, of "the old blood royal"--like Richard himself and unlike the upstart Woodvilles (Tudor not even fitting into the picture at this point as far as Richard knew).
>
> The one thing that Tudor and Buckingham had in common was that the same people were in their way as claimants--Richard, the "princes," Edward of Warwick. If the plan is to clear the way for one or the other, the best strategy would be for them to act as allies against Richard, dispose of the children in some way (or claim that they were dead until proven otherwise), and then fight each other when all else was taken care of. I can't imagine Buckingham ever supporting Tudor in his haughty heart.
>
> Carol
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-18 22:06:50
Johanne Tournier wrote:
>
> Hi, Carol -
>
> In her analysis of Mancini, Annette Carson in *The Maligned King,* at pg. 144 of the original edition, considers the question of when Dr. Argentine last saw the princes. She speculates that Mancini met Dr. Argentine between July and December 1483, and says that it was from Dr. Argentine that Mancini got the information on "Edward's appearance, accomplishments, state of mind and location when last seen." Carson states that most of Edward's attendants were replaced in mid-June, with Dr. Argentine being the last of the original attendants to leave Edward's service. Carson further estimates that the boys' were removed to the 'inner apartments of the Tower proper' (to use Mancini's words), which she identifies with the White Tower, in probably the second to third week of July, when there was a plot to remove them that was reported by Stow. Carson further speculates that Dr. A. probably last saw the boys in late July or early August, when the John Welles conspiracy was discovered.
Carol responds:
Ah, so that's where I got my idea that Mancini saw Dr. Argentine after he left England but before he finished his manuscript. I knew I hadn't made it up!
Let me see if I can make sense of her dates.
First, yes, Dr. Argentine would have been dismissed in mid-June. There's a document (I think Kendall cites it) dated July 18 noting payments to the attendants of Edward Bastard for their services. That could be the date when they were removed to the "inner apartments" (Mancini), but if so, there was no reason for it since no attempt had yet been made to "free them." It could also be the date when Croyland has them placed "in the custody of certain persons appointed for that purpose," but he seems to imply that this "captivity" began somewhat later. At any rate, they were still "in custody" in the Tower around September 8.
I don't understand the part about the John Welles conspiracy, which is surely the same "enterprise" referred to in the July 29 letter could have been discovered in "early August." ("Late July, yes.) I also don't see what that date as to do with Mancini's seeing Dr. Argentine.
December 1483 is clearly the last possible date for their encounter as that's when the manuscript was completed.
Anyway, either Mancini talked to Argentine before he left England, which would mean that the boys had been seen less and less and finally disappeared into the inner apartments before Richard's coronation (which we know is not true--Richard then-duke-of-York only came out of sanctuary on June 16 and Richard III was crowned on July 6--no time for any gradual disappearance) or he obtained that information from him later, presumably after the July rescue attempt (Annette's initial date) but before the December completion of the manuscript.
So the question is how they communicated if, as seems probable, Mancini received the information about the withdrawal into the inner apartments (which he presents as gradual) after he left England, especially if Dr. Argentine remained in England, as he must have done if (if!) he observed that withdrawal. Mancini cannot have observed it himself.
Guess I'll have to recheck Annette's book to see what she says.
Carol
>
> Hi, Carol -
>
> In her analysis of Mancini, Annette Carson in *The Maligned King,* at pg. 144 of the original edition, considers the question of when Dr. Argentine last saw the princes. She speculates that Mancini met Dr. Argentine between July and December 1483, and says that it was from Dr. Argentine that Mancini got the information on "Edward's appearance, accomplishments, state of mind and location when last seen." Carson states that most of Edward's attendants were replaced in mid-June, with Dr. Argentine being the last of the original attendants to leave Edward's service. Carson further estimates that the boys' were removed to the 'inner apartments of the Tower proper' (to use Mancini's words), which she identifies with the White Tower, in probably the second to third week of July, when there was a plot to remove them that was reported by Stow. Carson further speculates that Dr. A. probably last saw the boys in late July or early August, when the John Welles conspiracy was discovered.
Carol responds:
Ah, so that's where I got my idea that Mancini saw Dr. Argentine after he left England but before he finished his manuscript. I knew I hadn't made it up!
Let me see if I can make sense of her dates.
First, yes, Dr. Argentine would have been dismissed in mid-June. There's a document (I think Kendall cites it) dated July 18 noting payments to the attendants of Edward Bastard for their services. That could be the date when they were removed to the "inner apartments" (Mancini), but if so, there was no reason for it since no attempt had yet been made to "free them." It could also be the date when Croyland has them placed "in the custody of certain persons appointed for that purpose," but he seems to imply that this "captivity" began somewhat later. At any rate, they were still "in custody" in the Tower around September 8.
I don't understand the part about the John Welles conspiracy, which is surely the same "enterprise" referred to in the July 29 letter could have been discovered in "early August." ("Late July, yes.) I also don't see what that date as to do with Mancini's seeing Dr. Argentine.
December 1483 is clearly the last possible date for their encounter as that's when the manuscript was completed.
Anyway, either Mancini talked to Argentine before he left England, which would mean that the boys had been seen less and less and finally disappeared into the inner apartments before Richard's coronation (which we know is not true--Richard then-duke-of-York only came out of sanctuary on June 16 and Richard III was crowned on July 6--no time for any gradual disappearance) or he obtained that information from him later, presumably after the July rescue attempt (Annette's initial date) but before the December completion of the manuscript.
So the question is how they communicated if, as seems probable, Mancini received the information about the withdrawal into the inner apartments (which he presents as gradual) after he left England, especially if Dr. Argentine remained in England, as he must have done if (if!) he observed that withdrawal. Mancini cannot have observed it himself.
Guess I'll have to recheck Annette's book to see what she says.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-18 23:11:07
A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...> wrote:
>
> "Ricardi iiijth" - that was a typo It actually reads "Ricardi iijth"
Carol responds:
"Richard the Threeth"?
Guess it never occurred to them to use -rd instead of -th!
Carol the Firth (First)
>
> "Ricardi iiijth" - that was a typo It actually reads "Ricardi iijth"
Carol responds:
"Richard the Threeth"?
Guess it never occurred to them to use -rd instead of -th!
Carol the Firth (First)
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-18 23:19:05
Carol responds: "Richard the Threeth"?
Love it! I wonder what Threeths are?
Sandra
Love it! I wonder what Threeths are?
Sandra
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-18 23:44:46
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Saturday, May 18, 2013 11:11 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> "Richard the Threeth"?
Better than Richard the Tooth....
A couple of years ago I cut out a cartoon of a very, very short royal effigy
on top of a tomb, labelled Richard the 1/3rd.
To:
Sent: Saturday, May 18, 2013 11:11 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> "Richard the Threeth"?
Better than Richard the Tooth....
A couple of years ago I cut out a cartoon of a very, very short royal effigy
on top of a tomb, labelled Richard the 1/3rd.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-18 23:58:58
Carol earlier:
> > They have no sense of humor, either, so they don't recognize his dark, sardonic irony or consider the possibility that he might be ridiculing those "wise men" and their absurd "deem[ing]".
Claire responded:
> I'd be more convinced by that one if More hadn't been such a fanatic - fanatics rarely have much sense of humour.
Carol again:
More's son-in-law William Roper spoke of his wit, and Erasmus said of him, "From childhood he had such a love for witty jests that he seemed to have been sent into the world for the sole purpose of coining them; he never descends to buffoonery, but gravity and dignity were never made for him. He is always amiable and good-tempered, and puts everyone who meets him in a happy frame of mind."
http://www.ewtn.com/library/mary/thomasmo.htm (Ignore the noble martyr stuff in this bio; I'm only interested in contemporary views of him.)
Of course, Roper and Erasmus could be describing More as a young or middle-aged man (Roper could not have known him as a boy) rather than the older chancellor. He would have been about 34 to 41 when he was writing his supposed history of Richard III; he hadn't yet become seriously involved in Tudor government and politics or entangled in religious controversies (ironically, helping Henry VII, at the time a devout Catholic, attack Luther's "heresies"). The More you seem to be thinking of didn't emerge until about 1520 and became more fanatical around the time he became chancellor in 1529.
I wonder how many people who think of Sir Thomas More as a saint who could not lie know about his views on the burning of heretics? What an irony that he died for his own religious views!
But the More of 1512-1519 had not yet started to wage war against Protestantism. Or could it have been the Ninety-Five Theses (1519) that took his attention away from his unfinished "History"?
All I know is that the early More had a reputation as a wit that fits his "Richard III" (privy scene and all), whatever he later became in reaction to the "threat" of Protestantism and the various aspects or phases of Henry VIII.
I think it may be a mistake to read the younger More in light of the older one. Sort of like the poet John Donne: "Jack the Rake," known for his racy love poetry, became Dr. Donne, the Anglican priest and metaphysical poet. Only Donne (whose mother was More's great niece) rejected his early Catholicism and wrote anti-Catholic tracts).
Carol
> > They have no sense of humor, either, so they don't recognize his dark, sardonic irony or consider the possibility that he might be ridiculing those "wise men" and their absurd "deem[ing]".
Claire responded:
> I'd be more convinced by that one if More hadn't been such a fanatic - fanatics rarely have much sense of humour.
Carol again:
More's son-in-law William Roper spoke of his wit, and Erasmus said of him, "From childhood he had such a love for witty jests that he seemed to have been sent into the world for the sole purpose of coining them; he never descends to buffoonery, but gravity and dignity were never made for him. He is always amiable and good-tempered, and puts everyone who meets him in a happy frame of mind."
http://www.ewtn.com/library/mary/thomasmo.htm (Ignore the noble martyr stuff in this bio; I'm only interested in contemporary views of him.)
Of course, Roper and Erasmus could be describing More as a young or middle-aged man (Roper could not have known him as a boy) rather than the older chancellor. He would have been about 34 to 41 when he was writing his supposed history of Richard III; he hadn't yet become seriously involved in Tudor government and politics or entangled in religious controversies (ironically, helping Henry VII, at the time a devout Catholic, attack Luther's "heresies"). The More you seem to be thinking of didn't emerge until about 1520 and became more fanatical around the time he became chancellor in 1529.
I wonder how many people who think of Sir Thomas More as a saint who could not lie know about his views on the burning of heretics? What an irony that he died for his own religious views!
But the More of 1512-1519 had not yet started to wage war against Protestantism. Or could it have been the Ninety-Five Theses (1519) that took his attention away from his unfinished "History"?
All I know is that the early More had a reputation as a wit that fits his "Richard III" (privy scene and all), whatever he later became in reaction to the "threat" of Protestantism and the various aspects or phases of Henry VIII.
I think it may be a mistake to read the younger More in light of the older one. Sort of like the poet John Donne: "Jack the Rake," known for his racy love poetry, became Dr. Donne, the Anglican priest and metaphysical poet. Only Donne (whose mother was More's great niece) rejected his early Catholicism and wrote anti-Catholic tracts).
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-19 00:23:23
Hi, Carol -
Thank you for all your time and effort answering some of my questions! I
realize it's tricky - I'm getting confused, but then I didn't know very much
to begin with about these issues! But - see below for some comments.
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of justcarol67
Sent: Saturday, May 18, 2013 6:07 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Johanne Tournier wrote:
>
> Hi, Carol -
>
> In her analysis of Mancini, Annette Carson in *The Maligned King,* at pg.
144 of the original edition, considers the question of when Dr. Argentine
last saw the princes. She speculates that Mancini met Dr. Argentine between
July and December 1483, and says that it was from Dr. Argentine that Mancini
got the information on "Edward's appearance, accomplishments, state of mind
and location when last seen." Carson states that most of Edward's attendants
were replaced in mid-June, with Dr. Argentine being the last of the original
attendants to leave Edward's service. Carson further estimates that the
boys' were removed to the 'inner apartments of the Tower proper' (to use
Mancini's words), which she identifies with the White Tower, in probably the
second to third week of July, when there was a plot to remove them that was
reported by Stow. Carson further speculates that Dr. A. probably last saw
the boys in late July or early August, when the John Welles conspiracy was
discovered.
Carol responds:
Ah, so that's where I got my idea that Mancini saw Dr. Argentine after he
left England but before he finished his manuscript. I knew I hadn't made it
up!
Let me see if I can make sense of her dates.
First, yes, Dr. Argentine would have been dismissed in mid-June.
[JLT] Annette doesn't say that Dr. Argentine was discharged in mid-June. She
says that he was "the last" of the original group of attendants to Edward,
and that "most" of the group were discharged in mid-June. At the middle of
pg. 144 she notes that, despite that, Dr. Argentine was still attending the
boys when they " . . . were transferred to the inner apartments he
described." Note, as I wrote above, that Carson says that the boys were
moved to the inner apartments of the Tower in the second or third week of
July. She says that Dr. Argentine probably last saw the boys in late July or
early August, when the John Welles conspiracy was discovered.
Carol T. wrote -
There's a document (I think Kendall cites it) dated July 18 noting payments
to the attendants of Edward Bastard for their services. That could be the
date when they were removed to the "inner apartments" (Mancini), but if so,
there was no reason for it since no attempt had yet been made to "free
them."
[JLT] Carson implies that there were at least two "attempts" (whatever they
were) regarding the boys - one was the one "reported by Stow," which she
says may have caused the boys to be moved to the inner apartments. She dates
the transfer to the 2nd. to 3rd. week of July, so the attempt must have
occurred no later than then, if Carson is correct. The other attempt is the
"John Welles conspiracy," which she says was discovered "late July or early
August," which she believes was also coincident with Argentine's last
sighting of the boys.
Carol T. wrote -
It could also be the date when Croyland has them placed "in the custody of
certain persons appointed for that purpose," but he seems to imply that this
"captivity" began somewhat later. At any rate, they were still "in custody"
in the Tower around September 8.
I don't understand the part about the John Welles conspiracy, which is
surely the same "enterprise" referred to in the July 29 letter could have
been discovered in "early August." ("Late July, yes.) I also don't see what
that date as to do with Mancini's seeing Dr. Argentine.
December 1483 is clearly the last possible date for their encounter as
that's when the manuscript was completed.
Anyway, either Mancini talked to Argentine before he left England, which
would mean that the boys had been seen less and less and finally disappeared
into the inner apartments before Richard's coronation (which we know is not
true--Richard then-duke-of-York only came out of sanctuary on June 16 and
Richard III was crowned on July 6--no time for any gradual disappearance) or
he obtained that information from him later, presumably after the July
rescue attempt (Annette's initial date) but before the December completion
of the manuscript.
So the question is how they communicated if, as seems probable, Mancini
received the information about the withdrawal into the inner apartments
(which he presents as gradual) after he left England, especially if Dr.
Argentine remained in England, as he must have done if (if!) he observed
that withdrawal. Mancini cannot have observed it himself.
Guess I'll have to recheck Annette's book to see what she says.
Carol
[JLT] I hope this helps to a certain extent, though it seems to me that
Carson's chronology is a bit speculative. Were there definitely more than
one attempt to free the boys? It is all rather vague and confusing, I would
say. I may have further to write on this tomorrow.
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Thank you for all your time and effort answering some of my questions! I
realize it's tricky - I'm getting confused, but then I didn't know very much
to begin with about these issues! But - see below for some comments.
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of justcarol67
Sent: Saturday, May 18, 2013 6:07 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Johanne Tournier wrote:
>
> Hi, Carol -
>
> In her analysis of Mancini, Annette Carson in *The Maligned King,* at pg.
144 of the original edition, considers the question of when Dr. Argentine
last saw the princes. She speculates that Mancini met Dr. Argentine between
July and December 1483, and says that it was from Dr. Argentine that Mancini
got the information on "Edward's appearance, accomplishments, state of mind
and location when last seen." Carson states that most of Edward's attendants
were replaced in mid-June, with Dr. Argentine being the last of the original
attendants to leave Edward's service. Carson further estimates that the
boys' were removed to the 'inner apartments of the Tower proper' (to use
Mancini's words), which she identifies with the White Tower, in probably the
second to third week of July, when there was a plot to remove them that was
reported by Stow. Carson further speculates that Dr. A. probably last saw
the boys in late July or early August, when the John Welles conspiracy was
discovered.
Carol responds:
Ah, so that's where I got my idea that Mancini saw Dr. Argentine after he
left England but before he finished his manuscript. I knew I hadn't made it
up!
Let me see if I can make sense of her dates.
First, yes, Dr. Argentine would have been dismissed in mid-June.
[JLT] Annette doesn't say that Dr. Argentine was discharged in mid-June. She
says that he was "the last" of the original group of attendants to Edward,
and that "most" of the group were discharged in mid-June. At the middle of
pg. 144 she notes that, despite that, Dr. Argentine was still attending the
boys when they " . . . were transferred to the inner apartments he
described." Note, as I wrote above, that Carson says that the boys were
moved to the inner apartments of the Tower in the second or third week of
July. She says that Dr. Argentine probably last saw the boys in late July or
early August, when the John Welles conspiracy was discovered.
Carol T. wrote -
There's a document (I think Kendall cites it) dated July 18 noting payments
to the attendants of Edward Bastard for their services. That could be the
date when they were removed to the "inner apartments" (Mancini), but if so,
there was no reason for it since no attempt had yet been made to "free
them."
[JLT] Carson implies that there were at least two "attempts" (whatever they
were) regarding the boys - one was the one "reported by Stow," which she
says may have caused the boys to be moved to the inner apartments. She dates
the transfer to the 2nd. to 3rd. week of July, so the attempt must have
occurred no later than then, if Carson is correct. The other attempt is the
"John Welles conspiracy," which she says was discovered "late July or early
August," which she believes was also coincident with Argentine's last
sighting of the boys.
Carol T. wrote -
It could also be the date when Croyland has them placed "in the custody of
certain persons appointed for that purpose," but he seems to imply that this
"captivity" began somewhat later. At any rate, they were still "in custody"
in the Tower around September 8.
I don't understand the part about the John Welles conspiracy, which is
surely the same "enterprise" referred to in the July 29 letter could have
been discovered in "early August." ("Late July, yes.) I also don't see what
that date as to do with Mancini's seeing Dr. Argentine.
December 1483 is clearly the last possible date for their encounter as
that's when the manuscript was completed.
Anyway, either Mancini talked to Argentine before he left England, which
would mean that the boys had been seen less and less and finally disappeared
into the inner apartments before Richard's coronation (which we know is not
true--Richard then-duke-of-York only came out of sanctuary on June 16 and
Richard III was crowned on July 6--no time for any gradual disappearance) or
he obtained that information from him later, presumably after the July
rescue attempt (Annette's initial date) but before the December completion
of the manuscript.
So the question is how they communicated if, as seems probable, Mancini
received the information about the withdrawal into the inner apartments
(which he presents as gradual) after he left England, especially if Dr.
Argentine remained in England, as he must have done if (if!) he observed
that withdrawal. Mancini cannot have observed it himself.
Guess I'll have to recheck Annette's book to see what she says.
Carol
[JLT] I hope this helps to a certain extent, though it seems to me that
Carson's chronology is a bit speculative. Were there definitely more than
one attempt to free the boys? It is all rather vague and confusing, I would
say. I may have further to write on this tomorrow.
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-19 01:17:39
--- In , david rayner <theblackprussian@...> wrote:
>
> The fact is, the Beaufort claim was taken seriously enough for Henry to become King. The Lancastrian lobby was still powerful, and however remote this was the best they had.
>
> Buckingham would have plausibly considered himself next in line to the as yet (legitimately) childless Henry, who had no other close family with a claim (bar his mother).
>
> The supposed claim through Thomas of Woodstock is not credible; Buckingham's ambitions were through his mother's Beaufort line.
Carol responds:
Henry never claimed the throne through his mother, only "by right of conquest." The French at one point persuaded him to claim to be the younger son of Henry VI rather than his half-nephew on his French mother's side (setting aside the probable illegitimacy of her son, Edmund). He also never claimed the throne through his possiby illegitimate Yorkist wife, but his son, Henry VIII, claimed the throne through his mother, not his father.
No male Beaufort had ever claimed the throne. They were all loyal Lancastrians, honoring Henry IV's dictate that they were not eligible for the throne.
I can't see Buckingham honoring a Beaufort claim at all even though his mother was a Beaufort. But if he disposed of Richard and all his nephews and considered the legitimate Lancastrian line as extinct (which it was, with the exception of a few European monarchs and their relatives, all of whom had a better claim than Henry), he would only have to contend with a few Percys and Bourchiers whose families had never claimed the throne. Oh, and the de la Poles, but he probably didn't give a thought to John and his young brothers.
Carol
>
> The fact is, the Beaufort claim was taken seriously enough for Henry to become King. The Lancastrian lobby was still powerful, and however remote this was the best they had.
>
> Buckingham would have plausibly considered himself next in line to the as yet (legitimately) childless Henry, who had no other close family with a claim (bar his mother).
>
> The supposed claim through Thomas of Woodstock is not credible; Buckingham's ambitions were through his mother's Beaufort line.
Carol responds:
Henry never claimed the throne through his mother, only "by right of conquest." The French at one point persuaded him to claim to be the younger son of Henry VI rather than his half-nephew on his French mother's side (setting aside the probable illegitimacy of her son, Edmund). He also never claimed the throne through his possiby illegitimate Yorkist wife, but his son, Henry VIII, claimed the throne through his mother, not his father.
No male Beaufort had ever claimed the throne. They were all loyal Lancastrians, honoring Henry IV's dictate that they were not eligible for the throne.
I can't see Buckingham honoring a Beaufort claim at all even though his mother was a Beaufort. But if he disposed of Richard and all his nephews and considered the legitimate Lancastrian line as extinct (which it was, with the exception of a few European monarchs and their relatives, all of whom had a better claim than Henry), he would only have to contend with a few Percys and Bourchiers whose families had never claimed the throne. Oh, and the de la Poles, but he probably didn't give a thought to John and his young brothers.
Carol
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-19 05:59:31
I've uploaded the text of the reference from Rot. Parl. VI. It does not
include the contents of the letter or letters written by Buckingham, and
it's a bit difficult to be sure exactly what happened on what date,
although October 18th is the date of attainder & is mentioned specifically
in connection with risings in several different locations - Brecknock,
Maidstone, Newbury, Salisbury, Rochester (also 20 Oct) Gravesend (Oct 22),
"Gilford" (Oct 25). The Act also mentions Oct 19 in connection with
Plymouth and the "greate Navie and Armye of Straungiers." (It's not clear,
at least to me, what exactly took place or was supposed to have taken place
at Plymouth).
Besides the armed "assemblies of people," the Act also mentions deceit by
the conspirators of the "said multitude" & the making of "sundrie and
diverse false and traiterous pclamacions ayenst oure said Soveraigne Lorde"
but doesn't say what the false information actually was.
The Act does give a date of 24 September, as also "many other tymes before
and after" that the "said Duke" by "his severall writyngs and messages by
hym sent, procured, moved and stirred Henry callyng hymself Erle of
Richemound, and Jasper late Erle of Pembroke, beyng than beyond the See in
Britayn, greate Enemyes of owre said Soveraign Lorde, to make a great
Navye, and bryng with theym an Armee and great nowmber of people
Straungiers from Britayn over the See"
A J
File is called BuckinghamRebellionRotParlVI
include the contents of the letter or letters written by Buckingham, and
it's a bit difficult to be sure exactly what happened on what date,
although October 18th is the date of attainder & is mentioned specifically
in connection with risings in several different locations - Brecknock,
Maidstone, Newbury, Salisbury, Rochester (also 20 Oct) Gravesend (Oct 22),
"Gilford" (Oct 25). The Act also mentions Oct 19 in connection with
Plymouth and the "greate Navie and Armye of Straungiers." (It's not clear,
at least to me, what exactly took place or was supposed to have taken place
at Plymouth).
Besides the armed "assemblies of people," the Act also mentions deceit by
the conspirators of the "said multitude" & the making of "sundrie and
diverse false and traiterous pclamacions ayenst oure said Soveraigne Lorde"
but doesn't say what the false information actually was.
The Act does give a date of 24 September, as also "many other tymes before
and after" that the "said Duke" by "his severall writyngs and messages by
hym sent, procured, moved and stirred Henry callyng hymself Erle of
Richemound, and Jasper late Erle of Pembroke, beyng than beyond the See in
Britayn, greate Enemyes of owre said Soveraign Lorde, to make a great
Navye, and bryng with theym an Armee and great nowmber of people
Straungiers from Britayn over the See"
A J
File is called BuckinghamRebellionRotParlVI
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-19 06:49:49
Plus, of course, Richard the Turd. (Sorry. On a pleasant Sunday morning too...)
From: Claire M Jordan
Sent: Saturday, May 18, 2013 11:22 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> "Richard the Threeth"?
Better than Richard the Tooth....
A couple of years ago I cut out a cartoon of a very, very short royal effigy
on top of a tomb, labelled Richard the 1/3rd.
From: Claire M Jordan
Sent: Saturday, May 18, 2013 11:22 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> "Richard the Threeth"?
Better than Richard the Tooth....
A couple of years ago I cut out a cartoon of a very, very short royal effigy
on top of a tomb, labelled Richard the 1/3rd.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-19 06:59:07
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Saturday, May 18, 2013 11:58 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> More's son-in-law William Roper spoke of his wit, and Erasmus said of him,
> "From childhood he had such a love for witty jests that he seemed to have
> been sent into the world for the sole purpose of coining them;
OK - if he was known as a comic that increases the likelihood that he was
playing around.
> he never descends to buffoonery, but gravity and dignity were never made
> for him. He is always amiable and good-tempered, and puts everyone who
> meets him in a happy frame of mind."
This and his reported kindness sit oddly with his later behaviour - makes me
wonder if he suffered a head injury at some point. [In an age when nearly
everybody rode and only soldiers had hard hats, head inuries must have been
fairly common.]
> I wonder how many people who think of Sir Thomas More as a saint who could
> not lie know about his views on the burning of heretics? What an irony
> that he died for his own religious views!
A bit like the Covenanters in Scotland and the Puritans in the US - they
believed in religious freedom, but only for them.
> All I know is that the early More had a reputation as a wit that fits his
> "Richard III" (privy scene and all),
Do we absolutely know that there wasn't a "confession" by Tyrrell? See, if
I was Tyrrell, and I figured that I was going to be executed anyway, and I
wanted to keep the boys safe and their whereabouts secret - expecially if
Henry's interrogators were asking pointed questions, possibly with actual
points involved - claiming that they were dead and inventing a spurious
story about how I knew this is just the sort of thing I'd probably do. And
I might well have a little fun and throw in some spurious details about
privies.
> I think it may be a mistake to read the younger More in light of the older
> one. Sort of like the poet John Donne: "Jack the Rake," known for his racy
> love poetry, became Dr. Donne, the Anglican priest and metaphysical poet.
It's true that a very rowdy and drunken guy I knew when I was at university
is now a spokesman and elder statesman of the local Jewish community. I
can't hear his name without seeing him swaying, glassy-eyed.
To:
Sent: Saturday, May 18, 2013 11:58 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> More's son-in-law William Roper spoke of his wit, and Erasmus said of him,
> "From childhood he had such a love for witty jests that he seemed to have
> been sent into the world for the sole purpose of coining them;
OK - if he was known as a comic that increases the likelihood that he was
playing around.
> he never descends to buffoonery, but gravity and dignity were never made
> for him. He is always amiable and good-tempered, and puts everyone who
> meets him in a happy frame of mind."
This and his reported kindness sit oddly with his later behaviour - makes me
wonder if he suffered a head injury at some point. [In an age when nearly
everybody rode and only soldiers had hard hats, head inuries must have been
fairly common.]
> I wonder how many people who think of Sir Thomas More as a saint who could
> not lie know about his views on the burning of heretics? What an irony
> that he died for his own religious views!
A bit like the Covenanters in Scotland and the Puritans in the US - they
believed in religious freedom, but only for them.
> All I know is that the early More had a reputation as a wit that fits his
> "Richard III" (privy scene and all),
Do we absolutely know that there wasn't a "confession" by Tyrrell? See, if
I was Tyrrell, and I figured that I was going to be executed anyway, and I
wanted to keep the boys safe and their whereabouts secret - expecially if
Henry's interrogators were asking pointed questions, possibly with actual
points involved - claiming that they were dead and inventing a spurious
story about how I knew this is just the sort of thing I'd probably do. And
I might well have a little fun and throw in some spurious details about
privies.
> I think it may be a mistake to read the younger More in light of the older
> one. Sort of like the poet John Donne: "Jack the Rake," known for his racy
> love poetry, became Dr. Donne, the Anglican priest and metaphysical poet.
It's true that a very rowdy and drunken guy I knew when I was at university
is now a spokesman and elder statesman of the local Jewish community. I
can't hear his name without seeing him swaying, glassy-eyed.
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-19 09:30:11
I'm sorry but I don't agree. It's quite simple; the Beauforts were barred. Henry took the crown through right of conquest and always claimed that he did. There were many other claims (including Buckingham's) ahead of the barred Beauforts. including the Hollands, the Bourchiers and the Percies and the royal house of Portugal. It is much easier to revoke primogeniture (as happened in the fourteenth century) than to legitimise the inheritance rights of a bastard. Otherwise why not name John of Gloucester as heir?
________________________________
From: david rayner <theblackprussian@...>
To: "" <>
Sent: Saturday, 18 May 2013, 21:37
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
The fact is, the Beaufort claim was taken seriously enough for Henry to become King. The Lancastrian lobby was still powerful, and however remote this was the best they had.
Buckingham would have plausibly considered himself next in line to the as yet (legitimately) childless Henry, who had no other close family with a claim (bar his mother).
The supposed claim through Thomas of Woodstock is not credible; Buckingham's ambitions were through his mother's Beaufort line.
________________________________
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
To:
Sent: Saturday, 18 May 2013, 21:26
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Doug wrote:
> Thank you very much for that link, it's going to get a work-out!
> I noted an interesting item while looking for the bit about the date of Buckingham's letter to Tudor:
> "But the common report was otherwyse; for the multytude sayd that the duke dyd the less disswade kinge Richerd from usurping the kingdome, by mean of so many mischievous dedes, uppon that intent that he afterward, being hatyd both of God and man, might be expellyd from the same, and so himself be caulyd by the commons to that dignytie, wheunto he asspyred by all means possible, and that yerfor he had at the last stirryd upp warr agaynst King Rycherd: but let us returne to owr purpose."
>
> Is it me, or is Vergil saying, quite plainly, that it was widely presumed that Buckingham rebelled *to claim the throne for himself* and Buckingham had not opposed Richard so that the "commons" would, having been revolted by Richard's actions, turn to Buckingham, begging him to take the throne?
> Then immediately dismisses that because "owr purpose" *isn't* telling the truth, but rather burnishing the myths of how HVII ascended the throne and hoping noone noticed?
> (Okay, that last is my interpretation...)
> I couldn't find any reference to the letter (I *was* rushing). Did I miss it or is it in another "history"? Or worse, is it yet another one of those things in the "given out" class?
Carol responds:
First, yes, Vergil is reporting the rumor, common in his time, that Buckingham had all along encouraged Richard in wicked deeds (like "usurpation" and "murder") so he could gain the throne himself. The idea that Buckingham talked Richard into killing his nephews or even killed them himself for his own ends was also in circulation. Commynes suggests at one point, if I recall correctly, that Buckingham killed the boys and Richard had him killed soon afterward, presumably for that reason.
More, in one of his imaginary humanist dialogues, has the wily Morton playing on the ambitions of the gullible duke, telling him that although he's better qualified than Tudor to replace Richard as king, Tudor has a better chance as he's free to marry Elizabeth of York.
Anyway, Vergil has Buckingham as the (nominal) head of the conspiracy but doesn't mention any letter from Buckingham to Tudor. (They seem to communicate through Morton and MB.) If I recall correctly, neither does More since he leaves off his manuscript in the middle of the conversation between More and Morton, but I can't check right now because I can't get the page to load.
The Croyland chronicler, as I mentioned in another post, does mention the letter and states that it not only invites Tudor to invade England but encourages him to marry EoY so he can become king, but it's unlikely that CC ever saw the letter and he's probably going by information obtained later from Morton.
Girders.com gives September 24 as the date of the letter and gives A. L. Rowse as the source for that date, but apparently Rowse's book is unsearchable on Google Books so I can't find the reference. "The Encyclopedia of the Wars of the Roses gives the same date but no source for the date: http://books.google.com/books?id=ubXnWRMt6uoC&pg=PA40&dq=%2224+September%22+Buckingham&hl=en&sa=X&ei=JOKXUdy9OIq6igLBoYCwBQ&sqi=2&ved=0CC0Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%2224%20September%22%20Buckingham&f=false
Our best bet might be Rot. Parl. VI, p. 244, which Kendall cites as the source for the attainder. Anyone have access to this document to see if the date and contents of the letter are listed?
Carol
________________________________
From: david rayner <theblackprussian@...>
To: "" <>
Sent: Saturday, 18 May 2013, 21:37
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
The fact is, the Beaufort claim was taken seriously enough for Henry to become King. The Lancastrian lobby was still powerful, and however remote this was the best they had.
Buckingham would have plausibly considered himself next in line to the as yet (legitimately) childless Henry, who had no other close family with a claim (bar his mother).
The supposed claim through Thomas of Woodstock is not credible; Buckingham's ambitions were through his mother's Beaufort line.
________________________________
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
To:
Sent: Saturday, 18 May 2013, 21:26
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Doug wrote:
> Thank you very much for that link, it's going to get a work-out!
> I noted an interesting item while looking for the bit about the date of Buckingham's letter to Tudor:
> "But the common report was otherwyse; for the multytude sayd that the duke dyd the less disswade kinge Richerd from usurping the kingdome, by mean of so many mischievous dedes, uppon that intent that he afterward, being hatyd both of God and man, might be expellyd from the same, and so himself be caulyd by the commons to that dignytie, wheunto he asspyred by all means possible, and that yerfor he had at the last stirryd upp warr agaynst King Rycherd: but let us returne to owr purpose."
>
> Is it me, or is Vergil saying, quite plainly, that it was widely presumed that Buckingham rebelled *to claim the throne for himself* and Buckingham had not opposed Richard so that the "commons" would, having been revolted by Richard's actions, turn to Buckingham, begging him to take the throne?
> Then immediately dismisses that because "owr purpose" *isn't* telling the truth, but rather burnishing the myths of how HVII ascended the throne and hoping noone noticed?
> (Okay, that last is my interpretation...)
> I couldn't find any reference to the letter (I *was* rushing). Did I miss it or is it in another "history"? Or worse, is it yet another one of those things in the "given out" class?
Carol responds:
First, yes, Vergil is reporting the rumor, common in his time, that Buckingham had all along encouraged Richard in wicked deeds (like "usurpation" and "murder") so he could gain the throne himself. The idea that Buckingham talked Richard into killing his nephews or even killed them himself for his own ends was also in circulation. Commynes suggests at one point, if I recall correctly, that Buckingham killed the boys and Richard had him killed soon afterward, presumably for that reason.
More, in one of his imaginary humanist dialogues, has the wily Morton playing on the ambitions of the gullible duke, telling him that although he's better qualified than Tudor to replace Richard as king, Tudor has a better chance as he's free to marry Elizabeth of York.
Anyway, Vergil has Buckingham as the (nominal) head of the conspiracy but doesn't mention any letter from Buckingham to Tudor. (They seem to communicate through Morton and MB.) If I recall correctly, neither does More since he leaves off his manuscript in the middle of the conversation between More and Morton, but I can't check right now because I can't get the page to load.
The Croyland chronicler, as I mentioned in another post, does mention the letter and states that it not only invites Tudor to invade England but encourages him to marry EoY so he can become king, but it's unlikely that CC ever saw the letter and he's probably going by information obtained later from Morton.
Girders.com gives September 24 as the date of the letter and gives A. L. Rowse as the source for that date, but apparently Rowse's book is unsearchable on Google Books so I can't find the reference. "The Encyclopedia of the Wars of the Roses gives the same date but no source for the date: http://books.google.com/books?id=ubXnWRMt6uoC&pg=PA40&dq=%2224+September%22+Buckingham&hl=en&sa=X&ei=JOKXUdy9OIq6igLBoYCwBQ&sqi=2&ved=0CC0Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%2224%20September%22%20Buckingham&f=false
Our best bet might be Rot. Parl. VI, p. 244, which Kendall cites as the source for the attainder. Anyone have access to this document to see if the date and contents of the letter are listed?
Carol
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-19 10:32:43
Quite.
----- Original Message -----
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 1:17 AM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
--- In , david rayner <theblackprussian@...> wrote:
>
> The fact is, the Beaufort claim was taken seriously enough for Henry to become King. The Lancastrian lobby was still powerful, and however remote this was the best they had.
>
> Buckingham would have plausibly considered himself next in line to the as yet (legitimately) childless Henry, who had no other close family with a claim (bar his mother).
>
> The supposed claim through Thomas of Woodstock is not credible; Buckingham's ambitions were through his mother's Beaufort line.
Carol responds:
Henry never claimed the throne through his mother, only "by right of conquest." The French at one point persuaded him to claim to be the younger son of Henry VI rather than his half-nephew on his French mother's side (setting aside the probable illegitimacy of her son, Edmund). He also never claimed the throne through his possiby illegitimate Yorkist wife, but his son, Henry VIII, claimed the throne through his mother, not his father.
No male Beaufort had ever claimed the throne. They were all loyal Lancastrians, honoring Henry IV's dictate that they were not eligible for the throne.
I can't see Buckingham honoring a Beaufort claim at all even though his mother was a Beaufort. But if he disposed of Richard and all his nephews and considered the legitimate Lancastrian line as extinct (which it was, with the exception of a few European monarchs and their relatives, all of whom had a better claim than Henry), he would only have to contend with a few Percys and Bourchiers whose families had never claimed the throne. Oh, and the de la Poles, but he probably didn't give a thought to John and his young brothers.
Carol
----- Original Message -----
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 1:17 AM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
--- In , david rayner <theblackprussian@...> wrote:
>
> The fact is, the Beaufort claim was taken seriously enough for Henry to become King. The Lancastrian lobby was still powerful, and however remote this was the best they had.
>
> Buckingham would have plausibly considered himself next in line to the as yet (legitimately) childless Henry, who had no other close family with a claim (bar his mother).
>
> The supposed claim through Thomas of Woodstock is not credible; Buckingham's ambitions were through his mother's Beaufort line.
Carol responds:
Henry never claimed the throne through his mother, only "by right of conquest." The French at one point persuaded him to claim to be the younger son of Henry VI rather than his half-nephew on his French mother's side (setting aside the probable illegitimacy of her son, Edmund). He also never claimed the throne through his possiby illegitimate Yorkist wife, but his son, Henry VIII, claimed the throne through his mother, not his father.
No male Beaufort had ever claimed the throne. They were all loyal Lancastrians, honoring Henry IV's dictate that they were not eligible for the throne.
I can't see Buckingham honoring a Beaufort claim at all even though his mother was a Beaufort. But if he disposed of Richard and all his nephews and considered the legitimate Lancastrian line as extinct (which it was, with the exception of a few European monarchs and their relatives, all of whom had a better claim than Henry), he would only have to contend with a few Percys and Bourchiers whose families had never claimed the throne. Oh, and the de la Poles, but he probably didn't give a thought to John and his young brothers.
Carol
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-19 14:41:43
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 1:17 AM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
> Henry never claimed the throne through his mother, only "by right of
> conquest."
I thought he claimed it "de jure bello et de jure Lancastriae" - that is, he
did assert a Lancastrian claim but it was secondary to the claim by
conquest?
> but his son, Henry VIII, claimed the throne through his mother, not his
> father.
So in a sense York won the war, in the long term.
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 1:17 AM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
> Henry never claimed the throne through his mother, only "by right of
> conquest."
I thought he claimed it "de jure bello et de jure Lancastriae" - that is, he
did assert a Lancastrian claim but it was secondary to the claim by
conquest?
> but his son, Henry VIII, claimed the throne through his mother, not his
> father.
So in a sense York won the war, in the long term.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-19 17:56:56
"Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
Carol responds:
I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
Here's how the book opens:
"Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
Carol
> I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
Carol responds:
I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
Here's how the book opens:
"Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
Carol
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-19 18:07:41
A J Hibbard wrote:
//snip//
"The Act also mentions Oct 19 in connection with Plymouth and the "greate
Navie and Armye of Straungiers." (It's not clear, at least to me, what
exactly took place or was supposed to have taken place at Plymouth)."
//snip//
Doug here:
Wouldn't that "greate Navie and Armye of Straungiers" be a refence to Tudor?
//snip//
"The Act also mentions Oct 19 in connection with Plymouth and the "greate
Navie and Armye of Straungiers." (It's not clear, at least to me, what
exactly took place or was supposed to have taken place at Plymouth)."
//snip//
Doug here:
Wouldn't that "greate Navie and Armye of Straungiers" be a refence to Tudor?
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-19 18:11:55
Do we know who the crown executed shortly after the "attempts" on the princes? My reasoning being, maybe the minions who attempted it were captured, and maybe we can trace who the minions were associated with?
~Weds
--- In , Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@...> wrote:
>
> Hi, Carol -
>
>
>
> Thank you for all your time and effort answering some of my questions! I
> realize it's tricky - I'm getting confused, but then I didn't know very much
> to begin with about these issues! But - see below for some comments.
>
> Johanne Tournier wrote:
> >
> > Hi, Carol -
> >
> > In her analysis of Mancini, Annette Carson in *The Maligned King,* at pg.
> 144 of the original edition, considers the question of when Dr. Argentine
> last saw the princes. She speculates that Mancini met Dr. Argentine between
> July and December 1483, and says that it was from Dr. Argentine that Mancini
> got the information on "Edward's appearance, accomplishments, state of mind
> and location when last seen." Carson states that most of Edward's attendants
> were replaced in mid-June, with Dr. Argentine being the last of the original
> attendants to leave Edward's service. Carson further estimates that the
> boys' were removed to the 'inner apartments of the Tower proper' (to use
> Mancini's words), which she identifies with the White Tower, in probably the
> second to third week of July, when there was a plot to remove them that was
> reported by Stow. Carson further speculates that Dr. A. probably last saw
> the boys in late July or early August, when the John Welles conspiracy was
> discovered.
>
> Carol responds:
>
> Ah, so that's where I got my idea that Mancini saw Dr. Argentine after he
> left England but before he finished his manuscript. I knew I hadn't made it
> up!
>
> Let me see if I can make sense of her dates.
>
> First, yes, Dr. Argentine would have been dismissed in mid-June.
>
> [JLT] Annette doesn't say that Dr. Argentine was discharged in mid-June. She
> says that he was "the last" of the original group of attendants to Edward,
> and that "most" of the group were discharged in mid-June. At the middle of
> pg. 144 she notes that, despite that, Dr. Argentine was still attending the
> boys when they " . . . were transferred to the inner apartments he
> described." Note, as I wrote above, that Carson says that the boys were
> moved to the inner apartments of the Tower in the second or third week of
> July. She says that Dr. Argentine probably last saw the boys in late July or
> early August, when the John Welles conspiracy was discovered.
>
> Carol T. wrote -
>
> There's a document (I think Kendall cites it) dated July 18 noting payments
> to the attendants of Edward Bastard for their services. That could be the
> date when they were removed to the "inner apartments" (Mancini), but if so,
> there was no reason for it since no attempt had yet been made to "free
> them."
>
> [JLT] Carson implies that there were at least two "attempts" (whatever they
> were) regarding the boys - one was the one "reported by Stow," which she
> says may have caused the boys to be moved to the inner apartments. She dates
> the transfer to the 2nd. to 3rd. week of July, so the attempt must have
> occurred no later than then, if Carson is correct. The other attempt is the
> "John Welles conspiracy," which she says was discovered "late July or early
> August," which she believes was also coincident with Argentine's last
> sighting of the boys.
>
> Carol T. wrote -
>
> It could also be the date when Croyland has them placed "in the custody of
> certain persons appointed for that purpose," but he seems to imply that this
> "captivity" began somewhat later. At any rate, they were still "in custody"
> in the Tower around September 8.
>
> I don't understand the part about the John Welles conspiracy, which is
> surely the same "enterprise" referred to in the July 29 letter could have
> been discovered in "early August." ("Late July, yes.) I also don't see what
> that date as to do with Mancini's seeing Dr. Argentine.
>
> December 1483 is clearly the last possible date for their encounter as
> that's when the manuscript was completed.
>
> Anyway, either Mancini talked to Argentine before he left England, which
> would mean that the boys had been seen less and less and finally disappeared
> into the inner apartments before Richard's coronation (which we know is not
> true--Richard then-duke-of-York only came out of sanctuary on June 16 and
> Richard III was crowned on July 6--no time for any gradual disappearance) or
> he obtained that information from him later, presumably after the July
> rescue attempt (Annette's initial date) but before the December completion
> of the manuscript.
>
> So the question is how they communicated if, as seems probable, Mancini
> received the information about the withdrawal into the inner apartments
> (which he presents as gradual) after he left England, especially if Dr.
> Argentine remained in England, as he must have done if (if!) he observed
> that withdrawal. Mancini cannot have observed it himself.
>
> Guess I'll have to recheck Annette's book to see what she says.
>
> Carol
>
> [JLT] I hope this helps to a certain extent, though it seems to me that
> Carson's chronology is a bit speculative. Were there definitely more than
> one attempt to free the boys? It is all rather vague and confusing, I would
> say. I may have further to write on this tomorrow.
>
>
>
> Loyaulte me lie,
> Johanne
~Weds
--- In , Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@...> wrote:
>
> Hi, Carol -
>
>
>
> Thank you for all your time and effort answering some of my questions! I
> realize it's tricky - I'm getting confused, but then I didn't know very much
> to begin with about these issues! But - see below for some comments.
>
> Johanne Tournier wrote:
> >
> > Hi, Carol -
> >
> > In her analysis of Mancini, Annette Carson in *The Maligned King,* at pg.
> 144 of the original edition, considers the question of when Dr. Argentine
> last saw the princes. She speculates that Mancini met Dr. Argentine between
> July and December 1483, and says that it was from Dr. Argentine that Mancini
> got the information on "Edward's appearance, accomplishments, state of mind
> and location when last seen." Carson states that most of Edward's attendants
> were replaced in mid-June, with Dr. Argentine being the last of the original
> attendants to leave Edward's service. Carson further estimates that the
> boys' were removed to the 'inner apartments of the Tower proper' (to use
> Mancini's words), which she identifies with the White Tower, in probably the
> second to third week of July, when there was a plot to remove them that was
> reported by Stow. Carson further speculates that Dr. A. probably last saw
> the boys in late July or early August, when the John Welles conspiracy was
> discovered.
>
> Carol responds:
>
> Ah, so that's where I got my idea that Mancini saw Dr. Argentine after he
> left England but before he finished his manuscript. I knew I hadn't made it
> up!
>
> Let me see if I can make sense of her dates.
>
> First, yes, Dr. Argentine would have been dismissed in mid-June.
>
> [JLT] Annette doesn't say that Dr. Argentine was discharged in mid-June. She
> says that he was "the last" of the original group of attendants to Edward,
> and that "most" of the group were discharged in mid-June. At the middle of
> pg. 144 she notes that, despite that, Dr. Argentine was still attending the
> boys when they " . . . were transferred to the inner apartments he
> described." Note, as I wrote above, that Carson says that the boys were
> moved to the inner apartments of the Tower in the second or third week of
> July. She says that Dr. Argentine probably last saw the boys in late July or
> early August, when the John Welles conspiracy was discovered.
>
> Carol T. wrote -
>
> There's a document (I think Kendall cites it) dated July 18 noting payments
> to the attendants of Edward Bastard for their services. That could be the
> date when they were removed to the "inner apartments" (Mancini), but if so,
> there was no reason for it since no attempt had yet been made to "free
> them."
>
> [JLT] Carson implies that there were at least two "attempts" (whatever they
> were) regarding the boys - one was the one "reported by Stow," which she
> says may have caused the boys to be moved to the inner apartments. She dates
> the transfer to the 2nd. to 3rd. week of July, so the attempt must have
> occurred no later than then, if Carson is correct. The other attempt is the
> "John Welles conspiracy," which she says was discovered "late July or early
> August," which she believes was also coincident with Argentine's last
> sighting of the boys.
>
> Carol T. wrote -
>
> It could also be the date when Croyland has them placed "in the custody of
> certain persons appointed for that purpose," but he seems to imply that this
> "captivity" began somewhat later. At any rate, they were still "in custody"
> in the Tower around September 8.
>
> I don't understand the part about the John Welles conspiracy, which is
> surely the same "enterprise" referred to in the July 29 letter could have
> been discovered in "early August." ("Late July, yes.) I also don't see what
> that date as to do with Mancini's seeing Dr. Argentine.
>
> December 1483 is clearly the last possible date for their encounter as
> that's when the manuscript was completed.
>
> Anyway, either Mancini talked to Argentine before he left England, which
> would mean that the boys had been seen less and less and finally disappeared
> into the inner apartments before Richard's coronation (which we know is not
> true--Richard then-duke-of-York only came out of sanctuary on June 16 and
> Richard III was crowned on July 6--no time for any gradual disappearance) or
> he obtained that information from him later, presumably after the July
> rescue attempt (Annette's initial date) but before the December completion
> of the manuscript.
>
> So the question is how they communicated if, as seems probable, Mancini
> received the information about the withdrawal into the inner apartments
> (which he presents as gradual) after he left England, especially if Dr.
> Argentine remained in England, as he must have done if (if!) he observed
> that withdrawal. Mancini cannot have observed it himself.
>
> Guess I'll have to recheck Annette's book to see what she says.
>
> Carol
>
> [JLT] I hope this helps to a certain extent, though it seems to me that
> Carson's chronology is a bit speculative. Were there definitely more than
> one attempt to free the boys? It is all rather vague and confusing, I would
> say. I may have further to write on this tomorrow.
>
>
>
> Loyaulte me lie,
> Johanne
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-19 18:33:43
I think so, but I couldn't figure out if they'd actually landed or just
were supposed to have landed. Maybe someone else can make better sense of
the text?
A J
On Sat, May 18, 2013 at 1:08 PM, Douglas Eugene Stamate <
destama@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
>
> A J Hibbard wrote:
>
> //snip//
>
> "The Act also mentions Oct 19 in connection with Plymouth and the "greate
> Navie and Armye of Straungiers." (It's not clear, at least to me, what
> exactly took place or was supposed to have taken place at Plymouth)."
> //snip//
>
> Doug here:
> Wouldn't that "greate Navie and Armye of Straungiers" be a refence to
> Tudor?
>
>
>
were supposed to have landed. Maybe someone else can make better sense of
the text?
A J
On Sat, May 18, 2013 at 1:08 PM, Douglas Eugene Stamate <
destama@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
>
> A J Hibbard wrote:
>
> //snip//
>
> "The Act also mentions Oct 19 in connection with Plymouth and the "greate
> Navie and Armye of Straungiers." (It's not clear, at least to me, what
> exactly took place or was supposed to have taken place at Plymouth)."
> //snip//
>
> Doug here:
> Wouldn't that "greate Navie and Armye of Straungiers" be a refence to
> Tudor?
>
>
>
More's errors (Was: Disappearance)
2013-05-19 18:35:52
"Stephen Lark" wrote:
>
> William Hastings' successors in More's time were Edward and then George. I think the Buckingham forenames did confuse More, however.
Carol responds:
Hard to say. He doesn't use their real first names at all, and these incorrect ones appear only once. And "Edward" may be a slip for the Buckingham he knew, but "Richard" can't be explained that way. (Maybe he wanted to give his Buckingham the same name as his evil Richard rather than the name of his heroic Henry even though he knew the real Henry to have become a tyrant and hailed the reign of his successor--ironically, given the outcome--as a new hope for England?)
Or he simply didn't check his facts even when it would presumably have been easy to do so, not to mention that Vergil, to whose manuscript he had access, correctly referred to Hastings as William and Buckingham as Henry (or, rather, the Latin equivalents of those names).
Does anyone know how easy it would have been for More and Vergil, had they been so inclined, to check genealogies and birthdates? More certainly checked the length of Edward's reign since he was off by only a few days.
Carol
>
> William Hastings' successors in More's time were Edward and then George. I think the Buckingham forenames did confuse More, however.
Carol responds:
Hard to say. He doesn't use their real first names at all, and these incorrect ones appear only once. And "Edward" may be a slip for the Buckingham he knew, but "Richard" can't be explained that way. (Maybe he wanted to give his Buckingham the same name as his evil Richard rather than the name of his heroic Henry even though he knew the real Henry to have become a tyrant and hailed the reign of his successor--ironically, given the outcome--as a new hope for England?)
Or he simply didn't check his facts even when it would presumably have been easy to do so, not to mention that Vergil, to whose manuscript he had access, correctly referred to Hastings as William and Buckingham as Henry (or, rather, the Latin equivalents of those names).
Does anyone know how easy it would have been for More and Vergil, had they been so inclined, to check genealogies and birthdates? More certainly checked the length of Edward's reign since he was off by only a few days.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-19 18:38:32
Carol, you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
Judy
Loyaulte me lie
________________________________
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 11:56 AM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
"Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
Carol responds:
I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
Here's how the book opens:
"Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
Carol
Judy
Loyaulte me lie
________________________________
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 11:56 AM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
"Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
Carol responds:
I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
Here's how the book opens:
"Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-19 18:40:09
"Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> [snip] What's surprising is that more wasn't made of the two bodies who were, supposedly, found behind a wall - they sound like far more likely candidates, if genuine.
Carol responds:
I think it was because they were clearly too young. Supposedly, they were just shut up again in the wall where they were found. (Oh, they're nobody. No need for a Christian burial. We'll just leave them where they are.) Either that or the whole story is an invention.
Carol
> [snip] What's surprising is that more wasn't made of the two bodies who were, supposedly, found behind a wall - they sound like far more likely candidates, if genuine.
Carol responds:
I think it was because they were clearly too young. Supposedly, they were just shut up again in the wall where they were found. (Oh, they're nobody. No need for a Christian burial. We'll just leave them where they are.) Either that or the whole story is an invention.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-19 18:50:52
Judy Thomson wrote:
>
> Carol, Â you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
Carol responds:
Especially by the target audience (Vergil himself)? If More had meant the book to be read by a wider audience, he would have published it. Maybe he was losing his interest in that particular project by 1519, but he hadn't lost that sardonic sense of humor. Look at the title he gave his "Utopia," literally, "A Truly Golden Little Book, No Less Beneficial Than Entertaining, of the Best State of a Republic, and of the New Island Utopia." How is it that his biographers and critics (in the sense of literary criticism) can see the irony there but deny its presence in his "history" of Richard III?
Carol
>
> Carol, Â you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
Carol responds:
Especially by the target audience (Vergil himself)? If More had meant the book to be read by a wider audience, he would have published it. Maybe he was losing his interest in that particular project by 1519, but he hadn't lost that sardonic sense of humor. Look at the title he gave his "Utopia," literally, "A Truly Golden Little Book, No Less Beneficial Than Entertaining, of the Best State of a Republic, and of the New Island Utopia." How is it that his biographers and critics (in the sense of literary criticism) can see the irony there but deny its presence in his "history" of Richard III?
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-19 19:03:11
Hi, Weds -
Maybe someone whose an actual historian of this might know, but I don't have
a clue, being as I'm just an upstart <smiley>, and I don't think any of my
non-fiction focuses on this aspect of Richard's story.
However, your suggestion makes sense to me. Does anyone have any information
on the people behind these attempts. I assume that some of them were
probably caught and punished. Did any of them talk?
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of wednesday_mc
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 2:12 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Do we know who the crown executed shortly after the "attempts" on the
princes? My reasoning being, maybe the minions who attempted it were
captured, and maybe we can trace who the minions were associated with?
~Weds
_.___
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Maybe someone whose an actual historian of this might know, but I don't have
a clue, being as I'm just an upstart <smiley>, and I don't think any of my
non-fiction focuses on this aspect of Richard's story.
However, your suggestion makes sense to me. Does anyone have any information
on the people behind these attempts. I assume that some of them were
probably caught and punished. Did any of them talk?
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of wednesday_mc
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 2:12 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Do we know who the crown executed shortly after the "attempts" on the
princes? My reasoning being, maybe the minions who attempted it were
captured, and maybe we can trace who the minions were associated with?
~Weds
_.___
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Re: Disappearance
2013-05-19 19:18:11
Yes, very glad you're familiar with Utopia.
May be a stretch, but if I'm calculating correctly (in my head, among the rocks) the age at death More gives Edward is way closer to that of Henry7 when HE bought the farm. I also seem to recall More's family suffered at the hands of the first Tudor.
Does make one wonder.
Judy
Loyaulte me lie
________________________________
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 12:50 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Judy Thomson wrote:
>
> Carol, Â you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
Carol responds:
Especially by the target audience (Vergil himself)? If More had meant the book to be read by a wider audience, he would have published it. Maybe he was losing his interest in that particular project by 1519, but he hadn't lost that sardonic sense of humor. Look at the title he gave his "Utopia," literally, "A Truly Golden Little Book, No Less Beneficial Than Entertaining, of the Best State of a Republic, and of the New Island Utopia." How is it that his biographers and critics (in the sense of literary criticism) can see the irony there but deny its presence in his "history" of Richard III?
Carol
May be a stretch, but if I'm calculating correctly (in my head, among the rocks) the age at death More gives Edward is way closer to that of Henry7 when HE bought the farm. I also seem to recall More's family suffered at the hands of the first Tudor.
Does make one wonder.
Judy
Loyaulte me lie
________________________________
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 12:50 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Judy Thomson wrote:
>
> Carol, Â you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
Carol responds:
Especially by the target audience (Vergil himself)? If More had meant the book to be read by a wider audience, he would have published it. Maybe he was losing his interest in that particular project by 1519, but he hadn't lost that sardonic sense of humor. Look at the title he gave his "Utopia," literally, "A Truly Golden Little Book, No Less Beneficial Than Entertaining, of the Best State of a Republic, and of the New Island Utopia." How is it that his biographers and critics (in the sense of literary criticism) can see the irony there but deny its presence in his "history" of Richard III?
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-19 19:28:41
Doug wrote:
> Which would mean we *still* don't know when Buckingham left London or where he definitely was until he re-appears in October?
> Oi!!
Carol responds:
Well, since he wrote to Tudor on September 24, he had definitely been in Brecon long enough to be, er, influenced by Bishop Morton by that time. I think that Richard's last recorded payment to him (to reimburse the men who actually carried out the commissions of the peace???) was September 16. I can't remember where I read that, maybe in Carson's "Maligned King" or Kendall's "Richard III." It's not in Girders or the chronicles I've been citing.
BTW, I've finally found confirmation (in Gairdner, of all places--like Ross, he's good with facts and documents if you ignore his interpretation) that the letter was indeed sent on September 24. His source is Rolls of Parliament VI, p. 245. http://books.google.com/books?id=L3JnAAAAMAAJ&pg=PA137&dq=Richard+III+September+16+1483+Buckingham&hl=en&sa=X&ei=7xOZUen0KYSLiALKoIHYCw&ved=0CDMQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=Richard%20III%20September%2016%201483%20Buckingham&f=false
Tinyurl: http://tinyurl.com/ab8crgb
No confirmation yet for the September 16 payment. I would check "Maligned King" now but am trying to catch up on posting while it's still the weekend!
Carol
> Which would mean we *still* don't know when Buckingham left London or where he definitely was until he re-appears in October?
> Oi!!
Carol responds:
Well, since he wrote to Tudor on September 24, he had definitely been in Brecon long enough to be, er, influenced by Bishop Morton by that time. I think that Richard's last recorded payment to him (to reimburse the men who actually carried out the commissions of the peace???) was September 16. I can't remember where I read that, maybe in Carson's "Maligned King" or Kendall's "Richard III." It's not in Girders or the chronicles I've been citing.
BTW, I've finally found confirmation (in Gairdner, of all places--like Ross, he's good with facts and documents if you ignore his interpretation) that the letter was indeed sent on September 24. His source is Rolls of Parliament VI, p. 245. http://books.google.com/books?id=L3JnAAAAMAAJ&pg=PA137&dq=Richard+III+September+16+1483+Buckingham&hl=en&sa=X&ei=7xOZUen0KYSLiALKoIHYCw&ved=0CDMQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=Richard%20III%20September%2016%201483%20Buckingham&f=false
Tinyurl: http://tinyurl.com/ab8crgb
No confirmation yet for the September 16 payment. I would check "Maligned King" now but am trying to catch up on posting while it's still the weekend!
Carol
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-19 19:46:33
If that is so, then by what criteria did Henry attaint those who fought against him?
I always thought he dated his reign to before Bosworth; how can you claim Right of Conquest before you've actually conquered?
Henry always behaved as a restored Lancastrian, immediately reversing long standing attainders against Lancastrians such as the de Veres, Beaumonts and Courtenays.
There were of course numerous superior claims, including that of the Earl of Westmorland to the Duchy of Lancaster, but it seems to have been accepted that Henry was the Lancastrian heir.
________________________________
From: Stephen Lark <stephenmlark@...>
To:
Sent: Sunday, 19 May 2013, 10:32
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Quite.
----- Original Message -----
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 1:17 AM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
--- In , david rayner <theblackprussian@...> wrote:
>
> The fact is, the Beaufort claim was taken seriously enough for Henry to become King. The Lancastrian lobby was still powerful, and however remote this was the best they had.
>
> Buckingham would have plausibly considered himself next in line to the as yet (legitimately) childless Henry, who had no other close family with a claim (bar his mother).
>
> The supposed claim through Thomas of Woodstock is not credible; Buckingham's ambitions were through his mother's Beaufort line.
Carol responds:
Henry never claimed the throne through his mother, only "by right of conquest." The French at one point persuaded him to claim to be the younger son of Henry VI rather than his half-nephew on his French mother's side (setting aside the probable illegitimacy of her son, Edmund). He also never claimed the throne through his possiby illegitimate Yorkist wife, but his son, Henry VIII, claimed the throne through his mother, not his father.
No male Beaufort had ever claimed the throne. They were all loyal Lancastrians, honoring Henry IV's dictate that they were not eligible for the throne.
I can't see Buckingham honoring a Beaufort claim at all even though his mother was a Beaufort. But if he disposed of Richard and all his nephews and considered the legitimate Lancastrian line as extinct (which it was, with the exception of a few European monarchs and their relatives, all of whom had a better claim than Henry), he would only have to contend with a few Percys and Bourchiers whose families had never claimed the throne. Oh, and the de la Poles, but he probably didn't give a thought to John and his young brothers.
Carol
I always thought he dated his reign to before Bosworth; how can you claim Right of Conquest before you've actually conquered?
Henry always behaved as a restored Lancastrian, immediately reversing long standing attainders against Lancastrians such as the de Veres, Beaumonts and Courtenays.
There were of course numerous superior claims, including that of the Earl of Westmorland to the Duchy of Lancaster, but it seems to have been accepted that Henry was the Lancastrian heir.
________________________________
From: Stephen Lark <stephenmlark@...>
To:
Sent: Sunday, 19 May 2013, 10:32
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Quite.
----- Original Message -----
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 1:17 AM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
--- In , david rayner <theblackprussian@...> wrote:
>
> The fact is, the Beaufort claim was taken seriously enough for Henry to become King. The Lancastrian lobby was still powerful, and however remote this was the best they had.
>
> Buckingham would have plausibly considered himself next in line to the as yet (legitimately) childless Henry, who had no other close family with a claim (bar his mother).
>
> The supposed claim through Thomas of Woodstock is not credible; Buckingham's ambitions were through his mother's Beaufort line.
Carol responds:
Henry never claimed the throne through his mother, only "by right of conquest." The French at one point persuaded him to claim to be the younger son of Henry VI rather than his half-nephew on his French mother's side (setting aside the probable illegitimacy of her son, Edmund). He also never claimed the throne through his possiby illegitimate Yorkist wife, but his son, Henry VIII, claimed the throne through his mother, not his father.
No male Beaufort had ever claimed the throne. They were all loyal Lancastrians, honoring Henry IV's dictate that they were not eligible for the throne.
I can't see Buckingham honoring a Beaufort claim at all even though his mother was a Beaufort. But if he disposed of Richard and all his nephews and considered the legitimate Lancastrian line as extinct (which it was, with the exception of a few European monarchs and their relatives, all of whom had a better claim than Henry), he would only have to contend with a few Percys and Bourchiers whose families had never claimed the throne. Oh, and the de la Poles, but he probably didn't give a thought to John and his young brothers.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-19 19:50:45
See the file I posted to the files area for the text of the document cited
(Rolls of Parliament VI).
A J
On Sun, May 19, 2013 at 1:28 PM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
> Doug wrote:
> > Which would mean we *still* don't know when Buckingham left London or
> where he definitely was until he re-appears in October?
> > Oi!!
>
> Carol responds:
>
> Well, since he wrote to Tudor on September 24, he had definitely been in
> Brecon long enough to be, er, influenced by Bishop Morton by that time. I
> think that Richard's last recorded payment to him (to reimburse the men who
> actually carried out the commissions of the peace???) was September 16. I
> can't remember where I read that, maybe in Carson's "Maligned King" or
> Kendall's "Richard III." It's not in Girders or the chronicles I've been
> citing.
>
> BTW, I've finally found confirmation (in Gairdner, of all places--like
> Ross, he's good with facts and documents if you ignore his interpretation)
> that the letter was indeed sent on September 24. His source is Rolls of
> Parliament VI, p. 245.
> http://books.google.com/books?id=L3JnAAAAMAAJ&pg=PA137&dq=Richard+III+September+16+1483+Buckingham&hl=en&sa=X&ei=7xOZUen0KYSLiALKoIHYCw&ved=0CDMQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=Richard%20III%20September%2016%201483%20Buckingham&f=false
>
> Tinyurl: http://tinyurl.com/ab8crgb
>
> No confirmation yet for the September 16 payment. I would check "Maligned
> King" now but am trying to catch up on posting while it's still the weekend!
>
> Carol
>
>
>
(Rolls of Parliament VI).
A J
On Sun, May 19, 2013 at 1:28 PM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
> Doug wrote:
> > Which would mean we *still* don't know when Buckingham left London or
> where he definitely was until he re-appears in October?
> > Oi!!
>
> Carol responds:
>
> Well, since he wrote to Tudor on September 24, he had definitely been in
> Brecon long enough to be, er, influenced by Bishop Morton by that time. I
> think that Richard's last recorded payment to him (to reimburse the men who
> actually carried out the commissions of the peace???) was September 16. I
> can't remember where I read that, maybe in Carson's "Maligned King" or
> Kendall's "Richard III." It's not in Girders or the chronicles I've been
> citing.
>
> BTW, I've finally found confirmation (in Gairdner, of all places--like
> Ross, he's good with facts and documents if you ignore his interpretation)
> that the letter was indeed sent on September 24. His source is Rolls of
> Parliament VI, p. 245.
> http://books.google.com/books?id=L3JnAAAAMAAJ&pg=PA137&dq=Richard+III+September+16+1483+Buckingham&hl=en&sa=X&ei=7xOZUen0KYSLiALKoIHYCw&ved=0CDMQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=Richard%20III%20September%2016%201483%20Buckingham&f=false
>
> Tinyurl: http://tinyurl.com/ab8crgb
>
> No confirmation yet for the September 16 payment. I would check "Maligned
> King" now but am trying to catch up on posting while it's still the weekend!
>
> Carol
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-19 20:02:38
Judy Thomson wrote:
>
> Yes, very glad you're familiar with Utopia.Â
>
> May be a stretch, but if I'm calculating correctly (in my head, among the rocks) the age at death More gives Edward is way closer to that of Henry7 when HE bought the farm. I also seem to recall More's family suffered at the hands of the first Tudor.
>
> Does make one wonder.
Carol responds:
I wouldn't say that I'm familiar with "Utopia" since it's been about twenty years since I read it. I just remember being annoyed at the time (as my marginal notes in my Norton Anthology attest) that the editors of the anthology regarded him as "a very witty and ironic writer" yet at the same time spoke of Richard's "usurpation" as a fact and of Richard's "cruelty" to his "victim," "Jane" Shore as facts recorded in More's "history" of Richard III. They cite its influence on Shakespeare without realizing that its value as literature does not constitute a similar value as history.
Anyway, any enjoyment I might otherwise have received from reading Utopia was marred by my view of More as one of the chief destroyers of Richard's reputation. (The anthology's intro to More doesn't mention his anti-Protestant activities and presents him as the traditional martyr and hero. Funny how history has treated him in the opposite manner that it has treated Richard despite both having suffered death at the hands of a Tudor.)
To get back to Henry VII, More actually wrote in his coronation ode to Henry VIII, "This day is the end of our slavery, the beginning of our freedom, the end of sadness, the source of joy"--in other words, he hated Henry VII and viewed him as a tyrant, which may be one reason he could never finish his supposed "history" of Richard III. He couldn't bring himself to celebrate Henry VI as the liberator of England.
As for Henry's age at death, it would be fifty-two years, two months, and twenty-four days by my calculation, about a year and a half less than his "exact" age for Edward IV. I don't suppose he knew Richard's age, either, or cared that he was making him, by association with his upwardly aged Edward, appear to be about fifty years old himself.
Carol
>
> Yes, very glad you're familiar with Utopia.Â
>
> May be a stretch, but if I'm calculating correctly (in my head, among the rocks) the age at death More gives Edward is way closer to that of Henry7 when HE bought the farm. I also seem to recall More's family suffered at the hands of the first Tudor.
>
> Does make one wonder.
Carol responds:
I wouldn't say that I'm familiar with "Utopia" since it's been about twenty years since I read it. I just remember being annoyed at the time (as my marginal notes in my Norton Anthology attest) that the editors of the anthology regarded him as "a very witty and ironic writer" yet at the same time spoke of Richard's "usurpation" as a fact and of Richard's "cruelty" to his "victim," "Jane" Shore as facts recorded in More's "history" of Richard III. They cite its influence on Shakespeare without realizing that its value as literature does not constitute a similar value as history.
Anyway, any enjoyment I might otherwise have received from reading Utopia was marred by my view of More as one of the chief destroyers of Richard's reputation. (The anthology's intro to More doesn't mention his anti-Protestant activities and presents him as the traditional martyr and hero. Funny how history has treated him in the opposite manner that it has treated Richard despite both having suffered death at the hands of a Tudor.)
To get back to Henry VII, More actually wrote in his coronation ode to Henry VIII, "This day is the end of our slavery, the beginning of our freedom, the end of sadness, the source of joy"--in other words, he hated Henry VII and viewed him as a tyrant, which may be one reason he could never finish his supposed "history" of Richard III. He couldn't bring himself to celebrate Henry VI as the liberator of England.
As for Henry's age at death, it would be fifty-two years, two months, and twenty-four days by my calculation, about a year and a half less than his "exact" age for Edward IV. I don't suppose he knew Richard's age, either, or cared that he was making him, by association with his upwardly aged Edward, appear to be about fifty years old himself.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-19 20:13:49
A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...> wrote:
>
> See the file I posted to the files area for the text of the document cited (Rolls of Parliament VI).
>
Carol responds:
Thanks, AJ. That would be very useful, but, unfortunately, I can't get it to open. I get the option to save or open, but when I save it, there's nothing there, and now the "open" option is no longer available.
Can you try again, making it a Word file instead of a text file and checking the box that sends a message to the group with the link? (Maybe you already did, but I'm behind in reading the posts and haven't seen it, and as I said, I can't open it from the Files page, which suggests that the link in the post might not work, either.)
The file is labeled Buckingham Rolls of Parliament of something like that, right, all one word as I remember?
Thanks,
Carol
>
> See the file I posted to the files area for the text of the document cited (Rolls of Parliament VI).
>
Carol responds:
Thanks, AJ. That would be very useful, but, unfortunately, I can't get it to open. I get the option to save or open, but when I save it, there's nothing there, and now the "open" option is no longer available.
Can you try again, making it a Word file instead of a text file and checking the box that sends a message to the group with the link? (Maybe you already did, but I'm behind in reading the posts and haven't seen it, and as I said, I can't open it from the Files page, which suggests that the link in the post might not work, either.)
The file is labeled Buckingham Rolls of Parliament of something like that, right, all one word as I remember?
Thanks,
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-19 20:15:28
Judy isn't there a school of thought that Shakespeare's" Richard III" was meant to be ironic and I have also read somewhere that it could have been a comment on the Tudors, but ofcourse Shakepeare wouldn't have dared name them as he was writing in Elizabeth's reign so he used Richard instead. I have got a book about Shakespeare written by Michael Wood. I have started to read it but for some reason did not finish it. He was suggesting ( if Iremember correctly) that Shakespeare was a Catholic and was not exactly a fan of Elizabeth.
--- In , Judy Thomson <judygerard.thomson@...> wrote:
>
> Carol, Â you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
>
> JudyÂ
>
> Â
>
>
> Â
> Loyaulte me lie
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
> To:
> Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 11:56 AM
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
>
>
> Â
> "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
>
> > I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
>
> Carol responds:
>
> I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
>
> At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
>
> Here's how the book opens:
>
> "Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
>
> So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
>
> I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
>
> Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
>
> Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
>
> To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
>
> Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
>
> Carol
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
--- In , Judy Thomson <judygerard.thomson@...> wrote:
>
> Carol, Â you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
>
> JudyÂ
>
> Â
>
>
> Â
> Loyaulte me lie
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
> To:
> Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 11:56 AM
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
>
>
> Â
> "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
>
> > I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
>
> Carol responds:
>
> I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
>
> At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
>
> Here's how the book opens:
>
> "Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
>
> So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
>
> I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
>
> Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
>
> Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
>
> To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
>
> Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
>
> Carol
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-19 20:25:22
I guess York did win the war in the long term, but wouldn't that also mean Elizabeth I ultimately lost the war in the longer term by refusing to marry and secure her dynasty by getting an heir?
Is Starkey on record saying that E1's to blame for losing her dynasty to her virginity, as he's on record saying that Richard's to blame for losing his dynasty at Bosworth? Because if we play by his rules, he should be.
~Weds
--- In , "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...> wrote:
>
> From: justcarol67
> To:
> Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 1:17 AM
> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
> Disappearance
>
>
> > Henry never claimed the throne through his mother, only "by right of
> > conquest."
>
> I thought he claimed it "de jure bello et de jure Lancastriae" - that is, he
> did assert a Lancastrian claim but it was secondary to the claim by
> conquest?
>
> > but his son, Henry VIII, claimed the throne through his mother, not his
> > father.
>
> So in a sense York won the war, in the long term.
>
Is Starkey on record saying that E1's to blame for losing her dynasty to her virginity, as he's on record saying that Richard's to blame for losing his dynasty at Bosworth? Because if we play by his rules, he should be.
~Weds
--- In , "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...> wrote:
>
> From: justcarol67
> To:
> Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 1:17 AM
> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
> Disappearance
>
>
> > Henry never claimed the throne through his mother, only "by right of
> > conquest."
>
> I thought he claimed it "de jure bello et de jure Lancastriae" - that is, he
> did assert a Lancastrian claim but it was secondary to the claim by
> conquest?
>
> > but his son, Henry VIII, claimed the throne through his mother, not his
> > father.
>
> So in a sense York won the war, in the long term.
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-19 20:32:19
I am reading again The Sunne in Splendour and can only deduce the Edward would only commit. Fraticide - a mortal sin if there was a risk to his sons. Titulus Regulis must be true. Goerge had commited enough treason over the years to have earned it. But when it occured he appeared to have been either mad with grief or drunken madness. Can you think of any other king who commited fraticide? Even under dire circumstances. Kind regards. Coral
Sent from my BlackBerry® smartphone
-----Original Message-----
From: Judy Thomson <judygerard.thomson@...>
Sender:
Date: Sun, 19 May 2013 11:18:09
To: <>
Reply-To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Yes, very glad you're familiar with Utopia.
May be a stretch, but if I'm calculating correctly (in my head, among the rocks) the age at death More gives Edward is way closer to that of Henry7 when HE bought the farm. I also seem to recall More's family suffered at the hands of the first Tudor.
Does make one wonder.
Judy
Loyaulte me lie
________________________________
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 12:50 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Judy Thomson wrote:
>
> Carol, Â you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
Carol responds:
Especially by the target audience (Vergil himself)? If More had meant the book to be read by a wider audience, he would have published it. Maybe he was losing his interest in that particular project by 1519, but he hadn't lost that sardonic sense of humor. Look at the title he gave his "Utopia," literally, "A Truly Golden Little Book, No Less Beneficial Than Entertaining, of the Best State of a Republic, and of the New Island Utopia." How is it that his biographers and critics (in the sense of literary criticism) can see the irony there but deny its presence in his "history" of Richard III?
Carol
Sent from my BlackBerry® smartphone
-----Original Message-----
From: Judy Thomson <judygerard.thomson@...>
Sender:
Date: Sun, 19 May 2013 11:18:09
To: <>
Reply-To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Yes, very glad you're familiar with Utopia.
May be a stretch, but if I'm calculating correctly (in my head, among the rocks) the age at death More gives Edward is way closer to that of Henry7 when HE bought the farm. I also seem to recall More's family suffered at the hands of the first Tudor.
Does make one wonder.
Judy
Loyaulte me lie
________________________________
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 12:50 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Judy Thomson wrote:
>
> Carol, Â you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
Carol responds:
Especially by the target audience (Vergil himself)? If More had meant the book to be read by a wider audience, he would have published it. Maybe he was losing his interest in that particular project by 1519, but he hadn't lost that sardonic sense of humor. Look at the title he gave his "Utopia," literally, "A Truly Golden Little Book, No Less Beneficial Than Entertaining, of the Best State of a Republic, and of the New Island Utopia." How is it that his biographers and critics (in the sense of literary criticism) can see the irony there but deny its presence in his "history" of Richard III?
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-19 20:35:35
Hi, Carol -
Glad to help out! J
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of justcarol67
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 3:29 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Doug wrote:
> Which would mean we *still* don't know when Buckingham left London or
where he definitely was until he re-appears in October?
> Oi!!
Carol responds:
Well, since he wrote to Tudor on September 24, he had definitely been in
Brecon long enough to be, er, influenced by Bishop Morton by that time. I
think that Richard's last recorded payment to him (to reimburse the men who
actually carried out the commissions of the peace???) was September 16. I
can't remember where I read that, maybe in Carson's "Maligned King" or
Kendall's "Richard III." It's not in Girders or the chronicles I've been
citing.
BTW, I've finally found confirmation (in Gairdner, of all places--like Ross,
he's good with facts and documents if you ignore his interpretation) that
the letter was indeed sent on September 24. His source is Rolls of
Parliament VI, p. 245. http://books.google.com/books?id=L3JnAAAAMAAJ
<http://books.google.com/books?id=L3JnAAAAMAAJ&pg=PA137&dq=Richard+III+Septe
mber+16+1483+Buckingham&hl=en&sa=X&ei=7xOZUen0KYSLiALKoIHYCw&ved=0CDMQ6AEwAQ
#v=onepage&q=Richard%20III%20September%2016%201483%20Buckingham&f=false>
&pg=PA137&dq=Richard+III+September+16+1483+Buckingham&hl=en&sa=X&ei=7xOZUen0
KYSLiALKoIHYCw&ved=0CDMQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=Richard%20III%20September%2016%20
1483%20Buckingham&f=false
Tinyurl: http://tinyurl.com/ab8crgb
No confirmation yet for the September 16 payment. I would check "Maligned
King" now but am trying to catch up on posting while it's still the weekend!
Carol
[JLT] First, someone (Stephen? Douglas? Paul?) a few days ago said that no
one could get in to see the boys in the Tower without a warrant from
Richard. However, in checking to see what Carson writes about the question
of "favours" from Richard, I found the following at pg. 168, in relation to
allegations that the boys were killed, "with or without Richard's knowledge
and consent, by Harry, Duke of Buckingham. . . . After all, he did have full
access to the Tower - as Constable of England he could enter and leave and
command obedience in the name of the sovereign - and he did potentially have
motive."
Continuing on pages 168-169, Carson mentions three hypotheses: 1) that
Buckingham may have killed the boys out of personal ambition. Alternatively,
2) another suggestion is that he did it with the plan in mind that he would
invite Tudor back into England to take the throne. According to Carson,
although this suggestion sounds far-fetched, it is precisely the theory that
was suggested by Polydore Vergil. (Hmmm . . . that is interesting!) The
third hypothesis, according to Carson, is that 3) Buckingham thought he was
performing a service for RIII, which Richard was unable or unwilling to do
for himself, only to meet with "rejection and banishment." However, she
notes that this theory " . . . is plainly contradicted by surviving warrants
showing that Buckingham was still receiving substantial favours from a
trusting Richard as late as mid-September, long after their last meeting."
Carson then reviews several early sources which suggest that Buckingham was
responsible for the deaths of the boys:
1) The fragment of manuscript dating from 1512-13, original may go back to
1487, stating that the boys were put to death "by the vise of the Duke of
Buckingham," which Carson says could mean either "by his device" or "on his
advice, suggesting in compliance with his orders."
2) A fragment of uncertain origin from the reign of HVII (perhaps about
1490) indicates that Richard took counsel with the D. of B. before killing
the princes.
3) The sec'y to the kings of Portugal in a fragment dated 1488 said that
Buckingham starved the princes to death. (But Carson says this account gets
the sequence of events hopelessly wrong.)
4) She says Commynes, writing 3 different accounts between 1488 and 1504,
in one of them said the boys were put to death by Buckingham.
5) Jean Molinet may have heard from the same source as Commynes: on the
same day that the boys were put to death, Buckingham came to the Tower, and
therefore he was believed mistakenly to have murdered them in order to
further his pretensions to the Crown. Finally,
6) The Dutch "Divisie Chronicle" says that the boys were either starved to
death or possibly murdered by the Duke of Buckingham, "although some reports
said he killed only one boy and allowed the other to live."
However, Carson concludes, "Whether acting for Richard or on his own
account, the problem is that there are insurmountable conflicts of timing
and opportunity where Buckingham's personal involvement is concerned. We
know the princes were still residing in the Tower while Richard was in York
in early September. But by August-September Buckingham had certainly left
London, and thereafter was never realistically in sufficient proximity to
organize a murder there."
Personally, and without having sliced and diced these theses in any great
detail, I think it may be an error to place too great a weight on the
statement by the Crowland Chronicler that "while these things were
happening" (i.e. the investiture of EoM as Prince of Wales on Sept. 8,
1483), the boys were still living in the Tower. As it seems to me that it's
possible that that is what people *thought,* but that the boys had been
taken out or rubbed out by that time and no one may have noticed. How great
a watch would have been kept on the boys by someone like the Chronicler, if
he was John Russell, for example, who was Richard's chancellor? And as far
as payments to Buckingham being made as "late as mid-September," by a
"trusting Richard," I would think that he, being out of the capital, might
well have ordered payments to be made, even if Buckingham was busily engaged
in plotting a rebellion at the same time. "The most untrue creature living!"
Well, Richard had certainly benefitted him to such an extent that he
reasonably expected, I am sure, that Buckingham, of all people, would be
loyal to him.
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Glad to help out! J
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of justcarol67
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 3:29 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Doug wrote:
> Which would mean we *still* don't know when Buckingham left London or
where he definitely was until he re-appears in October?
> Oi!!
Carol responds:
Well, since he wrote to Tudor on September 24, he had definitely been in
Brecon long enough to be, er, influenced by Bishop Morton by that time. I
think that Richard's last recorded payment to him (to reimburse the men who
actually carried out the commissions of the peace???) was September 16. I
can't remember where I read that, maybe in Carson's "Maligned King" or
Kendall's "Richard III." It's not in Girders or the chronicles I've been
citing.
BTW, I've finally found confirmation (in Gairdner, of all places--like Ross,
he's good with facts and documents if you ignore his interpretation) that
the letter was indeed sent on September 24. His source is Rolls of
Parliament VI, p. 245. http://books.google.com/books?id=L3JnAAAAMAAJ
<http://books.google.com/books?id=L3JnAAAAMAAJ&pg=PA137&dq=Richard+III+Septe
mber+16+1483+Buckingham&hl=en&sa=X&ei=7xOZUen0KYSLiALKoIHYCw&ved=0CDMQ6AEwAQ
#v=onepage&q=Richard%20III%20September%2016%201483%20Buckingham&f=false>
&pg=PA137&dq=Richard+III+September+16+1483+Buckingham&hl=en&sa=X&ei=7xOZUen0
KYSLiALKoIHYCw&ved=0CDMQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=Richard%20III%20September%2016%20
1483%20Buckingham&f=false
Tinyurl: http://tinyurl.com/ab8crgb
No confirmation yet for the September 16 payment. I would check "Maligned
King" now but am trying to catch up on posting while it's still the weekend!
Carol
[JLT] First, someone (Stephen? Douglas? Paul?) a few days ago said that no
one could get in to see the boys in the Tower without a warrant from
Richard. However, in checking to see what Carson writes about the question
of "favours" from Richard, I found the following at pg. 168, in relation to
allegations that the boys were killed, "with or without Richard's knowledge
and consent, by Harry, Duke of Buckingham. . . . After all, he did have full
access to the Tower - as Constable of England he could enter and leave and
command obedience in the name of the sovereign - and he did potentially have
motive."
Continuing on pages 168-169, Carson mentions three hypotheses: 1) that
Buckingham may have killed the boys out of personal ambition. Alternatively,
2) another suggestion is that he did it with the plan in mind that he would
invite Tudor back into England to take the throne. According to Carson,
although this suggestion sounds far-fetched, it is precisely the theory that
was suggested by Polydore Vergil. (Hmmm . . . that is interesting!) The
third hypothesis, according to Carson, is that 3) Buckingham thought he was
performing a service for RIII, which Richard was unable or unwilling to do
for himself, only to meet with "rejection and banishment." However, she
notes that this theory " . . . is plainly contradicted by surviving warrants
showing that Buckingham was still receiving substantial favours from a
trusting Richard as late as mid-September, long after their last meeting."
Carson then reviews several early sources which suggest that Buckingham was
responsible for the deaths of the boys:
1) The fragment of manuscript dating from 1512-13, original may go back to
1487, stating that the boys were put to death "by the vise of the Duke of
Buckingham," which Carson says could mean either "by his device" or "on his
advice, suggesting in compliance with his orders."
2) A fragment of uncertain origin from the reign of HVII (perhaps about
1490) indicates that Richard took counsel with the D. of B. before killing
the princes.
3) The sec'y to the kings of Portugal in a fragment dated 1488 said that
Buckingham starved the princes to death. (But Carson says this account gets
the sequence of events hopelessly wrong.)
4) She says Commynes, writing 3 different accounts between 1488 and 1504,
in one of them said the boys were put to death by Buckingham.
5) Jean Molinet may have heard from the same source as Commynes: on the
same day that the boys were put to death, Buckingham came to the Tower, and
therefore he was believed mistakenly to have murdered them in order to
further his pretensions to the Crown. Finally,
6) The Dutch "Divisie Chronicle" says that the boys were either starved to
death or possibly murdered by the Duke of Buckingham, "although some reports
said he killed only one boy and allowed the other to live."
However, Carson concludes, "Whether acting for Richard or on his own
account, the problem is that there are insurmountable conflicts of timing
and opportunity where Buckingham's personal involvement is concerned. We
know the princes were still residing in the Tower while Richard was in York
in early September. But by August-September Buckingham had certainly left
London, and thereafter was never realistically in sufficient proximity to
organize a murder there."
Personally, and without having sliced and diced these theses in any great
detail, I think it may be an error to place too great a weight on the
statement by the Crowland Chronicler that "while these things were
happening" (i.e. the investiture of EoM as Prince of Wales on Sept. 8,
1483), the boys were still living in the Tower. As it seems to me that it's
possible that that is what people *thought,* but that the boys had been
taken out or rubbed out by that time and no one may have noticed. How great
a watch would have been kept on the boys by someone like the Chronicler, if
he was John Russell, for example, who was Richard's chancellor? And as far
as payments to Buckingham being made as "late as mid-September," by a
"trusting Richard," I would think that he, being out of the capital, might
well have ordered payments to be made, even if Buckingham was busily engaged
in plotting a rebellion at the same time. "The most untrue creature living!"
Well, Richard had certainly benefitted him to such an extent that he
reasonably expected, I am sure, that Buckingham, of all people, would be
loyal to him.
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-19 20:43:55
Yes, Henry's claim was "de jure belli et de jure Lancastriae" -- he himself knew full well even Edward's and Richard's natural children had far better claims than he did. Ned's and Dick's boys were the illegitimate sons of Kings. Henry was the the great-grandson of an illegitimate son of a younger son of a King.
Tamara
--- In , Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
>
> I'm sorry but I don't agree. It's quite simple; the Beauforts were barred. Henry took the crown through right of conquest and always claimed that he did. There were many other claims (including Buckingham's) ahead of the barred Beauforts. including the Hollands, the Bourchiers and the Percies and the royal house of Portugal. It is much easier to revoke primogeniture (as happened in the fourteenth century) than to legitimise the inheritance rights of a bastard. Otherwise why not name John of Gloucester as heir?
>
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: david rayner <theblackprussian@...>
> To: "" <>
> Sent: Saturday, 18 May 2013, 21:37
> Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
>
> Â
>
> The fact is, the Beaufort claim was taken seriously enough for Henry to become King. The Lancastrian lobby was still powerful, and however remote this was the best they had.
>
> Buckingham would have plausibly considered himself next in line to the as yet (legitimately) childless Henry, who had no other close family with a claim (bar his mother).
>
> The supposed claim through Thomas of Woodstock is not credible; Buckingham's ambitions were through his mother's Beaufort line.
>
> ________________________________
> From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
> To:
> Sent: Saturday, 18 May 2013, 21:26
> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
>
>
> Â
> Doug wrote:
> > Thank you very much for that link, it's going to get a work-out!
> > I noted an interesting item while looking for the bit about the date of Buckingham's letter to Tudor:
> > "But the common report was otherwyse; for the multytude sayd that the duke dyd the less disswade kinge Richerd from usurping the kingdome, by mean of so many mischievous dedes, uppon that intent that he afterward, being hatyd both of God and man, might be expellyd from the same, and so himself be caulyd by the commons to that dignytie, wheunto he asspyred by all means possible, and that yerfor he had at the last stirryd upp warr agaynst King Rycherd: but let us returne to owr purpose."
> >
> > Is it me, or is Vergil saying, quite plainly, that it was widely presumed that Buckingham rebelled *to claim the throne for himself* and Buckingham had not opposed Richard so that the "commons" would, having been revolted by Richard's actions, turn to Buckingham, begging him to take the throne?
> > Then immediately dismisses that because "owr purpose" *isn't* telling the truth, but rather burnishing the myths of how HVII ascended the throne and hoping noone noticed?
> > (Okay, that last is my interpretation...)
> > I couldn't find any reference to the letter (I *was* rushing). Did I miss it or is it in another "history"? Or worse, is it yet another one of those things in the "given out" class?
>
> Carol responds:
>
> First, yes, Vergil is reporting the rumor, common in his time, that Buckingham had all along encouraged Richard in wicked deeds (like "usurpation" and "murder") so he could gain the throne himself. The idea that Buckingham talked Richard into killing his nephews or even killed them himself for his own ends was also in circulation. Commynes suggests at one point, if I recall correctly, that Buckingham killed the boys and Richard had him killed soon afterward, presumably for that reason.
>
> More, in one of his imaginary humanist dialogues, has the wily Morton playing on the ambitions of the gullible duke, telling him that although he's better qualified than Tudor to replace Richard as king, Tudor has a better chance as he's free to marry Elizabeth of York.
>
> Anyway, Vergil has Buckingham as the (nominal) head of the conspiracy but doesn't mention any letter from Buckingham to Tudor. (They seem to communicate through Morton and MB.) If I recall correctly, neither does More since he leaves off his manuscript in the middle of the conversation between More and Morton, but I can't check right now because I can't get the page to load.
>
> The Croyland chronicler, as I mentioned in another post, does mention the letter and states that it not only invites Tudor to invade England but encourages him to marry EoY so he can become king, but it's unlikely that CC ever saw the letter and he's probably going by information obtained later from Morton.
>
> Girders.com gives September 24 as the date of the letter and gives A. L. Rowse as the source for that date, but apparently Rowse's book is unsearchable on Google Books so I can't find the reference. "The Encyclopedia of the Wars of the Roses gives the same date but no source for the date: http://books.google.com/books?id=ubXnWRMt6uoC&pg=PA40&dq=%2224+September%22+Buckingham&hl=en&sa=X&ei=JOKXUdy9OIq6igLBoYCwBQ&sqi=2&ved=0CC0Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%2224%20September%22%20Buckingham&f=false
>
> Our best bet might be Rot. Parl. VI, p. 244, which Kendall cites as the source for the attainder. Anyone have access to this document to see if the date and contents of the letter are listed?
>
> Carol
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
Tamara
--- In , Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
>
> I'm sorry but I don't agree. It's quite simple; the Beauforts were barred. Henry took the crown through right of conquest and always claimed that he did. There were many other claims (including Buckingham's) ahead of the barred Beauforts. including the Hollands, the Bourchiers and the Percies and the royal house of Portugal. It is much easier to revoke primogeniture (as happened in the fourteenth century) than to legitimise the inheritance rights of a bastard. Otherwise why not name John of Gloucester as heir?
>
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: david rayner <theblackprussian@...>
> To: "" <>
> Sent: Saturday, 18 May 2013, 21:37
> Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
>
> Â
>
> The fact is, the Beaufort claim was taken seriously enough for Henry to become King. The Lancastrian lobby was still powerful, and however remote this was the best they had.
>
> Buckingham would have plausibly considered himself next in line to the as yet (legitimately) childless Henry, who had no other close family with a claim (bar his mother).
>
> The supposed claim through Thomas of Woodstock is not credible; Buckingham's ambitions were through his mother's Beaufort line.
>
> ________________________________
> From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
> To:
> Sent: Saturday, 18 May 2013, 21:26
> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
>
>
> Â
> Doug wrote:
> > Thank you very much for that link, it's going to get a work-out!
> > I noted an interesting item while looking for the bit about the date of Buckingham's letter to Tudor:
> > "But the common report was otherwyse; for the multytude sayd that the duke dyd the less disswade kinge Richerd from usurping the kingdome, by mean of so many mischievous dedes, uppon that intent that he afterward, being hatyd both of God and man, might be expellyd from the same, and so himself be caulyd by the commons to that dignytie, wheunto he asspyred by all means possible, and that yerfor he had at the last stirryd upp warr agaynst King Rycherd: but let us returne to owr purpose."
> >
> > Is it me, or is Vergil saying, quite plainly, that it was widely presumed that Buckingham rebelled *to claim the throne for himself* and Buckingham had not opposed Richard so that the "commons" would, having been revolted by Richard's actions, turn to Buckingham, begging him to take the throne?
> > Then immediately dismisses that because "owr purpose" *isn't* telling the truth, but rather burnishing the myths of how HVII ascended the throne and hoping noone noticed?
> > (Okay, that last is my interpretation...)
> > I couldn't find any reference to the letter (I *was* rushing). Did I miss it or is it in another "history"? Or worse, is it yet another one of those things in the "given out" class?
>
> Carol responds:
>
> First, yes, Vergil is reporting the rumor, common in his time, that Buckingham had all along encouraged Richard in wicked deeds (like "usurpation" and "murder") so he could gain the throne himself. The idea that Buckingham talked Richard into killing his nephews or even killed them himself for his own ends was also in circulation. Commynes suggests at one point, if I recall correctly, that Buckingham killed the boys and Richard had him killed soon afterward, presumably for that reason.
>
> More, in one of his imaginary humanist dialogues, has the wily Morton playing on the ambitions of the gullible duke, telling him that although he's better qualified than Tudor to replace Richard as king, Tudor has a better chance as he's free to marry Elizabeth of York.
>
> Anyway, Vergil has Buckingham as the (nominal) head of the conspiracy but doesn't mention any letter from Buckingham to Tudor. (They seem to communicate through Morton and MB.) If I recall correctly, neither does More since he leaves off his manuscript in the middle of the conversation between More and Morton, but I can't check right now because I can't get the page to load.
>
> The Croyland chronicler, as I mentioned in another post, does mention the letter and states that it not only invites Tudor to invade England but encourages him to marry EoY so he can become king, but it's unlikely that CC ever saw the letter and he's probably going by information obtained later from Morton.
>
> Girders.com gives September 24 as the date of the letter and gives A. L. Rowse as the source for that date, but apparently Rowse's book is unsearchable on Google Books so I can't find the reference. "The Encyclopedia of the Wars of the Roses gives the same date but no source for the date: http://books.google.com/books?id=ubXnWRMt6uoC&pg=PA40&dq=%2224+September%22+Buckingham&hl=en&sa=X&ei=JOKXUdy9OIq6igLBoYCwBQ&sqi=2&ved=0CC0Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%2224%20September%22%20Buckingham&f=false
>
> Our best bet might be Rot. Parl. VI, p. 244, which Kendall cites as the source for the attainder. Anyone have access to this document to see if the date and contents of the letter are listed?
>
> Carol
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-19 21:02:24
"Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> Do we absolutely know that there wasn't a "confession" by Tyrrell? See, if I was Tyrrell, and I figured that I was going to be executed anyway, and I wanted to keep the boys safe and their whereabouts secret - expecially if Henry's interrogators were asking pointed questions, possibly with actual points involved - claiming that they were dead and inventing a spurious story about how I knew this is just the sort of thing I'd probably do. And I might well have a little fun and throw in some spurious details about privies.
Carol responds:
No record at all in Parliament or anywhere else. Marie and I explored this topic thoroughly a while back if you want to look at old posts, or you can just read the article by Susan Leas in our Files. I can't provide a direct link, but just go to our Files (accessible from the forum website) and click on the file labeled "Leas, 'As the King Gave Out'.pdf, Ricardian article on Tyrrell's supposed confession" posted by me on Feb 12, 2013.
Anyway, there's a reference in, I think, the Great Chronicle of London, written after Tyrrell's execution, to a *rumor* that he was the executioner, followed by "but some think it was an old servant of Richard III named ___________" (name left blank in the manuscript. Vergil, writing at about the same time as More, has Tyrell riding "sorrowfully to London" just after Richard supposedly parted from Buckingham in Gloucester. Clearly, Vergil has somehow found out, possibly by checking the wardrobe accounts, that Tyrell was in London in early September in connection with Prince Edward's investiture and has seized on that as the time when he "must" have murdered the "princes," but his version of events differs from More's and he mentions no confession. (Both of them mention persistent rumors that the nephews survived, which would not have been the case had Henry "given out" a confession by Tyrell or anyone else. The first mention of a confession comes from More. Bacon compounds the problem by thinking that More's story is based on that confession when in fact More invented both the confession and the details of the smothering, the burial, and all the rest.
Tyrell was executed, as I'm sure you know, for a completely different act of "treason," aiding Edmund de la Pole, one of the Yorkist pretenders. I'm sure that his act of attainder is on record somewhere.
As I said earlier, please read Susan Leas's article. It's very enlightening. My discussion with Marie takes her finding that Henry "gave out" exactly nothing one step further. I think that rather than giving out a (nonexistent) confession, Henry used that familiar Tudor tactic of putting a vague rumor into circulation after both Tyrell and Perkin Warbeck, the last person claiming to be a son of Edward IV, were safely dead, something like ("Sir James Tyrell murdered Edward IV's sons for Richard III")--just enough to seemingly implicate both of them without giving any details. both Vergil and More would have been aware of this rumor, and Vergil, investigating further, might have stumbled on the wardrobe accounts as proof that Sir James was in London at the right time. (He wouldn't know about the Croyland chronicle, which states that the boys were still alive while Prince Edward was being "crowned" at York.)
At any rate, the idea that Tyrell really did confess (or that Henry pretended he did and "gave out" a trumped-up confession, as Tey thinks) is one more fallacy that we can lay to rest. More invented the confession and Bacon, misunderstanding the circumstances, came up with the idea that Henry had published that confession, which was repeated as truth ad infinitum not only by anti-Richard writers but even by Kendall and other Ricardians. The idea that the laconic and unimaginative Henry would have given out a detailed confession, true or invented, is hard to swallow, but it's online and in print as a "fact" almost anywhere you look.
I don't want to repeat the points I made at great length in the old thread, but anyone who's interested can search this site for "Sir James Tyrell" (or "Tyrrell" 'cause I'm not sure how to spell it!) and find those old posts.
Carol
> Do we absolutely know that there wasn't a "confession" by Tyrrell? See, if I was Tyrrell, and I figured that I was going to be executed anyway, and I wanted to keep the boys safe and their whereabouts secret - expecially if Henry's interrogators were asking pointed questions, possibly with actual points involved - claiming that they were dead and inventing a spurious story about how I knew this is just the sort of thing I'd probably do. And I might well have a little fun and throw in some spurious details about privies.
Carol responds:
No record at all in Parliament or anywhere else. Marie and I explored this topic thoroughly a while back if you want to look at old posts, or you can just read the article by Susan Leas in our Files. I can't provide a direct link, but just go to our Files (accessible from the forum website) and click on the file labeled "Leas, 'As the King Gave Out'.pdf, Ricardian article on Tyrrell's supposed confession" posted by me on Feb 12, 2013.
Anyway, there's a reference in, I think, the Great Chronicle of London, written after Tyrrell's execution, to a *rumor* that he was the executioner, followed by "but some think it was an old servant of Richard III named ___________" (name left blank in the manuscript. Vergil, writing at about the same time as More, has Tyrell riding "sorrowfully to London" just after Richard supposedly parted from Buckingham in Gloucester. Clearly, Vergil has somehow found out, possibly by checking the wardrobe accounts, that Tyrell was in London in early September in connection with Prince Edward's investiture and has seized on that as the time when he "must" have murdered the "princes," but his version of events differs from More's and he mentions no confession. (Both of them mention persistent rumors that the nephews survived, which would not have been the case had Henry "given out" a confession by Tyrell or anyone else. The first mention of a confession comes from More. Bacon compounds the problem by thinking that More's story is based on that confession when in fact More invented both the confession and the details of the smothering, the burial, and all the rest.
Tyrell was executed, as I'm sure you know, for a completely different act of "treason," aiding Edmund de la Pole, one of the Yorkist pretenders. I'm sure that his act of attainder is on record somewhere.
As I said earlier, please read Susan Leas's article. It's very enlightening. My discussion with Marie takes her finding that Henry "gave out" exactly nothing one step further. I think that rather than giving out a (nonexistent) confession, Henry used that familiar Tudor tactic of putting a vague rumor into circulation after both Tyrell and Perkin Warbeck, the last person claiming to be a son of Edward IV, were safely dead, something like ("Sir James Tyrell murdered Edward IV's sons for Richard III")--just enough to seemingly implicate both of them without giving any details. both Vergil and More would have been aware of this rumor, and Vergil, investigating further, might have stumbled on the wardrobe accounts as proof that Sir James was in London at the right time. (He wouldn't know about the Croyland chronicle, which states that the boys were still alive while Prince Edward was being "crowned" at York.)
At any rate, the idea that Tyrell really did confess (or that Henry pretended he did and "gave out" a trumped-up confession, as Tey thinks) is one more fallacy that we can lay to rest. More invented the confession and Bacon, misunderstanding the circumstances, came up with the idea that Henry had published that confession, which was repeated as truth ad infinitum not only by anti-Richard writers but even by Kendall and other Ricardians. The idea that the laconic and unimaginative Henry would have given out a detailed confession, true or invented, is hard to swallow, but it's online and in print as a "fact" almost anywhere you look.
I don't want to repeat the points I made at great length in the old thread, but anyone who's interested can search this site for "Sir James Tyrell" (or "Tyrrell" 'cause I'm not sure how to spell it!) and find those old posts.
Carol
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-19 21:18:52
Because he was a fraud.
----- Original Message -----
From: david rayner
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 7:41 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
If that is so, then by what criteria did Henry attaint those who fought against him?
I always thought he dated his reign to before Bosworth; how can you claim Right of Conquest before you've actually conquered?
Henry always behaved as a restored Lancastrian, immediately reversing long standing attainders against Lancastrians such as the de Veres, Beaumonts and Courtenays.
There were of course numerous superior claims, including that of the Earl of Westmorland to the Duchy of Lancaster, but it seems to have been accepted that Henry was the Lancastrian heir.
________________________________
From: Stephen Lark <stephenmlark@...>
To:
Sent: Sunday, 19 May 2013, 10:32
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Quite.
----- Original Message -----
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 1:17 AM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
--- In , david rayner <theblackprussian@...> wrote:
>
> The fact is, the Beaufort claim was taken seriously enough for Henry to become King. The Lancastrian lobby was still powerful, and however remote this was the best they had.
>
> Buckingham would have plausibly considered himself next in line to the as yet (legitimately) childless Henry, who had no other close family with a claim (bar his mother).
>
> The supposed claim through Thomas of Woodstock is not credible; Buckingham's ambitions were through his mother's Beaufort line.
Carol responds:
Henry never claimed the throne through his mother, only "by right of conquest." The French at one point persuaded him to claim to be the younger son of Henry VI rather than his half-nephew on his French mother's side (setting aside the probable illegitimacy of her son, Edmund). He also never claimed the throne through his possiby illegitimate Yorkist wife, but his son, Henry VIII, claimed the throne through his mother, not his father.
No male Beaufort had ever claimed the throne. They were all loyal Lancastrians, honoring Henry IV's dictate that they were not eligible for the throne.
I can't see Buckingham honoring a Beaufort claim at all even though his mother was a Beaufort. But if he disposed of Richard and all his nephews and considered the legitimate Lancastrian line as extinct (which it was, with the exception of a few European monarchs and their relatives, all of whom had a better claim than Henry), he would only have to contend with a few Percys and Bourchiers whose families had never claimed the throne. Oh, and the de la Poles, but he probably didn't give a thought to John and his young brothers.
Carol
----- Original Message -----
From: david rayner
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 7:41 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
If that is so, then by what criteria did Henry attaint those who fought against him?
I always thought he dated his reign to before Bosworth; how can you claim Right of Conquest before you've actually conquered?
Henry always behaved as a restored Lancastrian, immediately reversing long standing attainders against Lancastrians such as the de Veres, Beaumonts and Courtenays.
There were of course numerous superior claims, including that of the Earl of Westmorland to the Duchy of Lancaster, but it seems to have been accepted that Henry was the Lancastrian heir.
________________________________
From: Stephen Lark <stephenmlark@...>
To:
Sent: Sunday, 19 May 2013, 10:32
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Quite.
----- Original Message -----
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 1:17 AM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
--- In , david rayner <theblackprussian@...> wrote:
>
> The fact is, the Beaufort claim was taken seriously enough for Henry to become King. The Lancastrian lobby was still powerful, and however remote this was the best they had.
>
> Buckingham would have plausibly considered himself next in line to the as yet (legitimately) childless Henry, who had no other close family with a claim (bar his mother).
>
> The supposed claim through Thomas of Woodstock is not credible; Buckingham's ambitions were through his mother's Beaufort line.
Carol responds:
Henry never claimed the throne through his mother, only "by right of conquest." The French at one point persuaded him to claim to be the younger son of Henry VI rather than his half-nephew on his French mother's side (setting aside the probable illegitimacy of her son, Edmund). He also never claimed the throne through his possiby illegitimate Yorkist wife, but his son, Henry VIII, claimed the throne through his mother, not his father.
No male Beaufort had ever claimed the throne. They were all loyal Lancastrians, honoring Henry IV's dictate that they were not eligible for the throne.
I can't see Buckingham honoring a Beaufort claim at all even though his mother was a Beaufort. But if he disposed of Richard and all his nephews and considered the legitimate Lancastrian line as extinct (which it was, with the exception of a few European monarchs and their relatives, all of whom had a better claim than Henry), he would only have to contend with a few Percys and Bourchiers whose families had never claimed the throne. Oh, and the de la Poles, but he probably didn't give a thought to John and his young brothers.
Carol
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-19 21:26:44
Thank you! H
________________________________
From: maroonnavywhite <khafara@...>
To:
Sent: Sunday, 19 May 2013, 20:43
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Yes, Henry's claim was "de jure belli et de jure Lancastriae" -- he himself knew full well even Edward's and Richard's natural children had far better claims than he did. Ned's and Dick's boys were the illegitimate sons of Kings. Henry was the the great-grandson of an illegitimate son of a younger son of a King.
Tamara
--- In , Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
>
> I'm sorry but I don't agree. It's quite simple; the Beauforts were barred. Henry took the crown through right of conquest and always claimed that he did. There were many other claims (including Buckingham's) ahead of the barred Beauforts. including the Hollands, the Bourchiers and the Percies and the royal house of Portugal. It is much easier to revoke primogeniture (as happened in the fourteenth century) than to legitimise the inheritance rights of a bastard. Otherwise why not name John of Gloucester as heir?
>
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: david rayner <theblackprussian@...>
> To: "" <>
> Sent: Saturday, 18 May 2013, 21:37
> Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
>
> Â
>
> The fact is, the Beaufort claim was taken seriously enough for Henry to become King. The Lancastrian lobby was still powerful, and however remote this was the best they had.
>
> Buckingham would have plausibly considered himself next in line to the as yet (legitimately) childless Henry, who had no other close family with a claim (bar his mother).
>
> The supposed claim through Thomas of Woodstock is not credible; Buckingham's ambitions were through his mother's Beaufort line.
>
> ________________________________
> From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
> To:
> Sent: Saturday, 18 May 2013, 21:26
> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
>
>
> Â
> Doug wrote:
> > Thank you very much for that link, it's going to get a work-out!
> > I noted an interesting item while looking for the bit about the date of Buckingham's letter to Tudor:
> > "But the common report was otherwyse; for the multytude sayd that the duke dyd the less disswade kinge Richerd from usurping the kingdome, by mean of so many mischievous dedes, uppon that intent that he afterward, being hatyd both of God and man, might be expellyd from the same, and so himself be caulyd by the commons to that dignytie, wheunto he asspyred by all means possible, and that yerfor he had at the last stirryd upp warr agaynst King Rycherd: but let us returne to owr purpose."
> >
> > Is it me, or is Vergil saying, quite plainly, that it was widely presumed that Buckingham rebelled *to claim the throne for himself* and Buckingham had not opposed Richard so that the "commons" would, having been revolted by Richard's actions, turn to Buckingham, begging him to take the throne?
> > Then immediately dismisses that because "owr purpose" *isn't* telling the truth, but rather burnishing the myths of how HVII ascended the throne and hoping noone noticed?
> > (Okay, that last is my interpretation...)
> > I couldn't find any reference to the letter (I *was* rushing). Did I miss it or is it in another "history"? Or worse, is it yet another one of those things in the "given out" class?
>
> Carol responds:
>
> First, yes, Vergil is reporting the rumor, common in his time, that Buckingham had all along encouraged Richard in wicked deeds (like "usurpation" and "murder") so he could gain the throne himself. The idea that Buckingham talked Richard into killing his nephews or even killed them himself for his own ends was also in circulation. Commynes suggests at one point, if I recall correctly, that Buckingham killed the boys and Richard had him killed soon afterward, presumably for that reason.
>
> More, in one of his imaginary humanist dialogues, has the wily Morton playing on the ambitions of the gullible duke, telling him that although he's better qualified than Tudor to replace Richard as king, Tudor has a better chance as he's free to marry Elizabeth of York.
>
> Anyway, Vergil has Buckingham as the (nominal) head of the conspiracy but doesn't mention any letter from Buckingham to Tudor. (They seem to communicate through Morton and MB.) If I recall correctly, neither does More since he leaves off his manuscript in the middle of the conversation between More and Morton, but I can't check right now because I can't get the page to load.
>
> The Croyland chronicler, as I mentioned in another post, does mention the letter and states that it not only invites Tudor to invade England but encourages him to marry EoY so he can become king, but it's unlikely that CC ever saw the letter and he's probably going by information obtained later from Morton.
>
> Girders.com gives September 24 as the date of the letter and gives A. L. Rowse as the source for that date, but apparently Rowse's book is unsearchable on Google Books so I can't find the reference. "The Encyclopedia of the Wars of the Roses gives the same date but no source for the date: http://books.google.com/books?id=ubXnWRMt6uoC&pg=PA40&dq=%2224+September%22+Buckingham&hl=en&sa=X&ei=JOKXUdy9OIq6igLBoYCwBQ&sqi=2&ved=0CC0Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%2224%20September%22%20Buckingham&f=false
>
> Our best bet might be Rot. Parl. VI, p. 244, which Kendall cites as the source for the attainder. Anyone have access to this document to see if the date and contents of the letter are listed?
>
> Carol
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
________________________________
From: maroonnavywhite <khafara@...>
To:
Sent: Sunday, 19 May 2013, 20:43
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Yes, Henry's claim was "de jure belli et de jure Lancastriae" -- he himself knew full well even Edward's and Richard's natural children had far better claims than he did. Ned's and Dick's boys were the illegitimate sons of Kings. Henry was the the great-grandson of an illegitimate son of a younger son of a King.
Tamara
--- In , Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
>
> I'm sorry but I don't agree. It's quite simple; the Beauforts were barred. Henry took the crown through right of conquest and always claimed that he did. There were many other claims (including Buckingham's) ahead of the barred Beauforts. including the Hollands, the Bourchiers and the Percies and the royal house of Portugal. It is much easier to revoke primogeniture (as happened in the fourteenth century) than to legitimise the inheritance rights of a bastard. Otherwise why not name John of Gloucester as heir?
>
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: david rayner <theblackprussian@...>
> To: "" <>
> Sent: Saturday, 18 May 2013, 21:37
> Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
>
> Â
>
> The fact is, the Beaufort claim was taken seriously enough for Henry to become King. The Lancastrian lobby was still powerful, and however remote this was the best they had.
>
> Buckingham would have plausibly considered himself next in line to the as yet (legitimately) childless Henry, who had no other close family with a claim (bar his mother).
>
> The supposed claim through Thomas of Woodstock is not credible; Buckingham's ambitions were through his mother's Beaufort line.
>
> ________________________________
> From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
> To:
> Sent: Saturday, 18 May 2013, 21:26
> Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
>
>
> Â
> Doug wrote:
> > Thank you very much for that link, it's going to get a work-out!
> > I noted an interesting item while looking for the bit about the date of Buckingham's letter to Tudor:
> > "But the common report was otherwyse; for the multytude sayd that the duke dyd the less disswade kinge Richerd from usurping the kingdome, by mean of so many mischievous dedes, uppon that intent that he afterward, being hatyd both of God and man, might be expellyd from the same, and so himself be caulyd by the commons to that dignytie, wheunto he asspyred by all means possible, and that yerfor he had at the last stirryd upp warr agaynst King Rycherd: but let us returne to owr purpose."
> >
> > Is it me, or is Vergil saying, quite plainly, that it was widely presumed that Buckingham rebelled *to claim the throne for himself* and Buckingham had not opposed Richard so that the "commons" would, having been revolted by Richard's actions, turn to Buckingham, begging him to take the throne?
> > Then immediately dismisses that because "owr purpose" *isn't* telling the truth, but rather burnishing the myths of how HVII ascended the throne and hoping noone noticed?
> > (Okay, that last is my interpretation...)
> > I couldn't find any reference to the letter (I *was* rushing). Did I miss it or is it in another "history"? Or worse, is it yet another one of those things in the "given out" class?
>
> Carol responds:
>
> First, yes, Vergil is reporting the rumor, common in his time, that Buckingham had all along encouraged Richard in wicked deeds (like "usurpation" and "murder") so he could gain the throne himself. The idea that Buckingham talked Richard into killing his nephews or even killed them himself for his own ends was also in circulation. Commynes suggests at one point, if I recall correctly, that Buckingham killed the boys and Richard had him killed soon afterward, presumably for that reason.
>
> More, in one of his imaginary humanist dialogues, has the wily Morton playing on the ambitions of the gullible duke, telling him that although he's better qualified than Tudor to replace Richard as king, Tudor has a better chance as he's free to marry Elizabeth of York.
>
> Anyway, Vergil has Buckingham as the (nominal) head of the conspiracy but doesn't mention any letter from Buckingham to Tudor. (They seem to communicate through Morton and MB.) If I recall correctly, neither does More since he leaves off his manuscript in the middle of the conversation between More and Morton, but I can't check right now because I can't get the page to load.
>
> The Croyland chronicler, as I mentioned in another post, does mention the letter and states that it not only invites Tudor to invade England but encourages him to marry EoY so he can become king, but it's unlikely that CC ever saw the letter and he's probably going by information obtained later from Morton.
>
> Girders.com gives September 24 as the date of the letter and gives A. L. Rowse as the source for that date, but apparently Rowse's book is unsearchable on Google Books so I can't find the reference. "The Encyclopedia of the Wars of the Roses gives the same date but no source for the date: http://books.google.com/books?id=ubXnWRMt6uoC&pg=PA40&dq=%2224+September%22+Buckingham&hl=en&sa=X&ei=JOKXUdy9OIq6igLBoYCwBQ&sqi=2&ved=0CC0Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=%2224%20September%22%20Buckingham&f=false
>
> Our best bet might be Rot. Parl. VI, p. 244, which Kendall cites as the source for the attainder. Anyone have access to this document to see if the date and contents of the letter are listed?
>
> Carol
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-19 21:29:39
Absolutely. He had no alternative. He was where he was and had to make the best of it.
________________________________
From: Stephen Lark <stephenmlark@...>
To:
Sent: Sunday, 19 May 2013, 21:19
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Because he was a fraud.
----- Original Message -----
From: david rayner
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 7:41 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
If that is so, then by what criteria did Henry attaint those who fought against him?
I always thought he dated his reign to before Bosworth; how can you claim Right of Conquest before you've actually conquered?
Henry always behaved as a restored Lancastrian, immediately reversing long standing attainders against Lancastrians such as the de Veres, Beaumonts and Courtenays.
There were of course numerous superior claims, including that of the Earl of Westmorland to the Duchy of Lancaster, but it seems to have been accepted that Henry was the Lancastrian heir.
________________________________
From: Stephen Lark <mailto:stephenmlark%40talktalk.net>
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Sunday, 19 May 2013, 10:32
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Quite.
----- Original Message -----
From: justcarol67
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 1:17 AM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
--- In mailto:%40yahoogroups.com, david rayner <theblackprussian@...> wrote:
>
> The fact is, the Beaufort claim was taken seriously enough for Henry to become King. The Lancastrian lobby was still powerful, and however remote this was the best they had.
>
> Buckingham would have plausibly considered himself next in line to the as yet (legitimately) childless Henry, who had no other close family with a claim (bar his mother).
>
> The supposed claim through Thomas of Woodstock is not credible; Buckingham's ambitions were through his mother's Beaufort line.
Carol responds:
Henry never claimed the throne through his mother, only "by right of conquest." The French at one point persuaded him to claim to be the younger son of Henry VI rather than his half-nephew on his French mother's side (setting aside the probable illegitimacy of her son, Edmund). He also never claimed the throne through his possiby illegitimate Yorkist wife, but his son, Henry VIII, claimed the throne through his mother, not his father.
No male Beaufort had ever claimed the throne. They were all loyal Lancastrians, honoring Henry IV's dictate that they were not eligible for the throne.
I can't see Buckingham honoring a Beaufort claim at all even though his mother was a Beaufort. But if he disposed of Richard and all his nephews and considered the legitimate Lancastrian line as extinct (which it was, with the exception of a few European monarchs and their relatives, all of whom had a better claim than Henry), he would only have to contend with a few Percys and Bourchiers whose families had never claimed the throne. Oh, and the de la Poles, but he probably didn't give a thought to John and his young brothers.
Carol
________________________________
From: Stephen Lark <stephenmlark@...>
To:
Sent: Sunday, 19 May 2013, 21:19
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Because he was a fraud.
----- Original Message -----
From: david rayner
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 7:41 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
If that is so, then by what criteria did Henry attaint those who fought against him?
I always thought he dated his reign to before Bosworth; how can you claim Right of Conquest before you've actually conquered?
Henry always behaved as a restored Lancastrian, immediately reversing long standing attainders against Lancastrians such as the de Veres, Beaumonts and Courtenays.
There were of course numerous superior claims, including that of the Earl of Westmorland to the Duchy of Lancaster, but it seems to have been accepted that Henry was the Lancastrian heir.
________________________________
From: Stephen Lark <mailto:stephenmlark%40talktalk.net>
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Sunday, 19 May 2013, 10:32
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Quite.
----- Original Message -----
From: justcarol67
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 1:17 AM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
--- In mailto:%40yahoogroups.com, david rayner <theblackprussian@...> wrote:
>
> The fact is, the Beaufort claim was taken seriously enough for Henry to become King. The Lancastrian lobby was still powerful, and however remote this was the best they had.
>
> Buckingham would have plausibly considered himself next in line to the as yet (legitimately) childless Henry, who had no other close family with a claim (bar his mother).
>
> The supposed claim through Thomas of Woodstock is not credible; Buckingham's ambitions were through his mother's Beaufort line.
Carol responds:
Henry never claimed the throne through his mother, only "by right of conquest." The French at one point persuaded him to claim to be the younger son of Henry VI rather than his half-nephew on his French mother's side (setting aside the probable illegitimacy of her son, Edmund). He also never claimed the throne through his possiby illegitimate Yorkist wife, but his son, Henry VIII, claimed the throne through his mother, not his father.
No male Beaufort had ever claimed the throne. They were all loyal Lancastrians, honoring Henry IV's dictate that they were not eligible for the throne.
I can't see Buckingham honoring a Beaufort claim at all even though his mother was a Beaufort. But if he disposed of Richard and all his nephews and considered the legitimate Lancastrian line as extinct (which it was, with the exception of a few European monarchs and their relatives, all of whom had a better claim than Henry), he would only have to contend with a few Percys and Bourchiers whose families had never claimed the throne. Oh, and the de la Poles, but he probably didn't give a thought to John and his young brothers.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-19 21:57:15
This is outside my bailiwick. I know Michael Wood also did a series of TV programmes based on his book. Some fragments of the theory about his Catholic upbringing have stuck with me, But sad to say, I don't recall enough other details to answer your questions.
The dark humour is certainly in the play, but whether Shakespeare intended it as outright irony toward the Tudor dynasty or we just see it that way through 20/20 hindsight isn't clear to me....
Snide villains are intrinsically more engaging; they also lull us into a sort of complicity with their nasty deeds.
So sorry I can't be of more help. :-(
Judy
Loyaulte me lie
________________________________
From: ricard1an <maryfriend@...>
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 2:15 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Judy isn't there a school of thought that Shakespeare's" Richard III" was meant to be ironic and I have also read somewhere that it could have been a comment on the Tudors, but ofcourse Shakepeare wouldn't have dared name them as he was writing in Elizabeth's reign so he used Richard instead. I have got a book about Shakespeare written by Michael Wood. I have started to read it but for some reason did not finish it. He was suggesting ( if Iremember correctly) that Shakespeare was a Catholic and was not exactly a fan of Elizabeth.
--- In , Judy Thomson <judygerard.thomson@...> wrote:
>
> Carol, Â you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
>
> JudyÂ
>
> Â
>
>
> Â
> Loyaulte me lie
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
> To:
> Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 11:56 AM
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
>
>
> Â
> "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
>
> > I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
>
> Carol responds:
>
> I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
>
> At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
>
> Here's how the book opens:
>
> "Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
>
> So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
>
> I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
>
> Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
>
> Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
>
> To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
>
> Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
>
> Carol
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
The dark humour is certainly in the play, but whether Shakespeare intended it as outright irony toward the Tudor dynasty or we just see it that way through 20/20 hindsight isn't clear to me....
Snide villains are intrinsically more engaging; they also lull us into a sort of complicity with their nasty deeds.
So sorry I can't be of more help. :-(
Judy
Loyaulte me lie
________________________________
From: ricard1an <maryfriend@...>
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 2:15 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Judy isn't there a school of thought that Shakespeare's" Richard III" was meant to be ironic and I have also read somewhere that it could have been a comment on the Tudors, but ofcourse Shakepeare wouldn't have dared name them as he was writing in Elizabeth's reign so he used Richard instead. I have got a book about Shakespeare written by Michael Wood. I have started to read it but for some reason did not finish it. He was suggesting ( if Iremember correctly) that Shakespeare was a Catholic and was not exactly a fan of Elizabeth.
--- In , Judy Thomson <judygerard.thomson@...> wrote:
>
> Carol, Â you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
>
> JudyÂ
>
> Â
>
>
> Â
> Loyaulte me lie
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
> To:
> Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 11:56 AM
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
>
>
> Â
> "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
>
> > I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
>
> Carol responds:
>
> I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
>
> At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
>
> Here's how the book opens:
>
> "Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
>
> So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
>
> I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
>
> Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
>
> Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
>
> To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
>
> Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
>
> Carol
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-19 22:05:59
I get that there's little love here for Henry, but however bogus his claim it was legitimate as far as his regime is concerned, and Lancastrian die hards were prepared to support it in lieu of anything more credible.
So, had Buckingham lived, the said Duke would have been a lot closer to the succession than he ever would under Richard.
________________________________
From: Stephen Lark <stephenmlark@...>
To:
Sent: Sunday, 19 May 2013, 21:19
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Because he was a fraud.
----- Original Message -----
From: david rayner
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 7:41 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
If that is so, then by what criteria did Henry attaint those who fought against him?
I always thought he dated his reign to before Bosworth; how can you claim Right of Conquest before you've actually conquered?
Henry always behaved as a restored Lancastrian, immediately reversing long standing attainders against Lancastrians such as the de Veres, Beaumonts and Courtenays.
There were of course numerous superior claims, including that of the Earl of Westmorland to the Duchy of Lancaster, but it seems to have been accepted that Henry was the Lancastrian heir.
________________________________
From: Stephen Lark <stephenmlark@...>
To:
Sent: Sunday, 19 May 2013, 10:32
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Quite.
----- Original Message -----
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 1:17 AM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
--- In , david rayner <theblackprussian@...> wrote:
>
> The fact is, the Beaufort claim was taken seriously enough for Henry to become King. The Lancastrian lobby was still powerful, and however remote this was the best they had.
>
> Buckingham would have plausibly considered himself next in line to the as yet (legitimately) childless Henry, who had no other close family with a claim (bar his mother).
>
> The supposed claim through Thomas of Woodstock is not credible; Buckingham's ambitions were through his mother's Beaufort line.
Carol responds:
Henry never claimed the throne through his mother, only "by right of conquest." The French at one point persuaded him to claim to be the younger son of Henry VI rather than his half-nephew on his French mother's side (setting aside the probable illegitimacy of her son, Edmund). He also never claimed the throne through his possiby illegitimate Yorkist wife, but his son, Henry VIII, claimed the throne through his mother, not his father.
No male Beaufort had ever claimed the throne. They were all loyal Lancastrians, honoring Henry IV's dictate that they were not eligible for the throne.
I can't see Buckingham honoring a Beaufort claim at all even though his mother was a Beaufort. But if he disposed of Richard and all his nephews and considered the legitimate Lancastrian line as extinct (which it was, with the exception of a few European monarchs and their relatives, all of whom had a better claim than Henry), he would only have to contend with a few Percys and Bourchiers whose families had never claimed the throne. Oh, and the de la Poles, but he probably didn't give a thought to John and his young brothers.
Carol
So, had Buckingham lived, the said Duke would have been a lot closer to the succession than he ever would under Richard.
________________________________
From: Stephen Lark <stephenmlark@...>
To:
Sent: Sunday, 19 May 2013, 21:19
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Because he was a fraud.
----- Original Message -----
From: david rayner
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 7:41 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
If that is so, then by what criteria did Henry attaint those who fought against him?
I always thought he dated his reign to before Bosworth; how can you claim Right of Conquest before you've actually conquered?
Henry always behaved as a restored Lancastrian, immediately reversing long standing attainders against Lancastrians such as the de Veres, Beaumonts and Courtenays.
There were of course numerous superior claims, including that of the Earl of Westmorland to the Duchy of Lancaster, but it seems to have been accepted that Henry was the Lancastrian heir.
________________________________
From: Stephen Lark <stephenmlark@...>
To:
Sent: Sunday, 19 May 2013, 10:32
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Quite.
----- Original Message -----
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 1:17 AM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
--- In , david rayner <theblackprussian@...> wrote:
>
> The fact is, the Beaufort claim was taken seriously enough for Henry to become King. The Lancastrian lobby was still powerful, and however remote this was the best they had.
>
> Buckingham would have plausibly considered himself next in line to the as yet (legitimately) childless Henry, who had no other close family with a claim (bar his mother).
>
> The supposed claim through Thomas of Woodstock is not credible; Buckingham's ambitions were through his mother's Beaufort line.
Carol responds:
Henry never claimed the throne through his mother, only "by right of conquest." The French at one point persuaded him to claim to be the younger son of Henry VI rather than his half-nephew on his French mother's side (setting aside the probable illegitimacy of her son, Edmund). He also never claimed the throne through his possiby illegitimate Yorkist wife, but his son, Henry VIII, claimed the throne through his mother, not his father.
No male Beaufort had ever claimed the throne. They were all loyal Lancastrians, honoring Henry IV's dictate that they were not eligible for the throne.
I can't see Buckingham honoring a Beaufort claim at all even though his mother was a Beaufort. But if he disposed of Richard and all his nephews and considered the legitimate Lancastrian line as extinct (which it was, with the exception of a few European monarchs and their relatives, all of whom had a better claim than Henry), he would only have to contend with a few Percys and Bourchiers whose families had never claimed the throne. Oh, and the de la Poles, but he probably didn't give a thought to John and his young brothers.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-19 22:10:05
Well, I just tried again from the Yahoo files area & it opens fine for me.
It's an .rtf file which generally any word processor can open. If you
send me your e-mail address I will e-mail it to you directly. It is way
too long to paste into the body of an e-mail, & this group doesn't allow
attachments. (I belong to another Yahoogroup which does allow attachments
to be sent, but doesn't store them).
A J
On Sun, May 19, 2013 at 2:13 PM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
>
>
> A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...> wrote:
> >
> > See the file I posted to the files area for the text of the document
> cited (Rolls of Parliament VI).
> >
> Carol responds:
>
> Thanks, AJ. That would be very useful, but, unfortunately, I can't get it
> to open. I get the option to save or open, but when I save it, there's
> nothing there, and now the "open" option is no longer available.
>
> Can you try again, making it a Word file instead of a text file and
> checking the box that sends a message to the group with the link? (Maybe
> you already did, but I'm behind in reading the posts and haven't seen it,
> and as I said, I can't open it from the Files page, which suggests that the
> link in the post might not work, either.)
>
> The file is labeled Buckingham Rolls of Parliament of something like that,
> right, all one word as I remember?
>
> Thanks,
> Carol
>
>
>
It's an .rtf file which generally any word processor can open. If you
send me your e-mail address I will e-mail it to you directly. It is way
too long to paste into the body of an e-mail, & this group doesn't allow
attachments. (I belong to another Yahoogroup which does allow attachments
to be sent, but doesn't store them).
A J
On Sun, May 19, 2013 at 2:13 PM, justcarol67 <justcarol67@...> wrote:
> **
>
>
>
>
> A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...> wrote:
> >
> > See the file I posted to the files area for the text of the document
> cited (Rolls of Parliament VI).
> >
> Carol responds:
>
> Thanks, AJ. That would be very useful, but, unfortunately, I can't get it
> to open. I get the option to save or open, but when I save it, there's
> nothing there, and now the "open" option is no longer available.
>
> Can you try again, making it a Word file instead of a text file and
> checking the box that sends a message to the group with the link? (Maybe
> you already did, but I'm behind in reading the posts and haven't seen it,
> and as I said, I can't open it from the Files page, which suggests that the
> link in the post might not work, either.)
>
> The file is labeled Buckingham Rolls of Parliament of something like that,
> right, all one word as I remember?
>
> Thanks,
> Carol
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-19 22:45:05
From: coral nelson
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 8:32 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> I am reading again The Sunne in Splendour and can only deduce the Edward
> would only commit. Fraticide - a mortal sin if there was a risk to his
> sons. Titulus Regulis must be true. Goerge had commited enough treason
> over the years to have earned it. But when it occured he appeared to have
> been either mad with grief or drunken madness. Can you think of any other
> king who commited fraticide? Even under dire circumstances. Kind regards.
> Coral
I believe fratricide was common at the Turkish court - it was basically last
man standing gets the throne. I don't know any British examples. James III
of Scotland was murdered by a faction who wanted to put his son on the
throne, and his son James IV did penance for it all his life - but he was
too young at the time to be really responsible.
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 8:32 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> I am reading again The Sunne in Splendour and can only deduce the Edward
> would only commit. Fraticide - a mortal sin if there was a risk to his
> sons. Titulus Regulis must be true. Goerge had commited enough treason
> over the years to have earned it. But when it occured he appeared to have
> been either mad with grief or drunken madness. Can you think of any other
> king who commited fraticide? Even under dire circumstances. Kind regards.
> Coral
I believe fratricide was common at the Turkish court - it was basically last
man standing gets the throne. I don't know any British examples. James III
of Scotland was murdered by a faction who wanted to put his son on the
throne, and his son James IV did penance for it all his life - but he was
too young at the time to be really responsible.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-19 22:45:50
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 6:50 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> Especially by the target audience (Vergil himself)? If More had meant the
> book to be read by a wider audience, he would have published it. Maybe he
> was losing his interest in that particular project by 1519, but he hadn't
> lost that sardonic sense of humor. Look at the title he gave his "Utopia,"
> literally, "A Truly Golden Little Book,
OK, I'll buy the idea that the history of Richard is probably a joke - but
I'm not convinced that the wrongful date is part of that joke and not just
sloppy note-taking. It could be either.
The discrepancy of a few days in the length of the reign btw could be
something to do with different ways of handling leap-years.
Shakespeare's plays are certainly stuffed full of puns.
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 6:50 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> Especially by the target audience (Vergil himself)? If More had meant the
> book to be read by a wider audience, he would have published it. Maybe he
> was losing his interest in that particular project by 1519, but he hadn't
> lost that sardonic sense of humor. Look at the title he gave his "Utopia,"
> literally, "A Truly Golden Little Book,
OK, I'll buy the idea that the history of Richard is probably a joke - but
I'm not convinced that the wrongful date is part of that joke and not just
sloppy note-taking. It could be either.
The discrepancy of a few days in the length of the reign btw could be
something to do with different ways of handling leap-years.
Shakespeare's plays are certainly stuffed full of puns.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-19 22:46:34
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 9:02 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> Tyrell was executed, as I'm sure you know, for a completely different act
> of "treason," aiding Edmund de la Pole, one of the Yorkist pretenders. I'm
> sure that his act of attainder is on record somewhere.
Yes. But Henry's men were presumably just as capable as we are of wondering
where the boys went and whether Tyrrell was involved in spiriting them away,
so he may well have been asked questions about them on the side. And if he
was then the best way of ensuring their safety *and* saving himself from
being tortured would be to come up with a good lie.
> Henry used that familiar Tudor tactic of putting a vague rumor into
> circulation after both Tyrell and Perkin Warbeck, the last person claiming
> to be a son of Edward IV, were safely dead,
Yes, absolutely - he wanted to give the general impression that they were
dead without committing himself to something he suspected wasn't true.
> The idea that the laconic and unimaginative Henry would have given out a
> detailed confession, true or invented, is hard to swallow,
To be sure. *If* Tyrrell made a false confession, Henry was evidently
bright and paranoid enough to not believe a word of it.
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 9:02 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> Tyrell was executed, as I'm sure you know, for a completely different act
> of "treason," aiding Edmund de la Pole, one of the Yorkist pretenders. I'm
> sure that his act of attainder is on record somewhere.
Yes. But Henry's men were presumably just as capable as we are of wondering
where the boys went and whether Tyrrell was involved in spiriting them away,
so he may well have been asked questions about them on the side. And if he
was then the best way of ensuring their safety *and* saving himself from
being tortured would be to come up with a good lie.
> Henry used that familiar Tudor tactic of putting a vague rumor into
> circulation after both Tyrell and Perkin Warbeck, the last person claiming
> to be a son of Edward IV, were safely dead,
Yes, absolutely - he wanted to give the general impression that they were
dead without committing himself to something he suspected wasn't true.
> The idea that the laconic and unimaginative Henry would have given out a
> detailed confession, true or invented, is hard to swallow,
To be sure. *If* Tyrrell made a false confession, Henry was evidently
bright and paranoid enough to not believe a word of it.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-19 22:47:30
And in Constantinople at the before the End of Christiandom.
On May 19, 2013, at 4:45 PM, "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...<mailto:whitehound@...>> wrote:
From: coral nelson
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 8:32 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> I am reading again The Sunne in Splendour and can only deduce the Edward
> would only commit. Fraticide - a mortal sin if there was a risk to his
> sons. Titulus Regulis must be true. Goerge had commited enough treason
> over the years to have earned it. But when it occured he appeared to have
> been either mad with grief or drunken madness. Can you think of any other
> king who commited fraticide? Even under dire circumstances. Kind regards.
> Coral
I believe fratricide was common at the Turkish court - it was basically last
man standing gets the throne. I don't know any British examples. James III
of Scotland was murdered by a faction who wanted to put his son on the
throne, and his son James IV did penance for it all his life - but he was
too young at the time to be really responsible.
On May 19, 2013, at 4:45 PM, "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...<mailto:whitehound@...>> wrote:
From: coral nelson
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 8:32 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> I am reading again The Sunne in Splendour and can only deduce the Edward
> would only commit. Fraticide - a mortal sin if there was a risk to his
> sons. Titulus Regulis must be true. Goerge had commited enough treason
> over the years to have earned it. But when it occured he appeared to have
> been either mad with grief or drunken madness. Can you think of any other
> king who commited fraticide? Even under dire circumstances. Kind regards.
> Coral
I believe fratricide was common at the Turkish court - it was basically last
man standing gets the throne. I don't know any British examples. James III
of Scotland was murdered by a faction who wanted to put his son on the
throne, and his son James IV did penance for it all his life - but he was
too young at the time to be really responsible.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-19 23:19:29
Hi
There are two schools of thought that Shakespeare's play Richard III parodies the Cecils and that the character of Richard is a caricature of Robert Cecil. David B Schajer has a blog on http://shakespearesolved.blogspot.co.uk/2012/10/richard-iii-was-shakespeares-revenge.html where he claims that Holinshed's patron was William Cecil and that Shakespeare based the play on Holinshed's Chronicles. He also states the play was meant as a dig at leading politicians. The play is presumed to have been written in 1592. Sir Francis Walsingham had died in April 1590 and Burghley dies in 1598. We know that Shakespeare and other playwrights used topical allusions, which the audience would have understood so there is no reason to suppose that audiences would not have been aware that the characters were based on current politicians or in some cases courtiers. However, the problem would have been how far Shakespeare would wish to stick his neck out and risk censure and possible imprisonment. Contemporaries such as Jonson, Nashe and Middleton to name a few never managed to avoid imprisonment having fallen foul of the authorities.
Another theory is that it was written not by Shakespeare but Edward de Vere, Earl of Oxford, who satirised his brother-in-law, Robert Cecil who was known to have physical disabilities and a distinctly Machiavellian type of mind. See http://politicworm.com/oxford-shakespeare/the-big-six-candidates
Cecil had character traits of schemer, dissembler, and a willingness to use people to achieve his aims, which he used together with his underhanded scheming and plotting to eliminate possible rivals. This is seen in the way he conducted character assassinations of Raleigh and others and is mirrored in the portrayal of the fictitious Richard in the play. Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, was another rival who fell foul of him and it is commonly believed that he engineered the gunpowder plot. William Cecil, Lord Burghley, brought him into government although not into Elizabeth's inner circle at first but by plotting and making himself indispensable to the aging Elizabeth, he took over many duties including Walsingham's network of agents and spies, which gave him access to untold secrets. He was a prominent figure in the dealings over the succession and opened covert negotiations with James in Scotland whilst poisoning the mind of James as to who he could and could not trust in England as he conducted a long running secret correspondence. Not that James needed much persuasion in the case of Raleigh but it was Cecil's machination's that led to his arrest and trial on trumped up charges in the Main and Bye Plots and his eventual execution in 1618.
We also know that Shakespeare parodies Burghley as Polonius in Hamlet.
Elaine
--- In , "ricard1an" <maryfriend@...> wrote:
>
> Judy isn't there a school of thought that Shakespeare's" Richard III" was meant to be ironic and I have also read somewhere that it could have been a comment on the Tudors, but ofcourse Shakepeare wouldn't have dared name them as he was writing in Elizabeth's reign so he used Richard instead. I have got a book about Shakespeare written by Michael Wood. I have started to read it but for some reason did not finish it. He was suggesting ( if Iremember correctly) that Shakespeare was a Catholic and was not exactly a fan of Elizabeth.
>
> --- In , Judy Thomson <judygerard.thomson@> wrote:
> >
> > Carol, Â you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
> >
> > JudyÂ
> >
> > Â
> >
> >
> > Â
> > Loyaulte me lie
> >
> >
> > ________________________________
> > From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@>
> > To:
> > Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 11:56 AM
> > Subject: Re: Disappearance
> >
> >
> >
> > Â
> > "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> >
> > > I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
> >
> > Carol responds:
> >
> > I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
> >
> > At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
> >
> > Here's how the book opens:
> >
> > "Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
> >
> > So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
> >
> > I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
> >
> > Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
> >
> > Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
> >
> > To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
> >
> > Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
> >
> > Carol
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
There are two schools of thought that Shakespeare's play Richard III parodies the Cecils and that the character of Richard is a caricature of Robert Cecil. David B Schajer has a blog on http://shakespearesolved.blogspot.co.uk/2012/10/richard-iii-was-shakespeares-revenge.html where he claims that Holinshed's patron was William Cecil and that Shakespeare based the play on Holinshed's Chronicles. He also states the play was meant as a dig at leading politicians. The play is presumed to have been written in 1592. Sir Francis Walsingham had died in April 1590 and Burghley dies in 1598. We know that Shakespeare and other playwrights used topical allusions, which the audience would have understood so there is no reason to suppose that audiences would not have been aware that the characters were based on current politicians or in some cases courtiers. However, the problem would have been how far Shakespeare would wish to stick his neck out and risk censure and possible imprisonment. Contemporaries such as Jonson, Nashe and Middleton to name a few never managed to avoid imprisonment having fallen foul of the authorities.
Another theory is that it was written not by Shakespeare but Edward de Vere, Earl of Oxford, who satirised his brother-in-law, Robert Cecil who was known to have physical disabilities and a distinctly Machiavellian type of mind. See http://politicworm.com/oxford-shakespeare/the-big-six-candidates
Cecil had character traits of schemer, dissembler, and a willingness to use people to achieve his aims, which he used together with his underhanded scheming and plotting to eliminate possible rivals. This is seen in the way he conducted character assassinations of Raleigh and others and is mirrored in the portrayal of the fictitious Richard in the play. Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, was another rival who fell foul of him and it is commonly believed that he engineered the gunpowder plot. William Cecil, Lord Burghley, brought him into government although not into Elizabeth's inner circle at first but by plotting and making himself indispensable to the aging Elizabeth, he took over many duties including Walsingham's network of agents and spies, which gave him access to untold secrets. He was a prominent figure in the dealings over the succession and opened covert negotiations with James in Scotland whilst poisoning the mind of James as to who he could and could not trust in England as he conducted a long running secret correspondence. Not that James needed much persuasion in the case of Raleigh but it was Cecil's machination's that led to his arrest and trial on trumped up charges in the Main and Bye Plots and his eventual execution in 1618.
We also know that Shakespeare parodies Burghley as Polonius in Hamlet.
Elaine
--- In , "ricard1an" <maryfriend@...> wrote:
>
> Judy isn't there a school of thought that Shakespeare's" Richard III" was meant to be ironic and I have also read somewhere that it could have been a comment on the Tudors, but ofcourse Shakepeare wouldn't have dared name them as he was writing in Elizabeth's reign so he used Richard instead. I have got a book about Shakespeare written by Michael Wood. I have started to read it but for some reason did not finish it. He was suggesting ( if Iremember correctly) that Shakespeare was a Catholic and was not exactly a fan of Elizabeth.
>
> --- In , Judy Thomson <judygerard.thomson@> wrote:
> >
> > Carol, Â you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
> >
> > JudyÂ
> >
> > Â
> >
> >
> > Â
> > Loyaulte me lie
> >
> >
> > ________________________________
> > From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@>
> > To:
> > Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 11:56 AM
> > Subject: Re: Disappearance
> >
> >
> >
> > Â
> > "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> >
> > > I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
> >
> > Carol responds:
> >
> > I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
> >
> > At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
> >
> > Here's how the book opens:
> >
> > "Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
> >
> > So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
> >
> > I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
> >
> > Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
> >
> > Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
> >
> > To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
> >
> > Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
> >
> > Carol
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-19 23:21:30
Johanne Tournier wrote:
> [JLT] Annette doesn't say that Dr. Argentine was discharged in mid-June. She says that he was "the last" of the original group of attendants to Edward, and that "most" of the group were discharged in mid-June. At the middle of pg. 144 she notes that, despite that, Dr. Argentine was still attending the boys when they " . . . were transferred to the inner apartments he described." Note, as I wrote above, that Carson says that the boys were moved to the inner apartments of the Tower in the second or third week of July. She says that Dr. Argentine probably last saw the boys in late July or early August, when the John Welles conspiracy was discovered.
Carol responds:
Thanks. I've gone back and read what Annette wrote. I'll try to fit it with what I know from other sources. Mancini says that Argentine was the last of the servants to be removed. We know from a document recording payment for their services that the others were removed June 18, two days after Richard, then Duke of York, was moved to the Tower. Since Hastings had been executed on June 13, she seems to be correct that these precautions (which obviously don't include being moved farther into the Tower since little Richard has barely arrived) relate to the Hastings conspiracy.
We can probably assume that the "shotying and playing" reported in the Great Chronicle begins at this time. Edward would have no reason at this point to show any signs of despair since plans were still under way for his coronation, only perhaps a little sulkiness at being deprived of his servants, or irritation at the cheerful presence of his little brother.
His first fears, assuming that they were real and that Argentine really observed them, might have begun when he was told that his coronation had been postponed until November and increased when he learned of his uncle Anthony's execution on June 25 (assuming that anyone told him; maybe Dr, Argentine die) or the next day, June 26, when Richard acceded to the throne. Still, if the "shotying and playing" stories (which don't match well with preparing every day to die) are true, he couldn't have been all that depressed even after Richard's coronation on July 6 unless someone (Argentine?) was feeding him stories that he and his brother were in danger. *If* he was depressed and *if* Argentine witnessed it, Mancini (and Annette) must be right that Argentine stayed on after the other attendants left. However, Mancini had left England by the time of Richard's coronation, so these stories of depression and fear may relate only to the few days that Mancini remained in England after Richard's accession on June 26. They can relate to a later time only if Mancini and Argentine were in correspondence or, as Annette speculates, they met between July and December, which would mean that Argentine went to France since Mancini didn't return to England. So Argentine could have been dismissed when Richard became king, which would mean that Mancini need not have been in contact with him between July and December. Or he could have been retained, as Annette thinks, until the boys were moved into the inner apartments, which could be as early as late July ("the fact of an enterprise") or as late as early September (Croyland), which would mean that he must have remained in contact with Mancini.
Johanne wrote:
> Carson implies that there were at least two "attempts" (whatever they were) regarding the boys - one was the one "reported by Stow," which she says may have caused the boys to be moved to the inner apartments. She dates the transfer to the 2nd. to 3rd. week of July, so the attempt must have occurred no later than then, if Carson is correct. The other attempt is the "John Welles conspiracy," which she says was discovered "late July or early August," which she believes was also coincident with Argentine's last sighting of the boys.
Carol responds:
Okay, I hadn't realized that there were two attempts. The one reported by Stow must be the same as the one Richard reacts to in the July 29 "fact of an enterprise" letter, which Annette for some reason doesn't mention. If the Welles conspiracy occurred in early August, it has to be a separate incident. But if it occurred in late July, it could be the same one that Stow reported and that Richard refers to in his letter, which would mean one "rescue" attempt, not two. (There's no second letter written in August, so I'm not sure where Annette gets that date for the Welles conspiracy.)
She's assuming two things: first, that the boys were moved to the inner apartments soon after the "rescue" attempts, and, second, that Argentine was removed from his duties at that time. However, Croyland seems to date the greater security to early September, not July or August.
Anyway, to reiterate, the only hard facts I know that we have are dates (a few may be slightly off; I'm working from memory): Hastings's execution (June 13, 1483), Richard of York's removal from sanctuary to be with his brother in the Tower (June 16), last known document of Edward V's reign (June 17), removal of the servants (June 18), execution of Anthony Woodville (June 25), Richard's accession (June 26), Mancini's departure from England (before July 6), Richard's coronation (July 6), Richard's progress (July-September), Richard's letter about "the fact of an enterprise" (July 28), the sixteenth-century antiquarian Stow's after-the-fact report of a rescue attempt at about this time, Welles's "rescue attempt" (July or August? Same as Richard's "enterprise"?), Tyrell's trip to London (late August, early September), Croyland's report of tightened security at the time of E of M's [in?] as Prince of Wales (September 8), Croyland's report of "murmurings" about rescuing Edward IV's sons from "captivity" (same time), rumors of their deaths deliberately circulated (September?), Buckingham's letter to Tudor (September 24), failure of B's rebellion before the scheduled meeting date (October 18), last possible date for "shotying and playing" (October 23, the end of the mayoral year), rumors arise in London (after Easter, April 18, 1484).
To get back to Dr. Argentine--either he reported everything he thought or knew, including his own removal from Edward's service, before Mancini left England (and before Richard's coronation), in which case the boys disappeared into the "inner apartments" and rumors of Edward's death (not his brother's) arose impossibly early, or Annette is right and Argentine was dismissed later, some time between July and December but most likely September, and Mancini had contact with Argentine after Mancini left England.
Most traditionalists follow the first interpretation, leading to the belief that Edward was right to fear for his life and his wicked uncle had him killed either before he left on progress or at the hands of Sir James Tyrell while he (Richard) was en route to York. The few dates and documents we have fit the other interpretation, that Argentine was with Edward longer and that the disappearance into the inner apartments (perhaps not as gradual as Mancini depicts it as being) occurred later, after the "rescue" attempts but no later than September 8. By that time, the "certain persons appointed" to keep the boys in custody (Croyland) would not have included Dr. Argentine.
Just when (or whether) Mancini really saw men in tears for fear of Edward's fate is unclear. I like Annette's comment that this detail is just emotional coloring since Englishmen don't behave that way--not to mention that there was no cause whatever for concern at the time Mancini left. Poor depressed Edward, when he wasn't confessing his sins and preparing to die, was "shotying and playing" in the garden with his brother. The disappearance into the inner apartments, which surely coincides with Croyland's tightened custody under men selected for the purpose, comes only after the foiled rescue attempts, which we must assume precipitated Richard's decision to hide his nephews in some secure place. That decision, in turn, may have caused the rumors, or the rumors may simply have been a tool of the Tudor faction which had nothing to do with the real presence or absence of the boys in the Tower. Croyland never mentions their fate, which is evidently immaterial in his view after the rescue attempts cease. His lack of arm-waving and moralizing about the wicked king (which he does on lesser occasions like Christmas celebrations or "usurpation") probably indicates that he either thinks or knows that the rumors are untrue.
Sheesh! I'm exhausted from this post and I didn't even check my dates!
Carol
> [JLT] Annette doesn't say that Dr. Argentine was discharged in mid-June. She says that he was "the last" of the original group of attendants to Edward, and that "most" of the group were discharged in mid-June. At the middle of pg. 144 she notes that, despite that, Dr. Argentine was still attending the boys when they " . . . were transferred to the inner apartments he described." Note, as I wrote above, that Carson says that the boys were moved to the inner apartments of the Tower in the second or third week of July. She says that Dr. Argentine probably last saw the boys in late July or early August, when the John Welles conspiracy was discovered.
Carol responds:
Thanks. I've gone back and read what Annette wrote. I'll try to fit it with what I know from other sources. Mancini says that Argentine was the last of the servants to be removed. We know from a document recording payment for their services that the others were removed June 18, two days after Richard, then Duke of York, was moved to the Tower. Since Hastings had been executed on June 13, she seems to be correct that these precautions (which obviously don't include being moved farther into the Tower since little Richard has barely arrived) relate to the Hastings conspiracy.
We can probably assume that the "shotying and playing" reported in the Great Chronicle begins at this time. Edward would have no reason at this point to show any signs of despair since plans were still under way for his coronation, only perhaps a little sulkiness at being deprived of his servants, or irritation at the cheerful presence of his little brother.
His first fears, assuming that they were real and that Argentine really observed them, might have begun when he was told that his coronation had been postponed until November and increased when he learned of his uncle Anthony's execution on June 25 (assuming that anyone told him; maybe Dr, Argentine die) or the next day, June 26, when Richard acceded to the throne. Still, if the "shotying and playing" stories (which don't match well with preparing every day to die) are true, he couldn't have been all that depressed even after Richard's coronation on July 6 unless someone (Argentine?) was feeding him stories that he and his brother were in danger. *If* he was depressed and *if* Argentine witnessed it, Mancini (and Annette) must be right that Argentine stayed on after the other attendants left. However, Mancini had left England by the time of Richard's coronation, so these stories of depression and fear may relate only to the few days that Mancini remained in England after Richard's accession on June 26. They can relate to a later time only if Mancini and Argentine were in correspondence or, as Annette speculates, they met between July and December, which would mean that Argentine went to France since Mancini didn't return to England. So Argentine could have been dismissed when Richard became king, which would mean that Mancini need not have been in contact with him between July and December. Or he could have been retained, as Annette thinks, until the boys were moved into the inner apartments, which could be as early as late July ("the fact of an enterprise") or as late as early September (Croyland), which would mean that he must have remained in contact with Mancini.
Johanne wrote:
> Carson implies that there were at least two "attempts" (whatever they were) regarding the boys - one was the one "reported by Stow," which she says may have caused the boys to be moved to the inner apartments. She dates the transfer to the 2nd. to 3rd. week of July, so the attempt must have occurred no later than then, if Carson is correct. The other attempt is the "John Welles conspiracy," which she says was discovered "late July or early August," which she believes was also coincident with Argentine's last sighting of the boys.
Carol responds:
Okay, I hadn't realized that there were two attempts. The one reported by Stow must be the same as the one Richard reacts to in the July 29 "fact of an enterprise" letter, which Annette for some reason doesn't mention. If the Welles conspiracy occurred in early August, it has to be a separate incident. But if it occurred in late July, it could be the same one that Stow reported and that Richard refers to in his letter, which would mean one "rescue" attempt, not two. (There's no second letter written in August, so I'm not sure where Annette gets that date for the Welles conspiracy.)
She's assuming two things: first, that the boys were moved to the inner apartments soon after the "rescue" attempts, and, second, that Argentine was removed from his duties at that time. However, Croyland seems to date the greater security to early September, not July or August.
Anyway, to reiterate, the only hard facts I know that we have are dates (a few may be slightly off; I'm working from memory): Hastings's execution (June 13, 1483), Richard of York's removal from sanctuary to be with his brother in the Tower (June 16), last known document of Edward V's reign (June 17), removal of the servants (June 18), execution of Anthony Woodville (June 25), Richard's accession (June 26), Mancini's departure from England (before July 6), Richard's coronation (July 6), Richard's progress (July-September), Richard's letter about "the fact of an enterprise" (July 28), the sixteenth-century antiquarian Stow's after-the-fact report of a rescue attempt at about this time, Welles's "rescue attempt" (July or August? Same as Richard's "enterprise"?), Tyrell's trip to London (late August, early September), Croyland's report of tightened security at the time of E of M's [in?] as Prince of Wales (September 8), Croyland's report of "murmurings" about rescuing Edward IV's sons from "captivity" (same time), rumors of their deaths deliberately circulated (September?), Buckingham's letter to Tudor (September 24), failure of B's rebellion before the scheduled meeting date (October 18), last possible date for "shotying and playing" (October 23, the end of the mayoral year), rumors arise in London (after Easter, April 18, 1484).
To get back to Dr. Argentine--either he reported everything he thought or knew, including his own removal from Edward's service, before Mancini left England (and before Richard's coronation), in which case the boys disappeared into the "inner apartments" and rumors of Edward's death (not his brother's) arose impossibly early, or Annette is right and Argentine was dismissed later, some time between July and December but most likely September, and Mancini had contact with Argentine after Mancini left England.
Most traditionalists follow the first interpretation, leading to the belief that Edward was right to fear for his life and his wicked uncle had him killed either before he left on progress or at the hands of Sir James Tyrell while he (Richard) was en route to York. The few dates and documents we have fit the other interpretation, that Argentine was with Edward longer and that the disappearance into the inner apartments (perhaps not as gradual as Mancini depicts it as being) occurred later, after the "rescue" attempts but no later than September 8. By that time, the "certain persons appointed" to keep the boys in custody (Croyland) would not have included Dr. Argentine.
Just when (or whether) Mancini really saw men in tears for fear of Edward's fate is unclear. I like Annette's comment that this detail is just emotional coloring since Englishmen don't behave that way--not to mention that there was no cause whatever for concern at the time Mancini left. Poor depressed Edward, when he wasn't confessing his sins and preparing to die, was "shotying and playing" in the garden with his brother. The disappearance into the inner apartments, which surely coincides with Croyland's tightened custody under men selected for the purpose, comes only after the foiled rescue attempts, which we must assume precipitated Richard's decision to hide his nephews in some secure place. That decision, in turn, may have caused the rumors, or the rumors may simply have been a tool of the Tudor faction which had nothing to do with the real presence or absence of the boys in the Tower. Croyland never mentions their fate, which is evidently immaterial in his view after the rescue attempts cease. His lack of arm-waving and moralizing about the wicked king (which he does on lesser occasions like Christmas celebrations or "usurpation") probably indicates that he either thinks or knows that the rumors are untrue.
Sheesh! I'm exhausted from this post and I didn't even check my dates!
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-19 23:58:47
Hi, Carol!
If my husband were around, he would look at your post and say, "Now *that*
is an epistle!" <smiley>
I can see why you're exhausted. For your next project <'nother smiley>, you
may want to take a look at Buckingham and see if you can fit his whereabouts
into the events. I'm just a little skeptical about whether he can be so
readily dismissed as a prime suspect, as Annette does with little apparent
difficulty.
It would be fun to do up some alternate timelines and scenarios for the
possible culprits, wouldn't it?
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of justcarol67
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 7:21 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Disappearance
[JLT] <snip>
Carol wrote (in part) -
Anyway, to reiterate, the only hard facts I know that we have are dates (a
few may be slightly off; I'm working from memory): Hastings's execution
(June 13, 1483), Richard of York's removal from sanctuary to be with his
brother in the Tower (June 16), last known document of Edward V's reign
(June 17), removal of the servants (June 18), execution of Anthony Woodville
(June 25), Richard's accession (June 26), Mancini's departure from England
(before July 6), Richard's coronation (July 6), Richard's progress
(July-September), Richard's letter about "the fact of an enterprise" (July
28), the sixteenth-century antiquarian Stow's after-the-fact report of a
rescue attempt at about this time, Welles's "rescue attempt" (July or
August? Same as Richard's "enterprise"?), Tyrell's trip to London (late
August, early September), Croyland's report of tightened security at the
time of E of M's [in?] as Prince of Wales (September 8), Croyland's report
of "murmurings" about rescuing Edward IV's sons from "captivity" (same
time), rumors of their deaths deliberately circulated (September?),
Buckingham's letter to Tudor (September 24), failure of B's rebellion before
the scheduled meeting date (October 18), last possible date for "shotying
and playing" (October 23, the end of the mayoral year), rumors arise in
London (after Easter, April 18, 1484).
To get back to Dr. Argentine--either he reported everything he thought or
knew, including his own removal from Edward's service, before Mancini left
England (and before Richard's coronation), in which case the boys
disappeared into the "inner apartments" and rumors of Edward's death (not
his brother's) arose impossibly early, or Annette is right and Argentine was
dismissed later, some time between July and December but most likely
September, and Mancini had contact with Argentine after Mancini left
England.
Most traditionalists follow the first interpretation, leading to the belief
that Edward was right to fear for his life and his wicked uncle had him
killed either before he left on progress or at the hands of Sir James Tyrell
while he (Richard) was en route to York. The few dates and documents we have
fit the other interpretation, that Argentine was with Edward longer and that
the disappearance into the inner apartments (perhaps not as gradual as
Mancini depicts it as being) occurred later, after the "rescue" attempts but
no later than September 8. By that time, the "certain persons appointed" to
keep the boys in custody (Croyland) would not have included Dr. Argentine.
Just when (or whether) Mancini really saw men in tears for fear of Edward's
fate is unclear. I like Annette's comment that this detail is just emotional
coloring since Englishmen don't behave that way--not to mention that there
was no cause whatever for concern at the time Mancini left. Poor depressed
Edward, when he wasn't confessing his sins and preparing to die, was
"shotying and playing" in the garden with his brother. The disappearance
into the inner apartments, which surely coincides with Croyland's tightened
custody under men selected for the purpose, comes only after the foiled
rescue attempts, which we must assume precipitated Richard's decision to
hide his nephews in some secure place. That decision, in turn, may have
caused the rumors, or the rumors may simply have been a tool of the Tudor
faction which had nothing to do with the real presence or absence of the
boys in the Tower. Croyland never mentions their fate, which is evidently
immaterial in his view after the rescue attempts cease. His lack of
arm-waving and moralizing about the wicked king (which he does on lesser
occasions like Christmas celebrations or "usurpation") probably indicates
that he either thinks or knows that the rumors are untrue.
Sheesh! I'm exhausted from this post and I didn't even check my dates!
Carol
If my husband were around, he would look at your post and say, "Now *that*
is an epistle!" <smiley>
I can see why you're exhausted. For your next project <'nother smiley>, you
may want to take a look at Buckingham and see if you can fit his whereabouts
into the events. I'm just a little skeptical about whether he can be so
readily dismissed as a prime suspect, as Annette does with little apparent
difficulty.
It would be fun to do up some alternate timelines and scenarios for the
possible culprits, wouldn't it?
Loyaulte me lie,
Johanne
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Johanne L. Tournier
Email - jltournier60@...
or jltournier@...
"With God, all things are possible."
- Jesus of Nazareth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
From:
[mailto:] On Behalf Of justcarol67
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 7:21 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Disappearance
[JLT] <snip>
Carol wrote (in part) -
Anyway, to reiterate, the only hard facts I know that we have are dates (a
few may be slightly off; I'm working from memory): Hastings's execution
(June 13, 1483), Richard of York's removal from sanctuary to be with his
brother in the Tower (June 16), last known document of Edward V's reign
(June 17), removal of the servants (June 18), execution of Anthony Woodville
(June 25), Richard's accession (June 26), Mancini's departure from England
(before July 6), Richard's coronation (July 6), Richard's progress
(July-September), Richard's letter about "the fact of an enterprise" (July
28), the sixteenth-century antiquarian Stow's after-the-fact report of a
rescue attempt at about this time, Welles's "rescue attempt" (July or
August? Same as Richard's "enterprise"?), Tyrell's trip to London (late
August, early September), Croyland's report of tightened security at the
time of E of M's [in?] as Prince of Wales (September 8), Croyland's report
of "murmurings" about rescuing Edward IV's sons from "captivity" (same
time), rumors of their deaths deliberately circulated (September?),
Buckingham's letter to Tudor (September 24), failure of B's rebellion before
the scheduled meeting date (October 18), last possible date for "shotying
and playing" (October 23, the end of the mayoral year), rumors arise in
London (after Easter, April 18, 1484).
To get back to Dr. Argentine--either he reported everything he thought or
knew, including his own removal from Edward's service, before Mancini left
England (and before Richard's coronation), in which case the boys
disappeared into the "inner apartments" and rumors of Edward's death (not
his brother's) arose impossibly early, or Annette is right and Argentine was
dismissed later, some time between July and December but most likely
September, and Mancini had contact with Argentine after Mancini left
England.
Most traditionalists follow the first interpretation, leading to the belief
that Edward was right to fear for his life and his wicked uncle had him
killed either before he left on progress or at the hands of Sir James Tyrell
while he (Richard) was en route to York. The few dates and documents we have
fit the other interpretation, that Argentine was with Edward longer and that
the disappearance into the inner apartments (perhaps not as gradual as
Mancini depicts it as being) occurred later, after the "rescue" attempts but
no later than September 8. By that time, the "certain persons appointed" to
keep the boys in custody (Croyland) would not have included Dr. Argentine.
Just when (or whether) Mancini really saw men in tears for fear of Edward's
fate is unclear. I like Annette's comment that this detail is just emotional
coloring since Englishmen don't behave that way--not to mention that there
was no cause whatever for concern at the time Mancini left. Poor depressed
Edward, when he wasn't confessing his sins and preparing to die, was
"shotying and playing" in the garden with his brother. The disappearance
into the inner apartments, which surely coincides with Croyland's tightened
custody under men selected for the purpose, comes only after the foiled
rescue attempts, which we must assume precipitated Richard's decision to
hide his nephews in some secure place. That decision, in turn, may have
caused the rumors, or the rumors may simply have been a tool of the Tudor
faction which had nothing to do with the real presence or absence of the
boys in the Tower. Croyland never mentions their fate, which is evidently
immaterial in his view after the rescue attempts cease. His lack of
arm-waving and moralizing about the wicked king (which he does on lesser
occasions like Christmas celebrations or "usurpation") probably indicates
that he either thinks or knows that the rumors are untrue.
Sheesh! I'm exhausted from this post and I didn't even check my dates!
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-20 03:35:52
Not certain if this counts but but Harold Godwinson's brother Tostig was killed in battle fighting against Harold at the Battle of Stamford Bridge.
James
--- In , "coral nelson" <c.nelson1@...> wrote:
>
> I am reading again The Sunne in Splendour and can only deduce the Edward would only commit. Fraticide - a mortal sin if there was a risk to his sons. Titulus Regulis must be true. Goerge had commited enough treason over the years to have earned it. But when it occured he appeared to have been either mad with grief or drunken madness. Can you think of any other king who commited fraticide? Even under dire circumstances. Kind regards. Coral
> Sent from my BlackBerry® smartphone
>
> -----Original Message-----
> From: Judy Thomson <judygerard.thomson@...>
> Sender:
> Date: Sun, 19 May 2013 11:18:09
> To: <>
> Reply-To:
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
> Yes, very glad you're familiar with Utopia.Â
>
> May be a stretch, but if I'm calculating correctly (in my head, among the rocks) the age at death More gives Edward is way closer to that of Henry7 when HE bought the farm. I also seem to recall More's family suffered at the hands of the first Tudor.
>
> Does make one wonder.
>
> Judy
> Â
> Loyaulte me lie
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
> To:
> Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 12:50 PM
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
>
>
> Â
> Judy Thomson wrote:
> >
> > Carol,  you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
>
> Carol responds:
>
> Especially by the target audience (Vergil himself)? If More had meant the book to be read by a wider audience, he would have published it. Maybe he was losing his interest in that particular project by 1519, but he hadn't lost that sardonic sense of humor. Look at the title he gave his "Utopia," literally, "A Truly Golden Little Book, No Less Beneficial Than Entertaining, of the Best State of a Republic, and of the New Island Utopia." How is it that his biographers and critics (in the sense of literary criticism) can see the irony there but deny its presence in his "history" of Richard III?
>
> Carol
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
James
--- In , "coral nelson" <c.nelson1@...> wrote:
>
> I am reading again The Sunne in Splendour and can only deduce the Edward would only commit. Fraticide - a mortal sin if there was a risk to his sons. Titulus Regulis must be true. Goerge had commited enough treason over the years to have earned it. But when it occured he appeared to have been either mad with grief or drunken madness. Can you think of any other king who commited fraticide? Even under dire circumstances. Kind regards. Coral
> Sent from my BlackBerry® smartphone
>
> -----Original Message-----
> From: Judy Thomson <judygerard.thomson@...>
> Sender:
> Date: Sun, 19 May 2013 11:18:09
> To: <>
> Reply-To:
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
> Yes, very glad you're familiar with Utopia.Â
>
> May be a stretch, but if I'm calculating correctly (in my head, among the rocks) the age at death More gives Edward is way closer to that of Henry7 when HE bought the farm. I also seem to recall More's family suffered at the hands of the first Tudor.
>
> Does make one wonder.
>
> Judy
> Â
> Loyaulte me lie
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
> To:
> Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 12:50 PM
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
>
>
> Â
> Judy Thomson wrote:
> >
> > Carol,  you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
>
> Carol responds:
>
> Especially by the target audience (Vergil himself)? If More had meant the book to be read by a wider audience, he would have published it. Maybe he was losing his interest in that particular project by 1519, but he hadn't lost that sardonic sense of humor. Look at the title he gave his "Utopia," literally, "A Truly Golden Little Book, No Less Beneficial Than Entertaining, of the Best State of a Republic, and of the New Island Utopia." How is it that his biographers and critics (in the sense of literary criticism) can see the irony there but deny its presence in his "history" of Richard III?
>
> Carol
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-20 05:13:42
Oh my Lord, that is fascinating..... Yet another alley to travel. My, my, you lift up one stone, and so much is uncovered that is simply not known, or certainly not commonly known.
On May 19, 2013, at 5:19 PM, "ellrosa1452" <kathryn198@...<mailto:kathryn198@...>> wrote:
Hi
There are two schools of thought that Shakespeare's play Richard III parodies the Cecils and that the character of Richard is a caricature of Robert Cecil. David B Schajer has a blog on http://shakespearesolved.blogspot.co.uk/2012/10/richard-iii-was-shakespeares-revenge.html where he claims that Holinshed's patron was William Cecil and that Shakespeare based the play on Holinshed's Chronicles. He also states the play was meant as a dig at leading politicians. The play is presumed to have been written in 1592. Sir Francis Walsingham had died in April 1590 and Burghley dies in 1598. We know that Shakespeare and other playwrights used topical allusions, which the audience would have understood so there is no reason to suppose that audiences would not have been aware that the characters were based on current politicians or in some cases courtiers. However, the problem would have been how far Shakespeare would wish to stick his neck out and risk censure and possible imprisonment. Contemporaries such as Jonson, Nashe and Middleton to name a few never managed to avoid imprisonment having fallen foul of the authorities.
Another theory is that it was written not by Shakespeare but Edward de Vere, Earl of Oxford, who satirised his brother-in-law, Robert Cecil who was known to have physical disabilities and a distinctly Machiavellian type of mind. See http://politicworm.com/oxford-shakespeare/the-big-six-candidates
Cecil had character traits of schemer, dissembler, and a willingness to use people to achieve his aims, which he used together with his underhanded scheming and plotting to eliminate possible rivals. This is seen in the way he conducted character assassinations of Raleigh and others and is mirrored in the portrayal of the fictitious Richard in the play. Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, was another rival who fell foul of him and it is commonly believed that he engineered the gunpowder plot. William Cecil, Lord Burghley, brought him into government although not into Elizabeth's inner circle at first but by plotting and making himself indispensable to the aging Elizabeth, he took over many duties including Walsingham's network of agents and spies, which gave him access to untold secrets. He was a prominent figure in the dealings over the succession and opened covert negotiations with James in Scotland whilst poisoning the mind of James as to who he could and could not trust in England as he conducted a long running secret correspondence. Not that James needed much persuasion in the case of Raleigh but it was Cecil's machination's that led to his arrest and trial on trumped up charges in the Main and Bye Plots and his eventual execution in 1618.
We also know that Shakespeare parodies Burghley as Polonius in Hamlet.
Elaine
--- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "ricard1an" <maryfriend@...> wrote:
>
> Judy isn't there a school of thought that Shakespeare's" Richard III" was meant to be ironic and I have also read somewhere that it could have been a comment on the Tudors, but ofcourse Shakepeare wouldn't have dared name them as he was writing in Elizabeth's reign so he used Richard instead. I have got a book about Shakespeare written by Michael Wood. I have started to read it but for some reason did not finish it. He was suggesting ( if Iremember correctly) that Shakespeare was a Catholic and was not exactly a fan of Elizabeth.
>
> --- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, Judy Thomson <judygerard.thomson@> wrote:
> >
> > Carol, ý you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
> >
> > Judyý
> >
> > ý
> >
> >
> > ý
> > Loyaulte me lie
> >
> >
> > ________________________________
> > From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@>
> > To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> > Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 11:56 AM
> > Subject: Re: Disappearance
> >
> >
> >
> > ý
> > "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> >
> > > I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
> >
> > Carol responds:
> >
> > I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
> >
> > At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
> >
> > Here's how the book opens:
> >
> > "Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
> >
> > So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
> >
> > I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
> >
> > Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
> >
> > Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
> >
> > To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
> >
> > Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
> >
> > Carol
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
On May 19, 2013, at 5:19 PM, "ellrosa1452" <kathryn198@...<mailto:kathryn198@...>> wrote:
Hi
There are two schools of thought that Shakespeare's play Richard III parodies the Cecils and that the character of Richard is a caricature of Robert Cecil. David B Schajer has a blog on http://shakespearesolved.blogspot.co.uk/2012/10/richard-iii-was-shakespeares-revenge.html where he claims that Holinshed's patron was William Cecil and that Shakespeare based the play on Holinshed's Chronicles. He also states the play was meant as a dig at leading politicians. The play is presumed to have been written in 1592. Sir Francis Walsingham had died in April 1590 and Burghley dies in 1598. We know that Shakespeare and other playwrights used topical allusions, which the audience would have understood so there is no reason to suppose that audiences would not have been aware that the characters were based on current politicians or in some cases courtiers. However, the problem would have been how far Shakespeare would wish to stick his neck out and risk censure and possible imprisonment. Contemporaries such as Jonson, Nashe and Middleton to name a few never managed to avoid imprisonment having fallen foul of the authorities.
Another theory is that it was written not by Shakespeare but Edward de Vere, Earl of Oxford, who satirised his brother-in-law, Robert Cecil who was known to have physical disabilities and a distinctly Machiavellian type of mind. See http://politicworm.com/oxford-shakespeare/the-big-six-candidates
Cecil had character traits of schemer, dissembler, and a willingness to use people to achieve his aims, which he used together with his underhanded scheming and plotting to eliminate possible rivals. This is seen in the way he conducted character assassinations of Raleigh and others and is mirrored in the portrayal of the fictitious Richard in the play. Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, was another rival who fell foul of him and it is commonly believed that he engineered the gunpowder plot. William Cecil, Lord Burghley, brought him into government although not into Elizabeth's inner circle at first but by plotting and making himself indispensable to the aging Elizabeth, he took over many duties including Walsingham's network of agents and spies, which gave him access to untold secrets. He was a prominent figure in the dealings over the succession and opened covert negotiations with James in Scotland whilst poisoning the mind of James as to who he could and could not trust in England as he conducted a long running secret correspondence. Not that James needed much persuasion in the case of Raleigh but it was Cecil's machination's that led to his arrest and trial on trumped up charges in the Main and Bye Plots and his eventual execution in 1618.
We also know that Shakespeare parodies Burghley as Polonius in Hamlet.
Elaine
--- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "ricard1an" <maryfriend@...> wrote:
>
> Judy isn't there a school of thought that Shakespeare's" Richard III" was meant to be ironic and I have also read somewhere that it could have been a comment on the Tudors, but ofcourse Shakepeare wouldn't have dared name them as he was writing in Elizabeth's reign so he used Richard instead. I have got a book about Shakespeare written by Michael Wood. I have started to read it but for some reason did not finish it. He was suggesting ( if Iremember correctly) that Shakespeare was a Catholic and was not exactly a fan of Elizabeth.
>
> --- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, Judy Thomson <judygerard.thomson@> wrote:
> >
> > Carol, ý you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
> >
> > Judyý
> >
> > ý
> >
> >
> > ý
> > Loyaulte me lie
> >
> >
> > ________________________________
> > From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@>
> > To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> > Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 11:56 AM
> > Subject: Re: Disappearance
> >
> >
> >
> > ý
> > "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> >
> > > I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
> >
> > Carol responds:
> >
> > I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
> >
> > At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
> >
> > Here's how the book opens:
> >
> > "Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
> >
> > So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
> >
> > I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
> >
> > Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
> >
> > Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
> >
> > To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
> >
> > Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
> >
> > Carol
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-20 05:14:28
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 11:21 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> only perhaps a little sulkiness at being deprived of his servants,
He was twelve and had just lost (in one sense or another) his father, uncle,
half-brother and home - I think losing all his familiar servants as well
would justify more than a bit of sulkiness! That's assuming, of course,
that they were sacked on Richard's say-so, and not his own - do we know?
> or Annette is right and Argentine was dismissed later, some time between
> July and December but most likely September, and Mancini had contact with
> Argentine after Mancini left England.
That would be my assumption.
> Just when (or whether) Mancini really saw men in tears for fear of
> Edward's fate is unclear. I like Annette's comment that this detail is
> just emotional coloring since Englishmen don't behave that way
Actually that's probably not true - there was a documentary series recently
about the development of the British stiff upper lip, and apparently it's a
fairly recent innovation. Remember von Poppelau's comments about people
kissing each other wherever you went - and somewhere I found a quote about
Englishmen of about that time being in the habit of getting roaring drunk
and then climbing into the church tower and ringing the bells "for hours
together".
> His lack of arm-waving and moralizing about the wicked king (which he does
> on lesser occasions like Christmas celebrations or "usurpation") probably
> indicates that he either thinks or knows that the rumors are untrue.
Good point.
To:
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 11:21 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> only perhaps a little sulkiness at being deprived of his servants,
He was twelve and had just lost (in one sense or another) his father, uncle,
half-brother and home - I think losing all his familiar servants as well
would justify more than a bit of sulkiness! That's assuming, of course,
that they were sacked on Richard's say-so, and not his own - do we know?
> or Annette is right and Argentine was dismissed later, some time between
> July and December but most likely September, and Mancini had contact with
> Argentine after Mancini left England.
That would be my assumption.
> Just when (or whether) Mancini really saw men in tears for fear of
> Edward's fate is unclear. I like Annette's comment that this detail is
> just emotional coloring since Englishmen don't behave that way
Actually that's probably not true - there was a documentary series recently
about the development of the British stiff upper lip, and apparently it's a
fairly recent innovation. Remember von Poppelau's comments about people
kissing each other wherever you went - and somewhere I found a quote about
Englishmen of about that time being in the habit of getting roaring drunk
and then climbing into the church tower and ringing the bells "for hours
together".
> His lack of arm-waving and moralizing about the wicked king (which he does
> on lesser occasions like Christmas celebrations or "usurpation") probably
> indicates that he either thinks or knows that the rumors are untrue.
Good point.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-20 09:23:18
Much closer, kings were pretty good at getting rid of uncles but by more devious means (R2). Perhaps that's where Edward got the idea?
________________________________
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...>
To: "<>" <>
Sent: Sunday, 19 May 2013, 22:47
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
And in Constantinople at the before the End of Christiandom.
On May 19, 2013, at 4:45 PM, "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...<mailto:whitehound@...>> wrote:
From: coral nelson
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 8:32 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> I am reading again The Sunne in Splendour and can only deduce the Edward
> would only commit. Fraticide - a mortal sin if there was a risk to his
> sons. Titulus Regulis must be true. Goerge had commited enough treason
> over the years to have earned it. But when it occured he appeared to have
> been either mad with grief or drunken madness. Can you think of any other
> king who commited fraticide? Even under dire circumstances. Kind regards.
> Coral
I believe fratricide was common at the Turkish court - it was basically last
man standing gets the throne. I don't know any British examples. James III
of Scotland was murdered by a faction who wanted to put his son on the
throne, and his son James IV did penance for it all his life - but he was
too young at the time to be really responsible.
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
________________________________
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...>
To: "<>" <>
Sent: Sunday, 19 May 2013, 22:47
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
And in Constantinople at the before the End of Christiandom.
On May 19, 2013, at 4:45 PM, "Claire M Jordan" <whitehound@...<mailto:whitehound@...>> wrote:
From: coral nelson
To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 8:32 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> I am reading again The Sunne in Splendour and can only deduce the Edward
> would only commit. Fraticide - a mortal sin if there was a risk to his
> sons. Titulus Regulis must be true. Goerge had commited enough treason
> over the years to have earned it. But when it occured he appeared to have
> been either mad with grief or drunken madness. Can you think of any other
> king who commited fraticide? Even under dire circumstances. Kind regards.
> Coral
I believe fratricide was common at the Turkish court - it was basically last
man standing gets the throne. I don't know any British examples. James III
of Scotland was murdered by a faction who wanted to put his son on the
throne, and his son James IV did penance for it all his life - but he was
too young at the time to be really responsible.
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-20 16:48:09
david rayner wrote:
"I get that there's little love here for Henry, but however bogus his claim
it was legitimate as far as his regime is concerned, and Lancastrian die
hards were prepared to support it in lieu of anything more credible.
So, had Buckingham lived, the said Duke would have been a lot closer to the
succession than he ever would under Richard."
Doug here:
Once Henry had conquered England, any other claims made to strengthen his
title would automatically be "legitimate", whether true or not. That's where
being the king comes in. The "die-hard" Lancastrians supported Henry out of
sheer necessity. Their choice was either Henry, with his very dodgy claim,
or making their peace with the Yorkists. Apparently the latter was too much
to stomach.
And whether under Richard *or* Henry, Buckingham would have still been far
down in the line of succession:
Richard to Edward to the de la Poles, followed by several other Yorkists
(Mortimers?)with claims better than Buckingham's.
Henry to any of Henry's sons (as yet unborn) to - who? There were no
legitimate Lancastrian heirs so, unless a member of the Portugese or Spanish
Royal Houses was induced to take the throne, all that were left were more
Yorkists, and *all* of them with a better legitimate claim to the throne
than Buckingham.
Now, if the argument is that Henry, having conquered England can name
whomever he wishes to be in the line of succession, that becomes a different
matter.
But whether one goes by legitimate Lancastrian descent *or* legitimate
Yorkist descent, Buckingham just wasn't a contender. We know letters were
sent to Tudor by Buckingham and we also know that, before Bosworth, all the
information we have only supports Buckingham wanting Tudor to get a move on
and get his troops to England. If I'm not mistaken, it's only *after*
Bosworth, and Buckingham's execution, that the idea that Buckingham agreed
to support Tudor's claim to the throne shows up.
Just in time to rally some Yorkists and Woodvilles to Henry. Rather
convenient, that.
If anyone has any information that disproves that, I'll certainly amend my
interpretation of the events.
Doug
"I get that there's little love here for Henry, but however bogus his claim
it was legitimate as far as his regime is concerned, and Lancastrian die
hards were prepared to support it in lieu of anything more credible.
So, had Buckingham lived, the said Duke would have been a lot closer to the
succession than he ever would under Richard."
Doug here:
Once Henry had conquered England, any other claims made to strengthen his
title would automatically be "legitimate", whether true or not. That's where
being the king comes in. The "die-hard" Lancastrians supported Henry out of
sheer necessity. Their choice was either Henry, with his very dodgy claim,
or making their peace with the Yorkists. Apparently the latter was too much
to stomach.
And whether under Richard *or* Henry, Buckingham would have still been far
down in the line of succession:
Richard to Edward to the de la Poles, followed by several other Yorkists
(Mortimers?)with claims better than Buckingham's.
Henry to any of Henry's sons (as yet unborn) to - who? There were no
legitimate Lancastrian heirs so, unless a member of the Portugese or Spanish
Royal Houses was induced to take the throne, all that were left were more
Yorkists, and *all* of them with a better legitimate claim to the throne
than Buckingham.
Now, if the argument is that Henry, having conquered England can name
whomever he wishes to be in the line of succession, that becomes a different
matter.
But whether one goes by legitimate Lancastrian descent *or* legitimate
Yorkist descent, Buckingham just wasn't a contender. We know letters were
sent to Tudor by Buckingham and we also know that, before Bosworth, all the
information we have only supports Buckingham wanting Tudor to get a move on
and get his troops to England. If I'm not mistaken, it's only *after*
Bosworth, and Buckingham's execution, that the idea that Buckingham agreed
to support Tudor's claim to the throne shows up.
Just in time to rally some Yorkists and Woodvilles to Henry. Rather
convenient, that.
If anyone has any information that disproves that, I'll certainly amend my
interpretation of the events.
Doug
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-20 17:05:54
Carol wrote:
"Well, since he wrote to Tudor on September 24, he had definitely been in
Brecon long enough to be, er, influenced by Bishop Morton by that time. I
think that Richard's last recorded payment to him (to reimburse the men who
actually carried out the commissions of the peace???) was September 16. I
can't remember where I read that, maybe in Carson's "Maligned King" or
Kendall's "Richard III." It's not in Girders or the chronicles I've been
citing."
//snip//
Doug here:
Going by the "Itinerary", which you so kindly provided, *wherever*
Buckingham was, it looks to me as if he was there until that gap between 28
August and 24 September. I do find it interesting that letter concerning the
"enterprise" was dated 29 August, but I don't know how far we can go with
that.
If Buckingham was, as I tend to think, still in London issuing all those
commissions, got word that the "enterprise" had been discovered and, rather
than risk his involvement becoming known. scampered off to Wales, that
would, at least, imply that any plan to replace Richard with Buckingham
evolved *before* September, 1483. Or wouldn't it?
Are we certain that Morton *was* in Wales and *not* with Buckingham
(wherever he was)?
Doug
(Okay, I went there...)
"Well, since he wrote to Tudor on September 24, he had definitely been in
Brecon long enough to be, er, influenced by Bishop Morton by that time. I
think that Richard's last recorded payment to him (to reimburse the men who
actually carried out the commissions of the peace???) was September 16. I
can't remember where I read that, maybe in Carson's "Maligned King" or
Kendall's "Richard III." It's not in Girders or the chronicles I've been
citing."
//snip//
Doug here:
Going by the "Itinerary", which you so kindly provided, *wherever*
Buckingham was, it looks to me as if he was there until that gap between 28
August and 24 September. I do find it interesting that letter concerning the
"enterprise" was dated 29 August, but I don't know how far we can go with
that.
If Buckingham was, as I tend to think, still in London issuing all those
commissions, got word that the "enterprise" had been discovered and, rather
than risk his involvement becoming known. scampered off to Wales, that
would, at least, imply that any plan to replace Richard with Buckingham
evolved *before* September, 1483. Or wouldn't it?
Are we certain that Morton *was* in Wales and *not* with Buckingham
(wherever he was)?
Doug
(Okay, I went there...)
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-20 18:09:35
A J Hibbard wrote:
>
> I've uploaded the text of the reference from Rot. Parl. VI. It does not include the contents of the letter or letters written by Buckingham [snip]
>
> The Act does give a date of 24 September, as also "many other tymes before and after" that the "said Duke" by "his severall writyngs and messages by hym sent, procured, moved and stirred Henry callyng hymself Erle of Richemound, and Jasper late Erle of Pembroke, beyng than beyond the See in Britayn, greate Enemyes of owre said Soveraign Lorde, to make a great Navye, and bryng with theym an Armee and great nowmber of people Straungiers from Britayn over the See"
Carol responds:
Thank you *very* much. For some reason, I seem to be reading the messages out of order, but oh, well. I'll catch up eventually! The file downloaded properly this time, and it should prove very useful. Where did you find it? The site will be very useful and I'd like to bookmark it for future reference. Also, do you have a specific date for this bill? I assume that it's sometime in January 1484.
The bill of attainder is interesting for a number of reasons, some of which you mentioned already. It confirms the date of the (presumably confiscated) letter, September 24, and implies that it was not the first or last (how Parliament knows that is not clear). It provides specific names (someday someone can trace these to see how many were diehard Lancastrians who had been in exile with Henry and how many were dissident Yorkists who had served under Edward).
I noticed that the confiscated letter as summarized does invite Henry and Jasper to invade England but says nothing about Henry marrying EoY to become king. Either the Parliament suppressed this particular bit of treason and omitted it from the bill or, more likely, the letter contained no such invitation. At any rate, the bill contains nothing to support the Croyland chronicler's contention that Buckingham such a statement (which most of us agree is improbable and out of character in any case).
I also noticed the detailed provision to protect the wives and widows of the attainted men and make sure that no property belonging to them, or to their husbands in right of their wives, is confiscated, rock-solid evidence of Richard's "benignyte and pitie." (Johann or anyone familiar with legalese, can you read the next-to-last paragraph--or rather, what looks like the next-to-last paragraph because of the break after "est or remayne"--and tell me whether I'm reading it correctly? It looks to me as if he's restoring any lands wrongfully taken by the attainted men to their rightful owners, his "true Lieges.")
Also, if I'm reading correctly, he pardoned a number of these "unnaturall Subgietts, Rebells and Traitours" out of the same "benignyte and pitie" even though they had stirred up his subjects to rebellion through "abusion and disceit" in the form of "sundrie and diverse false and traiterous pclamacions ayenst oure said Soveraigne Lorde." (At least one such proclamation, in which Henry signs himself as king, is extant--I think Annette prints it in her book, but it's from a later date. He's not calling himself king at this early date. Whether those proclamations state that he killed his nephews is unclear. Possibly, they only refer to the "usurpation"?)
It's at least clear that Tudor was to have landed at Plymouth on October 18 with his "greate Navie and Armye of Straungiers" (or the best that Francis of Britanny could scrape together, at any rate). On a side note, I think that the numbers here are greatly exaggerated and the repeatedly listed names give us a clearer indication of the number of Englishmen (as opposed to mercenary "straungiers") fully committed to the plot.
The wording about the intent to "destroie[...] oure said Soveraigne Lords moost Roiall psonne, his true Subgetts, and this his Reame" is reminiscent of Richard's letter to York regarding the earlier Woodville plot and in this case is certainly true. Perhaps historians should give more credence to Richard's letter?
Richard (with the advice and consent of Parliament) blames "the traiterous mocion and stirryng of the said late Duk [Buckingham]" for the participation in the plot of William Stonor and others, including Richard Woodville, which perhaps explains why he eventually pardoned them (if I recall correctly). His concern for "the comen weale, tranquillitie, and peax of his true Subjetts" is also abundantly clear. (It would be interesting to compare the wording of this bill of attainder with those produced by Edward IV's or Henry VII's Parliaments to see how much is standard and how much is pure Richard.)
The phrase "trewe rightwise and naturall Leige Lorde" with reference to Richard is also interesting and presumably reflects the view of Parliament (which passed the Titulus Regius during the same session) as well as Richard himself.
The paragrah on Buckingham strikes me as a calmer version of "most untrue creature living": "Henry late Duke of Bukingham, now late daies stondyng and beinge in as greate favoure, tender trust, and affection with the Kyng oure Sovereigne Lorde, as ever eny Subgiets was with his Prynce and Liege Lorde, as was notarily and opynly knowen by all this Reame; not beyng content therewith, ne with the good and politique governaunce of his said Sovereign Lorde, but replete with rancour and insatiable covetise."
Richard (and, by extension, Parliament) seems bewildered by Buckingham's treason and his failure to be content not only with the favors, trust, and affection given him by Richard but with Richard's "good and politique governaunce" (could that be a clue to his motives?) and attributes the betrayal to "rancour and insatiable covetise," but what cause he had for rancor is unclear as is what was left to covet other than the realm itself. Surely, he would not have received any such benefits from Henry. More important, there's no indication in the proclamation that Buckingham wanted Tudor as king, only that he wanted to depose and kill Richard, for which purpose he invited Tudor to join him.
Carol
>
> I've uploaded the text of the reference from Rot. Parl. VI. It does not include the contents of the letter or letters written by Buckingham [snip]
>
> The Act does give a date of 24 September, as also "many other tymes before and after" that the "said Duke" by "his severall writyngs and messages by hym sent, procured, moved and stirred Henry callyng hymself Erle of Richemound, and Jasper late Erle of Pembroke, beyng than beyond the See in Britayn, greate Enemyes of owre said Soveraign Lorde, to make a great Navye, and bryng with theym an Armee and great nowmber of people Straungiers from Britayn over the See"
Carol responds:
Thank you *very* much. For some reason, I seem to be reading the messages out of order, but oh, well. I'll catch up eventually! The file downloaded properly this time, and it should prove very useful. Where did you find it? The site will be very useful and I'd like to bookmark it for future reference. Also, do you have a specific date for this bill? I assume that it's sometime in January 1484.
The bill of attainder is interesting for a number of reasons, some of which you mentioned already. It confirms the date of the (presumably confiscated) letter, September 24, and implies that it was not the first or last (how Parliament knows that is not clear). It provides specific names (someday someone can trace these to see how many were diehard Lancastrians who had been in exile with Henry and how many were dissident Yorkists who had served under Edward).
I noticed that the confiscated letter as summarized does invite Henry and Jasper to invade England but says nothing about Henry marrying EoY to become king. Either the Parliament suppressed this particular bit of treason and omitted it from the bill or, more likely, the letter contained no such invitation. At any rate, the bill contains nothing to support the Croyland chronicler's contention that Buckingham such a statement (which most of us agree is improbable and out of character in any case).
I also noticed the detailed provision to protect the wives and widows of the attainted men and make sure that no property belonging to them, or to their husbands in right of their wives, is confiscated, rock-solid evidence of Richard's "benignyte and pitie." (Johann or anyone familiar with legalese, can you read the next-to-last paragraph--or rather, what looks like the next-to-last paragraph because of the break after "est or remayne"--and tell me whether I'm reading it correctly? It looks to me as if he's restoring any lands wrongfully taken by the attainted men to their rightful owners, his "true Lieges.")
Also, if I'm reading correctly, he pardoned a number of these "unnaturall Subgietts, Rebells and Traitours" out of the same "benignyte and pitie" even though they had stirred up his subjects to rebellion through "abusion and disceit" in the form of "sundrie and diverse false and traiterous pclamacions ayenst oure said Soveraigne Lorde." (At least one such proclamation, in which Henry signs himself as king, is extant--I think Annette prints it in her book, but it's from a later date. He's not calling himself king at this early date. Whether those proclamations state that he killed his nephews is unclear. Possibly, they only refer to the "usurpation"?)
It's at least clear that Tudor was to have landed at Plymouth on October 18 with his "greate Navie and Armye of Straungiers" (or the best that Francis of Britanny could scrape together, at any rate). On a side note, I think that the numbers here are greatly exaggerated and the repeatedly listed names give us a clearer indication of the number of Englishmen (as opposed to mercenary "straungiers") fully committed to the plot.
The wording about the intent to "destroie[...] oure said Soveraigne Lords moost Roiall psonne, his true Subgetts, and this his Reame" is reminiscent of Richard's letter to York regarding the earlier Woodville plot and in this case is certainly true. Perhaps historians should give more credence to Richard's letter?
Richard (with the advice and consent of Parliament) blames "the traiterous mocion and stirryng of the said late Duk [Buckingham]" for the participation in the plot of William Stonor and others, including Richard Woodville, which perhaps explains why he eventually pardoned them (if I recall correctly). His concern for "the comen weale, tranquillitie, and peax of his true Subjetts" is also abundantly clear. (It would be interesting to compare the wording of this bill of attainder with those produced by Edward IV's or Henry VII's Parliaments to see how much is standard and how much is pure Richard.)
The phrase "trewe rightwise and naturall Leige Lorde" with reference to Richard is also interesting and presumably reflects the view of Parliament (which passed the Titulus Regius during the same session) as well as Richard himself.
The paragrah on Buckingham strikes me as a calmer version of "most untrue creature living": "Henry late Duke of Bukingham, now late daies stondyng and beinge in as greate favoure, tender trust, and affection with the Kyng oure Sovereigne Lorde, as ever eny Subgiets was with his Prynce and Liege Lorde, as was notarily and opynly knowen by all this Reame; not beyng content therewith, ne with the good and politique governaunce of his said Sovereign Lorde, but replete with rancour and insatiable covetise."
Richard (and, by extension, Parliament) seems bewildered by Buckingham's treason and his failure to be content not only with the favors, trust, and affection given him by Richard but with Richard's "good and politique governaunce" (could that be a clue to his motives?) and attributes the betrayal to "rancour and insatiable covetise," but what cause he had for rancor is unclear as is what was left to covet other than the realm itself. Surely, he would not have received any such benefits from Henry. More important, there's no indication in the proclamation that Buckingham wanted Tudor as king, only that he wanted to depose and kill Richard, for which purpose he invited Tudor to join him.
Carol
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-20 18:31:29
I found a copy of the book "Rotuli Parliamentorum" VI on line (from the LDS
library, I think, very smeary text & so sometimes hard to read). Having
looked at only this one item, so far, I'm not sure if any of the acts have
specific dates, or are just dated to the particular session of Parliament.
This book does contain records of other Parliaments of Edward IV & Henry
VII, so I'll try to do a little prospecting for the language of other bills
of attainder, although I'm working this week, which seriously impacts my
sleuthing time.
Try
http://books.google.com/books/download/Rotuli_Parliamentorum_ut_et_petitiones_e.pdf?id=ZzFDAAAAcAAJ&hl=en&capid=AFLRE72cTrYkyt3h9XRDyhvOcG1TbnkulJVlEAFcA2DoG9UqirytptltHT_E4YXm4fxS90DhSjFl6WiRKsQdtk0c4EP8KBhCiA&continue=http://books.google.com/books/download/Rotuli_Parliamentorum_ut_et_petitiones_e.pdf%3Fid%3DZzFDAAAAcAAJ%26output%3Dpdf%26hl%3Den
A J
Or if that doesn't work, a search on "rotuli parliamentorum" volume 6. The
URL above actually looks like a better copy than the one I was working
from. It is a huge file ~100 MB.
>
<snip>
library, I think, very smeary text & so sometimes hard to read). Having
looked at only this one item, so far, I'm not sure if any of the acts have
specific dates, or are just dated to the particular session of Parliament.
This book does contain records of other Parliaments of Edward IV & Henry
VII, so I'll try to do a little prospecting for the language of other bills
of attainder, although I'm working this week, which seriously impacts my
sleuthing time.
Try
http://books.google.com/books/download/Rotuli_Parliamentorum_ut_et_petitiones_e.pdf?id=ZzFDAAAAcAAJ&hl=en&capid=AFLRE72cTrYkyt3h9XRDyhvOcG1TbnkulJVlEAFcA2DoG9UqirytptltHT_E4YXm4fxS90DhSjFl6WiRKsQdtk0c4EP8KBhCiA&continue=http://books.google.com/books/download/Rotuli_Parliamentorum_ut_et_petitiones_e.pdf%3Fid%3DZzFDAAAAcAAJ%26output%3Dpdf%26hl%3Den
A J
Or if that doesn't work, a search on "rotuli parliamentorum" volume 6. The
URL above actually looks like a better copy than the one I was working
from. It is a huge file ~100 MB.
>
<snip>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-20 19:40:25
Shakespeare seemed willing to take risks though. For example his first performance of Hamlet was to James I/VI and his queen (who was Danish) and is of course all about kings killing kings to take the throne and marry the same wife. It's unlikely that James would have missed the fact that this could have referred to his own mother who had had Darnley (his father) killed to marry Bothwell.
________________________________
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...>
To: "<>" <>
Sent: Monday, 20 May 2013, 2:42
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Oh my Lord, that is fascinating..... Yet another alley to travel. My, my, you lift up one stone, and so much is uncovered that is simply not known, or certainly not commonly known.
On May 19, 2013, at 5:19 PM, "ellrosa1452" <kathryn198@...<mailto:kathryn198@...>> wrote:
Hi
There are two schools of thought that Shakespeare's play Richard III parodies the Cecils and that the character of Richard is a caricature of Robert Cecil. David B Schajer has a blog on http://shakespearesolved.blogspot.co.uk/2012/10/richard-iii-was-shakespeares-revenge.html where he claims that Holinshed's patron was William Cecil and that Shakespeare based the play on Holinshed's Chronicles. He also states the play was meant as a dig at leading politicians. The play is presumed to have been written in 1592. Sir Francis Walsingham had died in April 1590 and Burghley dies in 1598. We know that Shakespeare and other playwrights used topical allusions, which the audience would have understood so there is no reason to suppose that audiences would not have been aware that the characters were based on current politicians or in some cases courtiers. However, the problem would have been how far Shakespeare would wish to stick his neck out and risk censure and
possible imprisonment. Contemporaries such as Jonson, Nashe and Middleton to name a few never managed to avoid imprisonment having fallen foul of the authorities.
Another theory is that it was written not by Shakespeare but Edward de Vere, Earl of Oxford, who satirised his brother-in-law, Robert Cecil who was known to have physical disabilities and a distinctly Machiavellian type of mind. See http://politicworm.com/oxford-shakespeare/the-big-six-candidates
Cecil had character traits of schemer, dissembler, and a willingness to use people to achieve his aims, which he used together with his underhanded scheming and plotting to eliminate possible rivals. This is seen in the way he conducted character assassinations of Raleigh and others and is mirrored in the portrayal of the fictitious Richard in the play. Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, was another rival who fell foul of him and it is commonly believed that he engineered the gunpowder plot. William Cecil, Lord Burghley, brought him into government although not into Elizabeth's inner circle at first but by plotting and making himself indispensable to the aging Elizabeth, he took over many duties including Walsingham's network of agents and spies, which gave him access to untold secrets. He was a prominent figure in the dealings over the succession and opened covert negotiations with James in Scotland whilst poisoning the mind of James as to who he could and
could not trust in England as he conducted a long running secret correspondence. Not that James needed much persuasion in the case of Raleigh but it was Cecil's machination's that led to his arrest and trial on trumped up charges in the Main and Bye Plots and his eventual execution in 1618.
We also know that Shakespeare parodies Burghley as Polonius in Hamlet.
Elaine
--- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "ricard1an" <maryfriend@...> wrote:
>
> Judy isn't there a school of thought that Shakespeare's" Richard III" was meant to be ironic and I have also read somewhere that it could have been a comment on the Tudors, but ofcourse Shakepeare wouldn't have dared name them as he was writing in Elizabeth's reign so he used Richard instead. I have got a book about Shakespeare written by Michael Wood. I have started to read it but for some reason did not finish it. He was suggesting ( if Iremember correctly) that Shakespeare was a Catholic and was not exactly a fan of Elizabeth.
>
> --- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, Judy Thomson <judygerard.thomson@> wrote:
> >
> > Carol, Â you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
> >
> > JudyÂ
> >
> > Â
> >
> >
> > Â
> > Loyaulte me lie
> >
> >
> > ________________________________
> > From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@>
> > To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> > Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 11:56 AM
> > Subject: Re: Disappearance
> >
> >
> >
> > Â
> > "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> >
> > > I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
> >
> > Carol responds:
> >
> > I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
> >
> > At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
> >
> > Here's how the book opens:
> >
> > "Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
> >
> > So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
> >
> > I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
> >
> > Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
> >
> > Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
> >
> > To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
> >
> > Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
> >
> > Carol
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
________________________________
From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...>
To: "<>" <>
Sent: Monday, 20 May 2013, 2:42
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Oh my Lord, that is fascinating..... Yet another alley to travel. My, my, you lift up one stone, and so much is uncovered that is simply not known, or certainly not commonly known.
On May 19, 2013, at 5:19 PM, "ellrosa1452" <kathryn198@...<mailto:kathryn198@...>> wrote:
Hi
There are two schools of thought that Shakespeare's play Richard III parodies the Cecils and that the character of Richard is a caricature of Robert Cecil. David B Schajer has a blog on http://shakespearesolved.blogspot.co.uk/2012/10/richard-iii-was-shakespeares-revenge.html where he claims that Holinshed's patron was William Cecil and that Shakespeare based the play on Holinshed's Chronicles. He also states the play was meant as a dig at leading politicians. The play is presumed to have been written in 1592. Sir Francis Walsingham had died in April 1590 and Burghley dies in 1598. We know that Shakespeare and other playwrights used topical allusions, which the audience would have understood so there is no reason to suppose that audiences would not have been aware that the characters were based on current politicians or in some cases courtiers. However, the problem would have been how far Shakespeare would wish to stick his neck out and risk censure and
possible imprisonment. Contemporaries such as Jonson, Nashe and Middleton to name a few never managed to avoid imprisonment having fallen foul of the authorities.
Another theory is that it was written not by Shakespeare but Edward de Vere, Earl of Oxford, who satirised his brother-in-law, Robert Cecil who was known to have physical disabilities and a distinctly Machiavellian type of mind. See http://politicworm.com/oxford-shakespeare/the-big-six-candidates
Cecil had character traits of schemer, dissembler, and a willingness to use people to achieve his aims, which he used together with his underhanded scheming and plotting to eliminate possible rivals. This is seen in the way he conducted character assassinations of Raleigh and others and is mirrored in the portrayal of the fictitious Richard in the play. Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, was another rival who fell foul of him and it is commonly believed that he engineered the gunpowder plot. William Cecil, Lord Burghley, brought him into government although not into Elizabeth's inner circle at first but by plotting and making himself indispensable to the aging Elizabeth, he took over many duties including Walsingham's network of agents and spies, which gave him access to untold secrets. He was a prominent figure in the dealings over the succession and opened covert negotiations with James in Scotland whilst poisoning the mind of James as to who he could and
could not trust in England as he conducted a long running secret correspondence. Not that James needed much persuasion in the case of Raleigh but it was Cecil's machination's that led to his arrest and trial on trumped up charges in the Main and Bye Plots and his eventual execution in 1618.
We also know that Shakespeare parodies Burghley as Polonius in Hamlet.
Elaine
--- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "ricard1an" <maryfriend@...> wrote:
>
> Judy isn't there a school of thought that Shakespeare's" Richard III" was meant to be ironic and I have also read somewhere that it could have been a comment on the Tudors, but ofcourse Shakepeare wouldn't have dared name them as he was writing in Elizabeth's reign so he used Richard instead. I have got a book about Shakespeare written by Michael Wood. I have started to read it but for some reason did not finish it. He was suggesting ( if Iremember correctly) that Shakespeare was a Catholic and was not exactly a fan of Elizabeth.
>
> --- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, Judy Thomson <judygerard.thomson@> wrote:
> >
> > Carol, Â you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
> >
> > JudyÂ
> >
> > Â
> >
> >
> > Â
> > Loyaulte me lie
> >
> >
> > ________________________________
> > From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@>
> > To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> > Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 11:56 AM
> > Subject: Re: Disappearance
> >
> >
> >
> > Â
> > "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> >
> > > I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
> >
> > Carol responds:
> >
> > I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
> >
> > At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
> >
> > Here's how the book opens:
> >
> > "Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
> >
> > So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
> >
> > I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
> >
> > Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
> >
> > Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
> >
> > To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
> >
> > Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
> >
> > Carol
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-20 22:26:19
I'm not attempting to prove the legitimacy of Turor claims. But, as you say, after Herny and his as yet unborn offspring, then who was the Lancastrian heir?
Henry being King automatically legitimizes the Beaufort claim, and the next in line to that after Henry Tudor and his ma were the descendents of Edmund Beaufort, the Duke of Somerset killed at St Albans (and alleged father of Edmund Tudor).
His legitimate line ended in his 6 daughters, one of which was Buckingham's mother.
Since Henry never named an heir before the birth of his son its imposible to say what would have happened had he been struck down, but following the logic of his claim, such as it was, would lead to this tangle of female lines.
________________________________
From: Douglas Eugene Stamate <destama@...>
To:
Sent: Sunday, 19 May 2013, 17:49
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
david rayner wrote:
"I get that there's little love here for Henry, but however bogus his claim
it was legitimate as far as his regime is concerned, and Lancastrian die
hards were prepared to support it in lieu of anything more credible.
So, had Buckingham lived, the said Duke would have been a lot closer to the
succession than he ever would under Richard."
Doug here:
Once Henry had conquered England, any other claims made to strengthen his
title would automatically be "legitimate", whether true or not. That's where
being the king comes in. The "die-hard" Lancastrians supported Henry out of
sheer necessity. Their choice was either Henry, with his very dodgy claim,
or making their peace with the Yorkists. Apparently the latter was too much
to stomach.
And whether under Richard *or* Henry, Buckingham would have still been far
down in the line of succession:
Richard to Edward to the de la Poles, followed by several other Yorkists
(Mortimers?)with claims better than Buckingham's.
Henry to any of Henry's sons (as yet unborn) to - who? There were no
legitimate Lancastrian heirs so, unless a member of the Portugese or Spanish
Royal Houses was induced to take the throne, all that were left were more
Yorkists, and *all* of them with a better legitimate claim to the throne
than Buckingham.
Now, if the argument is that Henry, having conquered England can name
whomever he wishes to be in the line of succession, that becomes a different
matter.
But whether one goes by legitimate Lancastrian descent *or* legitimate
Yorkist descent, Buckingham just wasn't a contender. We know letters were
sent to Tudor by Buckingham and we also know that, before Bosworth, all the
information we have only supports Buckingham wanting Tudor to get a move on
and get his troops to England. If I'm not mistaken, it's only *after*
Bosworth, and Buckingham's execution, that the idea that Buckingham agreed
to support Tudor's claim to the throne shows up.
Just in time to rally some Yorkists and Woodvilles to Henry. Rather
convenient, that.
If anyone has any information that disproves that, I'll certainly amend my
interpretation of the events.
Doug
Henry being King automatically legitimizes the Beaufort claim, and the next in line to that after Henry Tudor and his ma were the descendents of Edmund Beaufort, the Duke of Somerset killed at St Albans (and alleged father of Edmund Tudor).
His legitimate line ended in his 6 daughters, one of which was Buckingham's mother.
Since Henry never named an heir before the birth of his son its imposible to say what would have happened had he been struck down, but following the logic of his claim, such as it was, would lead to this tangle of female lines.
________________________________
From: Douglas Eugene Stamate <destama@...>
To:
Sent: Sunday, 19 May 2013, 17:49
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
david rayner wrote:
"I get that there's little love here for Henry, but however bogus his claim
it was legitimate as far as his regime is concerned, and Lancastrian die
hards were prepared to support it in lieu of anything more credible.
So, had Buckingham lived, the said Duke would have been a lot closer to the
succession than he ever would under Richard."
Doug here:
Once Henry had conquered England, any other claims made to strengthen his
title would automatically be "legitimate", whether true or not. That's where
being the king comes in. The "die-hard" Lancastrians supported Henry out of
sheer necessity. Their choice was either Henry, with his very dodgy claim,
or making their peace with the Yorkists. Apparently the latter was too much
to stomach.
And whether under Richard *or* Henry, Buckingham would have still been far
down in the line of succession:
Richard to Edward to the de la Poles, followed by several other Yorkists
(Mortimers?)with claims better than Buckingham's.
Henry to any of Henry's sons (as yet unborn) to - who? There were no
legitimate Lancastrian heirs so, unless a member of the Portugese or Spanish
Royal Houses was induced to take the throne, all that were left were more
Yorkists, and *all* of them with a better legitimate claim to the throne
than Buckingham.
Now, if the argument is that Henry, having conquered England can name
whomever he wishes to be in the line of succession, that becomes a different
matter.
But whether one goes by legitimate Lancastrian descent *or* legitimate
Yorkist descent, Buckingham just wasn't a contender. We know letters were
sent to Tudor by Buckingham and we also know that, before Bosworth, all the
information we have only supports Buckingham wanting Tudor to get a move on
and get his troops to England. If I'm not mistaken, it's only *after*
Bosworth, and Buckingham's execution, that the idea that Buckingham agreed
to support Tudor's claim to the throne shows up.
Just in time to rally some Yorkists and Woodvilles to Henry. Rather
convenient, that.
If anyone has any information that disproves that, I'll certainly amend my
interpretation of the events.
Doug
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-21 01:51:55
That makes it even more strange! Why do you think More deliberately changed names or dates like that? Was it a " clue" that the rest of his History is distorted as well?
Ishita Bandyo
Sent from my iPad
On May 17, 2013, at 5:31 PM, "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...> wrote:
>
>
> Ishita Bandyo wrote:
> >
> > He would never have passed high school with his knowledge of history! It would be like my answering Obama while being asked who was the President during WW2!
>
> Carol responds:
>
> Actually, More would have known that Edward, Duke of Buckingham (close to his own age) was the son of Henry, Duke of Buckingham (executed by Richard as a traitor), if only because he had read and partially followed, partially disagreed with Vergil's version of events. In other words, he would have known that Richard's Buckingham was Henry, not Edward. That's why the error stands out for me--along with many other scenes that aren't what they appear to be to people taking More's book as straightforward "history" (or even a moral tract indifferent to the facts).
>
> More does make errors of a more ordinary kind (such as his statement that Dr. Shaw's sermon referred to Edward IV's bastardy and not that of his children), but he doesn't ordinarily get first names wrong, especially not two in one sentence.
>
> Carol
>
>
Ishita Bandyo
Sent from my iPad
On May 17, 2013, at 5:31 PM, "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...> wrote:
>
>
> Ishita Bandyo wrote:
> >
> > He would never have passed high school with his knowledge of history! It would be like my answering Obama while being asked who was the President during WW2!
>
> Carol responds:
>
> Actually, More would have known that Edward, Duke of Buckingham (close to his own age) was the son of Henry, Duke of Buckingham (executed by Richard as a traitor), if only because he had read and partially followed, partially disagreed with Vergil's version of events. In other words, he would have known that Richard's Buckingham was Henry, not Edward. That's why the error stands out for me--along with many other scenes that aren't what they appear to be to people taking More's book as straightforward "history" (or even a moral tract indifferent to the facts).
>
> More does make errors of a more ordinary kind (such as his statement that Dr. Shaw's sermon referred to Edward IV's bastardy and not that of his children), but he doesn't ordinarily get first names wrong, especially not two in one sentence.
>
> Carol
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-21 02:14:57
Carol, that's what I am wondering! Why do the traditionalists still treat More as an undisputed source on Richard?
Ishita Bandyo
Sent from my iPad
On May 19, 2013, at 12:56 PM, "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...> wrote:
> "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
>
> > I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
>
> Carol responds:
>
> I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
>
> At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
>
> Here's how the book opens:
>
> "Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
>
> So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
>
> I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
>
> Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
>
> Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
>
> To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
>
> Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
>
> Carol
>
>
>
Ishita Bandyo
Sent from my iPad
On May 19, 2013, at 12:56 PM, "justcarol67" <justcarol67@...> wrote:
> "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
>
> > I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
>
> Carol responds:
>
> I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
>
> At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
>
> Here's how the book opens:
>
> "Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
>
> So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
>
> I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
>
> Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
>
> Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
>
> To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
>
> Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
>
> Carol
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-21 05:36:36
I'm not too familiar with More in detail, but didn't his son-in-law add things to the original before it was published? Do we know exactly which bits the SIL added? It may be possible that he made alterations which were completely wrong (like changing Buckingham's name) because he was even further away from the people and events described.
Ishita Bandyo bandyoi@... wrote:
Carol, that's what I am wondering! Why do the traditionalists still treat More as an undisputed source on Richard?
On May 19, 2013, at 12:56 PM, "justcarol67" <mailto:justcarol67%40yahoo.com> wrote:
> "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
>
> > I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
>
> Carol responds:
>
> I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
>
> At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
>
> Here's how the book opens:
>
> "Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
>
> So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
>
> I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
>
> Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
>
> Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
>
> To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
>
> Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
>
> Carol
>
>
>
Ishita Bandyo bandyoi@... wrote:
Carol, that's what I am wondering! Why do the traditionalists still treat More as an undisputed source on Richard?
On May 19, 2013, at 12:56 PM, "justcarol67" <mailto:justcarol67%40yahoo.com> wrote:
> "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
>
> > I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
>
> Carol responds:
>
> I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
>
> At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
>
> Here's how the book opens:
>
> "Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
>
> So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
>
> I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
>
> Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
>
> Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
>
> To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
>
> Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
>
> Carol
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-21 10:42:01
Traditionalists only take More's word because he is a saint of the Roman
church.
All one has to do is look at his life in detail to discover how little
he deserved such an honour. Look at the vindictive and vicious charges
he laid at Wolsey's feet for example when the cardinal failed to get the
divorce for his king, something More would die to prevent.
It is hard to believe people took them seriously, as the lies are
obvious. In one Wolsey is accused of trying to murder the king by
breathing in his face when he had a cold!
Paul
On 21/05/2013 05:36, Pamela Furmidge wrote:
> I'm not too familiar with More in detail, but didn't his son-in-law add things to the original before it was published? Do we know exactly which bits the SIL added? It may be possible that he made alterations which were completely wrong (like changing Buckingham's name) because he was even further away from the people and events described.
>
>
> Ishita Bandyo bandyoi@... wrote:
>
>
> Carol, that's what I am wondering! Why do the traditionalists still treat More as an undisputed source on Richard?
>
> On May 19, 2013, at 12:56 PM, "justcarol67" <mailto:justcarol67%40yahoo.com> wrote:
>
>> "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
>>
>>> I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
>> Carol responds:
>>
>> I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
>>
>> At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
>>
>> Here's how the book opens:
>>
>> "Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
>>
>> So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
>>
>> I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
>>
>> Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
>>
>> Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
>>
>> To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
>>
>> Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
>>
>> Carol
>>
>>
>>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
--
Richard Liveth Yet!
church.
All one has to do is look at his life in detail to discover how little
he deserved such an honour. Look at the vindictive and vicious charges
he laid at Wolsey's feet for example when the cardinal failed to get the
divorce for his king, something More would die to prevent.
It is hard to believe people took them seriously, as the lies are
obvious. In one Wolsey is accused of trying to murder the king by
breathing in his face when he had a cold!
Paul
On 21/05/2013 05:36, Pamela Furmidge wrote:
> I'm not too familiar with More in detail, but didn't his son-in-law add things to the original before it was published? Do we know exactly which bits the SIL added? It may be possible that he made alterations which were completely wrong (like changing Buckingham's name) because he was even further away from the people and events described.
>
>
> Ishita Bandyo bandyoi@... wrote:
>
>
> Carol, that's what I am wondering! Why do the traditionalists still treat More as an undisputed source on Richard?
>
> On May 19, 2013, at 12:56 PM, "justcarol67" <mailto:justcarol67%40yahoo.com> wrote:
>
>> "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
>>
>>> I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
>> Carol responds:
>>
>> I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
>>
>> At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
>>
>> Here's how the book opens:
>>
>> "Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
>>
>> So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
>>
>> I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
>>
>> Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
>>
>> Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
>>
>> To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
>>
>> Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
>>
>> Carol
>>
>>
>>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
--
Richard Liveth Yet!
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-21 12:20:49
From: Paul Trevor Bale
To:
Sent: Tuesday, May 21, 2013 10:41 AM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> It is hard to believe people took them seriously, as the lies are
obvious. In one Wolsey is accused of trying to murder the king by
breathing in his face when he had a cold!
Since Carol has turned up evidence that in his youth he was a well-known
joker, perhaps they weren't *meant* to be taken seriously....
OTOH, if they were meant seriously, it raises the possibility of mental
illness.
To:
Sent: Tuesday, May 21, 2013 10:41 AM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> It is hard to believe people took them seriously, as the lies are
obvious. In one Wolsey is accused of trying to murder the king by
breathing in his face when he had a cold!
Since Carol has turned up evidence that in his youth he was a well-known
joker, perhaps they weren't *meant* to be taken seriously....
OTOH, if they were meant seriously, it raises the possibility of mental
illness.
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-21 17:07:48
david rayner wrote:
"I'm not attempting to prove the legitimacy of Turor claims. But, as you
say, after Herny and his as yet unborn offspring, then who was the
Lancastrian heir?
Henry being King automatically legitimizes the Beaufort claim, and the next
in line to that after Henry Tudor and his ma were the descendents of Edmund
Beaufort, the Duke of Somerset killed at St Albans (and alleged father of
Edmund Tudor).
His legitimate line ended in his 6 daughters, one of which was Buckingham's
mother.
Since Henry never named an heir before the birth of his son its imposible to
say what would have happened had he been struck down, but following the
logic of his claim, such as it was, would lead to this tangle of female
lines."
Doug here:
If I recall correctly, Buckingham *wasn't* descended from Somerset's eldest
daughter (please correct me if I'm mistaken) and that would mean that any
and all children descended from those of Buckingham's aunts that were older
than his mother would have precedence over him. So, yes, there would most
definitely have been a "tangle" of claims if *all* of Somerset's descendents
were considered legitimate.
But Henry originally *only* claimed the throne by his right of conquest, the
Lancastrian claim was added later. Even so, nothing was ever done (via
Parliament which is where the Beaufort Lancastrians were "legitimized") to
regularize Henry's "Lancastrian" claim; it was simply added onto his,
obvious, claim by right of conquest. *That's* what I meant when I wrote
"...any other claims made to strengthen his title would automatically be
'legitimate', whether true or not." IOW, Henry's Lancastrian claim was an
argument based solely on authority (so-and-so *says* something, therefore,
what was said is true) and *not* on the legal facts. Certainly not those
facts as understood in late 15th century England
Doug
"I'm not attempting to prove the legitimacy of Turor claims. But, as you
say, after Herny and his as yet unborn offspring, then who was the
Lancastrian heir?
Henry being King automatically legitimizes the Beaufort claim, and the next
in line to that after Henry Tudor and his ma were the descendents of Edmund
Beaufort, the Duke of Somerset killed at St Albans (and alleged father of
Edmund Tudor).
His legitimate line ended in his 6 daughters, one of which was Buckingham's
mother.
Since Henry never named an heir before the birth of his son its imposible to
say what would have happened had he been struck down, but following the
logic of his claim, such as it was, would lead to this tangle of female
lines."
Doug here:
If I recall correctly, Buckingham *wasn't* descended from Somerset's eldest
daughter (please correct me if I'm mistaken) and that would mean that any
and all children descended from those of Buckingham's aunts that were older
than his mother would have precedence over him. So, yes, there would most
definitely have been a "tangle" of claims if *all* of Somerset's descendents
were considered legitimate.
But Henry originally *only* claimed the throne by his right of conquest, the
Lancastrian claim was added later. Even so, nothing was ever done (via
Parliament which is where the Beaufort Lancastrians were "legitimized") to
regularize Henry's "Lancastrian" claim; it was simply added onto his,
obvious, claim by right of conquest. *That's* what I meant when I wrote
"...any other claims made to strengthen his title would automatically be
'legitimate', whether true or not." IOW, Henry's Lancastrian claim was an
argument based solely on authority (so-and-so *says* something, therefore,
what was said is true) and *not* on the legal facts. Certainly not those
facts as understood in late 15th century England
Doug
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-21 17:16:50
A J Hibbard wrote:
>
> I think so, but I couldn't figure out if they'd actually landed or just were supposed to have landed. Maybe someone else can make better sense of the text?
Carol responds:
As I understand it, Tudor and his Breton mercenaries were supposed to land at Plymouth and meet up with Buckingham and the various other groups on October 18, but between Richard's spies (who seem to have intercepted the September 24 letter and perhaps others), the Vaughns and Staffords in Wales, Buckingham's men deserting him, and the weather, Tudor never landed and Buckingham never crossed the Severn to meet him.
According to Vergil, only two of Tudor's ships even reached England, the others being scattered by the storm, and those two never landed. Supposedly, Richard's troops on the shore tried to entice Tudor to land by pretending that they were the duke of Buckingham's men, but Tudor became suspicious and sailed away.
Croyland gives a different version of events: "While the . . . king was still in . . . Exeter, Henry, earl of Richmond . . . had set sail with certain ships, and arrived with his adherents from Brittany, at the mouth of Plymouth harbour, where he came to anchor, in order to ascertain the real state of affairs. On news being at last brought him of the events which had happened, the death of the duke of Buckingham, and the flight of his own supporters, he at once hoisted sail, and again put to sea."
Croyland says nothing about a large navy (fifteen ships to start with, according to Vergil), or about Richard's troops on the shore at Plymouth.
Carol
>
> I think so, but I couldn't figure out if they'd actually landed or just were supposed to have landed. Maybe someone else can make better sense of the text?
Carol responds:
As I understand it, Tudor and his Breton mercenaries were supposed to land at Plymouth and meet up with Buckingham and the various other groups on October 18, but between Richard's spies (who seem to have intercepted the September 24 letter and perhaps others), the Vaughns and Staffords in Wales, Buckingham's men deserting him, and the weather, Tudor never landed and Buckingham never crossed the Severn to meet him.
According to Vergil, only two of Tudor's ships even reached England, the others being scattered by the storm, and those two never landed. Supposedly, Richard's troops on the shore tried to entice Tudor to land by pretending that they were the duke of Buckingham's men, but Tudor became suspicious and sailed away.
Croyland gives a different version of events: "While the . . . king was still in . . . Exeter, Henry, earl of Richmond . . . had set sail with certain ships, and arrived with his adherents from Brittany, at the mouth of Plymouth harbour, where he came to anchor, in order to ascertain the real state of affairs. On news being at last brought him of the events which had happened, the death of the duke of Buckingham, and the flight of his own supporters, he at once hoisted sail, and again put to sea."
Croyland says nothing about a large navy (fifteen ships to start with, according to Vergil), or about Richard's troops on the shore at Plymouth.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-21 17:35:19
I am just watching Shakespeare 's Anthony and Cleopatra and it seems Shakespeare has Pompey alive at 30B.C when Octavian invades Egypt! When in reality he was killed around 46B.C while unending away from Julius Caesar! Unless I am completely addled in my dates, it seems like a glaring misrepresentation of facts.... !!
Ishita Bandyo
Sent from my iPad
On May 20, 2013, at 4:17 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
> Shakespeare seemed willing to take risks though. For example his first performance of Hamlet was to James I/VI and his queen (who was Danish) and is of course all about kings killing kings to take the throne and marry the same wife. It's unlikely that James would have missed the fact that this could have referred to his own mother who had had Darnley (his father) killed to marry Bothwell.
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...>
> To: "<>" <>
> Sent: Monday, 20 May 2013, 2:42
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
>
> Oh my Lord, that is fascinating..... Yet another alley to travel. My, my, you lift up one stone, and so much is uncovered that is simply not known, or certainly not commonly known.
>
> On May 19, 2013, at 5:19 PM, "ellrosa1452" <kathryn198@...<mailto:kathryn198@...>> wrote:
>
> Hi
> There are two schools of thought that Shakespeare's play Richard III parodies the Cecils and that the character of Richard is a caricature of Robert Cecil. David B Schajer has a blog on http://shakespearesolved.blogspot.co.uk/2012/10/richard-iii-was-shakespeares-revenge.html where he claims that Holinshed's patron was William Cecil and that Shakespeare based the play on Holinshed's Chronicles. He also states the play was meant as a dig at leading politicians. The play is presumed to have been written in 1592. Sir Francis Walsingham had died in April 1590 and Burghley dies in 1598. We know that Shakespeare and other playwrights used topical allusions, which the audience would have understood so there is no reason to suppose that audiences would not have been aware that the characters were based on current politicians or in some cases courtiers. However, the problem would have been how far Shakespeare would wish to stick his neck out and risk censure and
> possible imprisonment. Contemporaries such as Jonson, Nashe and Middleton to name a few never managed to avoid imprisonment having fallen foul of the authorities.
>
> Another theory is that it was written not by Shakespeare but Edward de Vere, Earl of Oxford, who satirised his brother-in-law, Robert Cecil who was known to have physical disabilities and a distinctly Machiavellian type of mind. See http://politicworm.com/oxford-shakespeare/the-big-six-candidates
>
> Cecil had character traits of schemer, dissembler, and a willingness to use people to achieve his aims, which he used together with his underhanded scheming and plotting to eliminate possible rivals. This is seen in the way he conducted character assassinations of Raleigh and others and is mirrored in the portrayal of the fictitious Richard in the play. Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, was another rival who fell foul of him and it is commonly believed that he engineered the gunpowder plot. William Cecil, Lord Burghley, brought him into government although not into Elizabeth's inner circle at first but by plotting and making himself indispensable to the aging Elizabeth, he took over many duties including Walsingham's network of agents and spies, which gave him access to untold secrets. He was a prominent figure in the dealings over the succession and opened covert negotiations with James in Scotland whilst poisoning the mind of James as to who he could and
> could not trust in England as he conducted a long running secret correspondence. Not that James needed much persuasion in the case of Raleigh but it was Cecil's machination's that led to his arrest and trial on trumped up charges in the Main and Bye Plots and his eventual execution in 1618.
>
> We also know that Shakespeare parodies Burghley as Polonius in Hamlet.
> Elaine
>
> --- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "ricard1an" <maryfriend@...> wrote:
> >
> > Judy isn't there a school of thought that Shakespeare's" Richard III" was meant to be ironic and I have also read somewhere that it could have been a comment on the Tudors, but ofcourse Shakepeare wouldn't have dared name them as he was writing in Elizabeth's reign so he used Richard instead. I have got a book about Shakespeare written by Michael Wood. I have started to read it but for some reason did not finish it. He was suggesting ( if Iremember correctly) that Shakespeare was a Catholic and was not exactly a fan of Elizabeth.
> >
> > --- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, Judy Thomson <judygerard.thomson@> wrote:
> > >
> > > Carol, Â you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
> > >
> > > JudyÂ
> > >
> > > Â
> > >
> > >
> > > Â
> > > Loyaulte me lie
> > >
> > >
> > > ________________________________
> > > From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@>
> > > To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> > > Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 11:56 AM
> > > Subject: Re: Disappearance
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Â
> > > "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> > >
> > > > I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
> > >
> > > Carol responds:
> > >
> > > I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
> > >
> > > At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
> > >
> > > Here's how the book opens:
> > >
> > > "Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
> > >
> > > So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
> > >
> > > I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
> > >
> > > Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
> > >
> > > Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
> > >
> > > To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
> > >
> > > Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
> > >
> > > Carol
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> >
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
Ishita Bandyo
Sent from my iPad
On May 20, 2013, at 4:17 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
> Shakespeare seemed willing to take risks though. For example his first performance of Hamlet was to James I/VI and his queen (who was Danish) and is of course all about kings killing kings to take the throne and marry the same wife. It's unlikely that James would have missed the fact that this could have referred to his own mother who had had Darnley (his father) killed to marry Bothwell.
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...>
> To: "<>" <>
> Sent: Monday, 20 May 2013, 2:42
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
>
> Oh my Lord, that is fascinating..... Yet another alley to travel. My, my, you lift up one stone, and so much is uncovered that is simply not known, or certainly not commonly known.
>
> On May 19, 2013, at 5:19 PM, "ellrosa1452" <kathryn198@...<mailto:kathryn198@...>> wrote:
>
> Hi
> There are two schools of thought that Shakespeare's play Richard III parodies the Cecils and that the character of Richard is a caricature of Robert Cecil. David B Schajer has a blog on http://shakespearesolved.blogspot.co.uk/2012/10/richard-iii-was-shakespeares-revenge.html where he claims that Holinshed's patron was William Cecil and that Shakespeare based the play on Holinshed's Chronicles. He also states the play was meant as a dig at leading politicians. The play is presumed to have been written in 1592. Sir Francis Walsingham had died in April 1590 and Burghley dies in 1598. We know that Shakespeare and other playwrights used topical allusions, which the audience would have understood so there is no reason to suppose that audiences would not have been aware that the characters were based on current politicians or in some cases courtiers. However, the problem would have been how far Shakespeare would wish to stick his neck out and risk censure and
> possible imprisonment. Contemporaries such as Jonson, Nashe and Middleton to name a few never managed to avoid imprisonment having fallen foul of the authorities.
>
> Another theory is that it was written not by Shakespeare but Edward de Vere, Earl of Oxford, who satirised his brother-in-law, Robert Cecil who was known to have physical disabilities and a distinctly Machiavellian type of mind. See http://politicworm.com/oxford-shakespeare/the-big-six-candidates
>
> Cecil had character traits of schemer, dissembler, and a willingness to use people to achieve his aims, which he used together with his underhanded scheming and plotting to eliminate possible rivals. This is seen in the way he conducted character assassinations of Raleigh and others and is mirrored in the portrayal of the fictitious Richard in the play. Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, was another rival who fell foul of him and it is commonly believed that he engineered the gunpowder plot. William Cecil, Lord Burghley, brought him into government although not into Elizabeth's inner circle at first but by plotting and making himself indispensable to the aging Elizabeth, he took over many duties including Walsingham's network of agents and spies, which gave him access to untold secrets. He was a prominent figure in the dealings over the succession and opened covert negotiations with James in Scotland whilst poisoning the mind of James as to who he could and
> could not trust in England as he conducted a long running secret correspondence. Not that James needed much persuasion in the case of Raleigh but it was Cecil's machination's that led to his arrest and trial on trumped up charges in the Main and Bye Plots and his eventual execution in 1618.
>
> We also know that Shakespeare parodies Burghley as Polonius in Hamlet.
> Elaine
>
> --- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "ricard1an" <maryfriend@...> wrote:
> >
> > Judy isn't there a school of thought that Shakespeare's" Richard III" was meant to be ironic and I have also read somewhere that it could have been a comment on the Tudors, but ofcourse Shakepeare wouldn't have dared name them as he was writing in Elizabeth's reign so he used Richard instead. I have got a book about Shakespeare written by Michael Wood. I have started to read it but for some reason did not finish it. He was suggesting ( if Iremember correctly) that Shakespeare was a Catholic and was not exactly a fan of Elizabeth.
> >
> > --- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, Judy Thomson <judygerard.thomson@> wrote:
> > >
> > > Carol, Â you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
> > >
> > > JudyÂ
> > >
> > > Â
> > >
> > >
> > > Â
> > > Loyaulte me lie
> > >
> > >
> > > ________________________________
> > > From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@>
> > > To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> > > Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 11:56 AM
> > > Subject: Re: Disappearance
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Â
> > > "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> > >
> > > > I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
> > >
> > > Carol responds:
> > >
> > > I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
> > >
> > > At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
> > >
> > > Here's how the book opens:
> > >
> > > "Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
> > >
> > > So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
> > >
> > > I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
> > >
> > > Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
> > >
> > > Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
> > >
> > > To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
> > >
> > > Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
> > >
> > > Carol
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> >
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
Henry's "claim" (Was: Buckingham and the Severn)
2013-05-21 17:57:09
David wrote:
> If that is so, then by what criteria did Henry attaint those who fought against him?
>
> I always thought he dated his reign to before Bosworth; how can you claim Right of Conquest before you've actually conquered?
>
> Henry always behaved as a restored Lancastrian, immediately reversing long standing attainders against Lancastrians such as the de Veres, Beaumonts and Courtenays.
>
> There were of course numerous superior claims, including that of the Earl of Westmorland to the Duchy of Lancaster, but it seems to have been accepted that Henry was the Lancastrian heir.
Stephen responded:
>
> Because he was a fraud.
Carol adds:
Yes. He was already signing proclamations as king months before Bosworth, all the while knowing that he had no claim whatever, and he had at one point claimed to be Henry VI's younger son, an out-and-out lie. Backdating his reign (against the protests of Parliament) was the only way he could attaint "traitors" who had fought against their rightful king. (He later found that this provision was likely to backfire against him and had it made illegal to attaint the followers of an anointed king!)
The "Lancastrian" claim was enough to make diehard Lancastrians follow him, but he had to promise to marry EoY (Edward IV's supposed heir after the "murder" of her brothers) to gain the support of the dissident Yorkists.
Henry liked to have things both ways. Richard was a "usurper" who had, if not killed his nephews, at least "shed infants' blood" when Henry first usurped Richard's crown. Later, when Henry was in danger from the claims of Perkin Warbeck, Richard was the rightful king who had served well as protector. (See J-AH's translation of the epitaph Henry had placed on Richard's tomb.)
It didn't matter to Henry whether a statement was true as long as it served his purposes. Look at the anti-Richard propaganda in his proclamations and his claim to be the savior of the Welsh (despite Richard's Welsh descent being more illustrious than his own).
Why did Henry do anything? Because it would preserve his skin and his shaky claim, keep his nobles from becoming too powerful, give him a propaganda boost, make him money, or serve his interests in some other way. To take one example, it served his interests (though perhaps not his personal desires) to marry Elizabeth of York (to pacify those Yorkists who had supported him on the basis of that promise), but he made sure not to claim the throne through her in case she really was illegitimate.
Sorry. I meant this post to be a one-liner: "Because he liked having things both ways."
Carol
> If that is so, then by what criteria did Henry attaint those who fought against him?
>
> I always thought he dated his reign to before Bosworth; how can you claim Right of Conquest before you've actually conquered?
>
> Henry always behaved as a restored Lancastrian, immediately reversing long standing attainders against Lancastrians such as the de Veres, Beaumonts and Courtenays.
>
> There were of course numerous superior claims, including that of the Earl of Westmorland to the Duchy of Lancaster, but it seems to have been accepted that Henry was the Lancastrian heir.
Stephen responded:
>
> Because he was a fraud.
Carol adds:
Yes. He was already signing proclamations as king months before Bosworth, all the while knowing that he had no claim whatever, and he had at one point claimed to be Henry VI's younger son, an out-and-out lie. Backdating his reign (against the protests of Parliament) was the only way he could attaint "traitors" who had fought against their rightful king. (He later found that this provision was likely to backfire against him and had it made illegal to attaint the followers of an anointed king!)
The "Lancastrian" claim was enough to make diehard Lancastrians follow him, but he had to promise to marry EoY (Edward IV's supposed heir after the "murder" of her brothers) to gain the support of the dissident Yorkists.
Henry liked to have things both ways. Richard was a "usurper" who had, if not killed his nephews, at least "shed infants' blood" when Henry first usurped Richard's crown. Later, when Henry was in danger from the claims of Perkin Warbeck, Richard was the rightful king who had served well as protector. (See J-AH's translation of the epitaph Henry had placed on Richard's tomb.)
It didn't matter to Henry whether a statement was true as long as it served his purposes. Look at the anti-Richard propaganda in his proclamations and his claim to be the savior of the Welsh (despite Richard's Welsh descent being more illustrious than his own).
Why did Henry do anything? Because it would preserve his skin and his shaky claim, keep his nobles from becoming too powerful, give him a propaganda boost, make him money, or serve his interests in some other way. To take one example, it served his interests (though perhaps not his personal desires) to marry Elizabeth of York (to pacify those Yorkists who had supported him on the basis of that promise), but he made sure not to claim the throne through her in case she really was illegitimate.
Sorry. I meant this post to be a one-liner: "Because he liked having things both ways."
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-21 19:05:39
--- In , Pamela Furmidge <pamela.furmidge@...> wrote:
>
> I'm not too familiar with More in detail, but didn't his son-in-law add things to the original before it was published? Do we know exactly which bits the SIL added? It may be possible that he made alterations which were completely wrong (like changing Buckingham's name) because he was even further away from the people and events described.
Carol responds:
Roper's additions to the English version were his own translations from the more complete Latin version. His intention was to correct the corrupt version that had appeared in Hardying's and Hall's chronicles. Here's his very long title/explanation:
"The history of king Richard the thirde (vnfinished) written by Master
Thomas More than [sic] one of the vndersherriffs of London: about the yeare of our Lorde, 1513. VVhich worke hath bene before this tyme printed in hardynges Cronicle, and in Hallys Cronicle: but very muche corrupte in many places, sometyme hauyng lesse, and sometyme hauing more, and altered in wordes and whole sentences: muche varying fro the copie of his own hand, by which thys is printed."
When he adds material from the Latin version, he states, "This that is here betwene this marke, ‡ and this marke * was not written by M. More in this history written by him in englishe but is translated oute of this history which he wrote in laten."
I'm not sure how (or whether) the "marke" will show up in Yahoo, but it's like a plus sign with an extra crossbar. Roper also provides subtitles, such as "The abuse of saintuaries" or "The Quenes aunswere" to help the reader locate a particular passage. (I'm quite certain that Roper believed this work to be a real "history" and wanted the "correct" version to replace the "corrupt" one. Where More's own intention fits in, we don't know, except that he obviously didn't intend to publish the work.
Anyway, Roper's version is probably preferable to the version in Hall, but you can decide for yourself. Both are accessible from the American branch website
http://www.r3.org/
or rather, Hall's version is accessible through Holinshed, who copied it. Here's the link to More (Roper's version):
http://newr3.dreamhosters.com/?page_id=2077
and the link to Holinshed's version (essentially the same as Hall's), which puts the events of More's "historie" in order but leaves out quite a bit of the story ("story" used intentionally--it's fiction but the later chroniclers don't know it):
http://newr3.dreamhosters.com/?page_id=1994
Roper's version isn't long, guys. If you haven't read it, you need to do so. It will show you how much of the legend More borrowed and expanded upon, how much he invented, how much he admits that his own stories might not be true {cf. "I shall rehearse you the dolorous end of those babes, not after euery way that I haue heard, but after that way thay I haue so hard by such men & by such meanes, as me thinketh it wer hard but it should be true" and "the young king and his tender brother [w]hose death and final infortune hathe natheles so far comen in question, that some remain yet in doubt, whither they wer in his [Richard's] dayes destroyde or no"), and which parts of Shakespeare's dramatic fiction derive directly from More. It's also entertaining to untangle the sentence structure to see what he's really saying, as Tey did in the passage on George of Clarence.
Carol
>
> I'm not too familiar with More in detail, but didn't his son-in-law add things to the original before it was published? Do we know exactly which bits the SIL added? It may be possible that he made alterations which were completely wrong (like changing Buckingham's name) because he was even further away from the people and events described.
Carol responds:
Roper's additions to the English version were his own translations from the more complete Latin version. His intention was to correct the corrupt version that had appeared in Hardying's and Hall's chronicles. Here's his very long title/explanation:
"The history of king Richard the thirde (vnfinished) written by Master
Thomas More than [sic] one of the vndersherriffs of London: about the yeare of our Lorde, 1513. VVhich worke hath bene before this tyme printed in hardynges Cronicle, and in Hallys Cronicle: but very muche corrupte in many places, sometyme hauyng lesse, and sometyme hauing more, and altered in wordes and whole sentences: muche varying fro the copie of his own hand, by which thys is printed."
When he adds material from the Latin version, he states, "This that is here betwene this marke, ‡ and this marke * was not written by M. More in this history written by him in englishe but is translated oute of this history which he wrote in laten."
I'm not sure how (or whether) the "marke" will show up in Yahoo, but it's like a plus sign with an extra crossbar. Roper also provides subtitles, such as "The abuse of saintuaries" or "The Quenes aunswere" to help the reader locate a particular passage. (I'm quite certain that Roper believed this work to be a real "history" and wanted the "correct" version to replace the "corrupt" one. Where More's own intention fits in, we don't know, except that he obviously didn't intend to publish the work.
Anyway, Roper's version is probably preferable to the version in Hall, but you can decide for yourself. Both are accessible from the American branch website
http://www.r3.org/
or rather, Hall's version is accessible through Holinshed, who copied it. Here's the link to More (Roper's version):
http://newr3.dreamhosters.com/?page_id=2077
and the link to Holinshed's version (essentially the same as Hall's), which puts the events of More's "historie" in order but leaves out quite a bit of the story ("story" used intentionally--it's fiction but the later chroniclers don't know it):
http://newr3.dreamhosters.com/?page_id=1994
Roper's version isn't long, guys. If you haven't read it, you need to do so. It will show you how much of the legend More borrowed and expanded upon, how much he invented, how much he admits that his own stories might not be true {cf. "I shall rehearse you the dolorous end of those babes, not after euery way that I haue heard, but after that way thay I haue so hard by such men & by such meanes, as me thinketh it wer hard but it should be true" and "the young king and his tender brother [w]hose death and final infortune hathe natheles so far comen in question, that some remain yet in doubt, whither they wer in his [Richard's] dayes destroyde or no"), and which parts of Shakespeare's dramatic fiction derive directly from More. It's also entertaining to untangle the sentence structure to see what he's really saying, as Tey did in the passage on George of Clarence.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-21 19:18:39
Pamela Furmidge wrote:
>
> I'm not too familiar with More in detail, but didn't his son-in-law add things to the original before it was published? Do we know exactly which bits the SIL added? It may be possible that he made alterations which were completely wrong (like changing Buckingham's name) because he was even further away from the people and events described.
Carol responds:
Just checked--Holinshed is no help. He omits Hastings altogether and gives no first name for Buckingham. We need Hall to see how much of More he retained and whether the first names are correct or incorrect there. But since Roper is *correcting* Hall and Hardyng, it seems improbable that he would introduce an error like incorrect first names that was not in his manuscript copy. Not sure what you mean by "SIL."
Carol
>
> I'm not too familiar with More in detail, but didn't his son-in-law add things to the original before it was published? Do we know exactly which bits the SIL added? It may be possible that he made alterations which were completely wrong (like changing Buckingham's name) because he was even further away from the people and events described.
Carol responds:
Just checked--Holinshed is no help. He omits Hastings altogether and gives no first name for Buckingham. We need Hall to see how much of More he retained and whether the first names are correct or incorrect there. But since Roper is *correcting* Hall and Hardyng, it seems improbable that he would introduce an error like incorrect first names that was not in his manuscript copy. Not sure what you mean by "SIL."
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-21 19:37:44
--- In , Paul Trevor Bale <paul.bale@...> wrote:
>
> Traditionalists only take More's word because he is a saint of the Roman church. [snip]
Carol responds:
I don't think that's the only reason. For one thing, many of those traditionalist would probably be Anglican and not care that More had been sainted (for his ostensible martyrdom, not his saintly disposition or good deeds). Many might also be admirers of the Tudors yet believe More despite his stated dislike of Henry VII and his fatal conflict with Henry VIII (which, admittedly, was rather far in the future when he wrote his "history"). More *seems* to reflect the Tudor view, and the Tudor view, to the traditionalists, is the "true" one (setting aside little things like Henry VII's shaky claim and the predating of his kingship, among others).
I think their reliance on More has more to do with a reluctance to abandon tradition (as Gairdner openly admits) than with a view of him as a saint (which would require them to ignore his actions as chancellor) and perhaps reflects opinions of his character expressed by contemporaries like Erasmus. Also, of course, the chroniclers regarded his "historie" as history and embedded it into their own works. And then, of course, it became immortalized through Shakespeare (with additions, alterations, and further exaggerations). More, like it or not, is clever, and parts of his work are entertaining. Also, unfortunately, his is the only fully developed account of the council meeting resulting in Hastings's execution, so even pro-Ricardian historians latch onto it as "true," evidently not realizing that historical novelists, especially those writing as close to the events as More was (thirty years) are perfectly capable of inventing dialogue and adding details (strawberries from Morton's garden) that add verisimilitude. Lacking the true events, they latch onto a vivid story, disregarding only the obviously invented withered arm.
Carol
>
> Traditionalists only take More's word because he is a saint of the Roman church. [snip]
Carol responds:
I don't think that's the only reason. For one thing, many of those traditionalist would probably be Anglican and not care that More had been sainted (for his ostensible martyrdom, not his saintly disposition or good deeds). Many might also be admirers of the Tudors yet believe More despite his stated dislike of Henry VII and his fatal conflict with Henry VIII (which, admittedly, was rather far in the future when he wrote his "history"). More *seems* to reflect the Tudor view, and the Tudor view, to the traditionalists, is the "true" one (setting aside little things like Henry VII's shaky claim and the predating of his kingship, among others).
I think their reliance on More has more to do with a reluctance to abandon tradition (as Gairdner openly admits) than with a view of him as a saint (which would require them to ignore his actions as chancellor) and perhaps reflects opinions of his character expressed by contemporaries like Erasmus. Also, of course, the chroniclers regarded his "historie" as history and embedded it into their own works. And then, of course, it became immortalized through Shakespeare (with additions, alterations, and further exaggerations). More, like it or not, is clever, and parts of his work are entertaining. Also, unfortunately, his is the only fully developed account of the council meeting resulting in Hastings's execution, so even pro-Ricardian historians latch onto it as "true," evidently not realizing that historical novelists, especially those writing as close to the events as More was (thirty years) are perfectly capable of inventing dialogue and adding details (strawberries from Morton's garden) that add verisimilitude. Lacking the true events, they latch onto a vivid story, disregarding only the obviously invented withered arm.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-21 19:51:01
So much of More's reputation is instilled in us (of a certain age and the Catholic Church) by A Man for All Seasons - witty, kind, sacrificial. So we believe everything he said; even though it is nowhere near the truth, he was by all accounts a nasty piece of work.
________________________________
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
To:
Sent: Tuesday, 21 May 2013, 19:36
Subject: Re: Disappearance
--- In mailto:%40yahoogroups.com, Paul Trevor Bale <paul.bale@...> wrote:
>
> Traditionalists only take More's word because he is a saint of the Roman church. [snip]
Carol responds:
I don't think that's the only reason. For one thing, many of those traditionalist would probably be Anglican and not care that More had been sainted (for his ostensible martyrdom, not his saintly disposition or good deeds). Many might also be admirers of the Tudors yet believe More despite his stated dislike of Henry VII and his fatal conflict with Henry VIII (which, admittedly, was rather far in the future when he wrote his "history"). More *seems* to reflect the Tudor view, and the Tudor view, to the traditionalists, is the "true" one (setting aside little things like Henry VII's shaky claim and the predating of his kingship, among others).
I think their reliance on More has more to do with a reluctance to abandon tradition (as Gairdner openly admits) than with a view of him as a saint (which would require them to ignore his actions as chancellor) and perhaps reflects opinions of his character expressed by contemporaries like Erasmus. Also, of course, the chroniclers regarded his "historie" as history and embedded it into their own works. And then, of course, it became immortalized through Shakespeare (with additions, alterations, and further exaggerations). More, like it or not, is clever, and parts of his work are entertaining. Also, unfortunately, his is the only fully developed account of the council meeting resulting in Hastings's execution, so even pro-Ricardian historians latch onto it as "true," evidently not realizing that historical novelists, especially those writing as close to the events as More was (thirty years) are perfectly capable of inventing dialogue and adding details
(strawberries from Morton's garden) that add verisimilitude. Lacking the true events, they latch onto a vivid story, disregarding only the obviously invented withered arm.
Carol
________________________________
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
To:
Sent: Tuesday, 21 May 2013, 19:36
Subject: Re: Disappearance
--- In mailto:%40yahoogroups.com, Paul Trevor Bale <paul.bale@...> wrote:
>
> Traditionalists only take More's word because he is a saint of the Roman church. [snip]
Carol responds:
I don't think that's the only reason. For one thing, many of those traditionalist would probably be Anglican and not care that More had been sainted (for his ostensible martyrdom, not his saintly disposition or good deeds). Many might also be admirers of the Tudors yet believe More despite his stated dislike of Henry VII and his fatal conflict with Henry VIII (which, admittedly, was rather far in the future when he wrote his "history"). More *seems* to reflect the Tudor view, and the Tudor view, to the traditionalists, is the "true" one (setting aside little things like Henry VII's shaky claim and the predating of his kingship, among others).
I think their reliance on More has more to do with a reluctance to abandon tradition (as Gairdner openly admits) than with a view of him as a saint (which would require them to ignore his actions as chancellor) and perhaps reflects opinions of his character expressed by contemporaries like Erasmus. Also, of course, the chroniclers regarded his "historie" as history and embedded it into their own works. And then, of course, it became immortalized through Shakespeare (with additions, alterations, and further exaggerations). More, like it or not, is clever, and parts of his work are entertaining. Also, unfortunately, his is the only fully developed account of the council meeting resulting in Hastings's execution, so even pro-Ricardian historians latch onto it as "true," evidently not realizing that historical novelists, especially those writing as close to the events as More was (thirty years) are perfectly capable of inventing dialogue and adding details
(strawberries from Morton's garden) that add verisimilitude. Lacking the true events, they latch onto a vivid story, disregarding only the obviously invented withered arm.
Carol
Re: Henry's "claim" (Was: Buckingham and the Severn)
2013-05-21 19:54:18
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Tuesday, May 21, 2013 5:57 PM
Subject: Henry's "claim" (Was: Buckingham and
the Severn)
> Sorry. I meant this post to be a one-liner: "Because he liked having
> things both ways."
And here I always thought he was straight....
To:
Sent: Tuesday, May 21, 2013 5:57 PM
Subject: Henry's "claim" (Was: Buckingham and
the Severn)
> Sorry. I meant this post to be a one-liner: "Because he liked having
> things both ways."
And here I always thought he was straight....
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-21 19:55:22
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Tuesday, May 21, 2013 7:36 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> Lacking the true events, they latch onto a vivid story, disregarding only
> the obviously invented withered arm.
It's the withered arm bit which makes me think it's a slightly garbled
version of a real scene - especially when you consider the independent
evidence that *both* his arms were very slender. The scene which More
describes doesn't really make much sense, which tends to argue against it
being invented from whole cloth - to my mind it makes far more sense if you
assume there was an original eye-witness account (probably from Morton)
which went something like "He bared his scrawny arm and declared 'These
Woodvilles have tied my hands'", and More misunderstood it as meaning that
he had one scrawny arm and one not scrawny, when the eyewitness meant he had
bared one of a pair of arms which were *both* scrawny.
The strawberries might be an invention, but since he knew Morton, they might
also well be real.
To:
Sent: Tuesday, May 21, 2013 7:36 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> Lacking the true events, they latch onto a vivid story, disregarding only
> the obviously invented withered arm.
It's the withered arm bit which makes me think it's a slightly garbled
version of a real scene - especially when you consider the independent
evidence that *both* his arms were very slender. The scene which More
describes doesn't really make much sense, which tends to argue against it
being invented from whole cloth - to my mind it makes far more sense if you
assume there was an original eye-witness account (probably from Morton)
which went something like "He bared his scrawny arm and declared 'These
Woodvilles have tied my hands'", and More misunderstood it as meaning that
he had one scrawny arm and one not scrawny, when the eyewitness meant he had
bared one of a pair of arms which were *both* scrawny.
The strawberries might be an invention, but since he knew Morton, they might
also well be real.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-21 19:56:01
Well that's Shakespeare for you. In the Henry VI plays he had Richard as an adult when he was about 2 at the time!. But are you watching Richard Burton .... that voice?!!
________________________________
From: Ishita Bandyo <bandyoi@...>
To: "" <>
Sent: Tuesday, 21 May 2013, 3:08
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
I am just watching Shakespeare 's Anthony and Cleopatra and it seems Shakespeare has Pompey alive at 30B.C when Octavian invades Egypt! When in reality he was killed around 46B.C while unending away from Julius Caesar! Unless I am completely addled in my dates, it seems like a glaring misrepresentation of facts.... !!
Ishita Bandyo
Sent from my iPad
On May 20, 2013, at 4:17 AM, Hilary Jones <mailto:hjnatdat%40yahoo.com> wrote:
> Shakespeare seemed willing to take risks though. For example his first performance of Hamlet was to James I/VI and his queen (who was Danish) and is of course all about kings killing kings to take the throne and marry the same wife. It's unlikely that James would have missed the fact that this could have referred to his own mother who had had Darnley (his father) killed to marry Bothwell.
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: Pamela Bain <mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com>
> To: "<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>" <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> Sent: Monday, 20 May 2013, 2:42
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
>
> Oh my Lord, that is fascinating..... Yet another alley to travel. My, my, you lift up one stone, and so much is uncovered that is simply not known, or certainly not commonly known.
>
> On May 19, 2013, at 5:19 PM, "ellrosa1452" <mailto:kathryn198%40btinternet.com<mailto:mailto:kathryn198%40btinternet.com>> wrote:
>
> Hi
> There are two schools of thought that Shakespeare's play Richard III parodies the Cecils and that the character of Richard is a caricature of Robert Cecil. David B Schajer has a blog on http://shakespearesolved.blogspot.co.uk/2012/10/richard-iii-was-shakespeares-revenge.html where he claims that Holinshed's patron was William Cecil and that Shakespeare based the play on Holinshed's Chronicles. He also states the play was meant as a dig at leading politicians. The play is presumed to have been written in 1592. Sir Francis Walsingham had died in April 1590 and Burghley dies in 1598. We know that Shakespeare and other playwrights used topical allusions, which the audience would have understood so there is no reason to suppose that audiences would not have been aware that the characters were based on current politicians or in some cases courtiers. However, the problem would have been how far Shakespeare would wish to stick his neck out and risk censure and
> possible imprisonment. Contemporaries such as Jonson, Nashe and Middleton to name a few never managed to avoid imprisonment having fallen foul of the authorities.
>
> Another theory is that it was written not by Shakespeare but Edward de Vere, Earl of Oxford, who satirised his brother-in-law, Robert Cecil who was known to have physical disabilities and a distinctly Machiavellian type of mind. See http://politicworm.com/oxford-shakespeare/the-big-six-candidates
>
> Cecil had character traits of schemer, dissembler, and a willingness to use people to achieve his aims, which he used together with his underhanded scheming and plotting to eliminate possible rivals. This is seen in the way he conducted character assassinations of Raleigh and others and is mirrored in the portrayal of the fictitious Richard in the play. Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, was another rival who fell foul of him and it is commonly believed that he engineered the gunpowder plot. William Cecil, Lord Burghley, brought him into government although not into Elizabeth's inner circle at first but by plotting and making himself indispensable to the aging Elizabeth, he took over many duties including Walsingham's network of agents and spies, which gave him access to untold secrets. He was a prominent figure in the dealings over the succession and opened covert negotiations with James in Scotland whilst poisoning the mind of James as to who he could
and
> could not trust in England as he conducted a long running secret correspondence. Not that James needed much persuasion in the case of Raleigh but it was Cecil's machination's that led to his arrest and trial on trumped up charges in the Main and Bye Plots and his eventual execution in 1618.
>
> We also know that Shakespeare parodies Burghley as Polonius in Hamlet.
> Elaine
>
> --- In mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "ricard1an" <maryfriend@...> wrote:
> >
> > Judy isn't there a school of thought that Shakespeare's" Richard III" was meant to be ironic and I have also read somewhere that it could have been a comment on the Tudors, but ofcourse Shakepeare wouldn't have dared name them as he was writing in Elizabeth's reign so he used Richard instead. I have got a book about Shakespeare written by Michael Wood. I have started to read it but for some reason did not finish it. He was suggesting ( if Iremember correctly) that Shakespeare was a Catholic and was not exactly a fan of Elizabeth.
> >
> > --- In mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, Judy Thomson <judygerard.thomson@> wrote:
> > >
> > > Carol, Â you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
> > >
> > > JudyÂ
> > >
> > > Â
> > >
> > >
> > > Â
> > > Loyaulte me lie
> > >
> > >
> > > ________________________________
> > > From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@>
> > > To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> > > Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 11:56 AM
> > > Subject: Re: Disappearance
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Â
> > > "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> > >
> > > > I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
> > >
> > > Carol responds:
> > >
> > > I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
> > >
> > > At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
> > >
> > > Here's how the book opens:
> > >
> > > "Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
> > >
> > > So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
> > >
> > > I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
> > >
> > > Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
> > >
> > > Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
> > >
> > > To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
> > >
> > > Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
> > >
> > > Carol
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> >
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
________________________________
From: Ishita Bandyo <bandyoi@...>
To: "" <>
Sent: Tuesday, 21 May 2013, 3:08
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
I am just watching Shakespeare 's Anthony and Cleopatra and it seems Shakespeare has Pompey alive at 30B.C when Octavian invades Egypt! When in reality he was killed around 46B.C while unending away from Julius Caesar! Unless I am completely addled in my dates, it seems like a glaring misrepresentation of facts.... !!
Ishita Bandyo
Sent from my iPad
On May 20, 2013, at 4:17 AM, Hilary Jones <mailto:hjnatdat%40yahoo.com> wrote:
> Shakespeare seemed willing to take risks though. For example his first performance of Hamlet was to James I/VI and his queen (who was Danish) and is of course all about kings killing kings to take the throne and marry the same wife. It's unlikely that James would have missed the fact that this could have referred to his own mother who had had Darnley (his father) killed to marry Bothwell.
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: Pamela Bain <mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com>
> To: "<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>" <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> Sent: Monday, 20 May 2013, 2:42
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
>
> Oh my Lord, that is fascinating..... Yet another alley to travel. My, my, you lift up one stone, and so much is uncovered that is simply not known, or certainly not commonly known.
>
> On May 19, 2013, at 5:19 PM, "ellrosa1452" <mailto:kathryn198%40btinternet.com<mailto:mailto:kathryn198%40btinternet.com>> wrote:
>
> Hi
> There are two schools of thought that Shakespeare's play Richard III parodies the Cecils and that the character of Richard is a caricature of Robert Cecil. David B Schajer has a blog on http://shakespearesolved.blogspot.co.uk/2012/10/richard-iii-was-shakespeares-revenge.html where he claims that Holinshed's patron was William Cecil and that Shakespeare based the play on Holinshed's Chronicles. He also states the play was meant as a dig at leading politicians. The play is presumed to have been written in 1592. Sir Francis Walsingham had died in April 1590 and Burghley dies in 1598. We know that Shakespeare and other playwrights used topical allusions, which the audience would have understood so there is no reason to suppose that audiences would not have been aware that the characters were based on current politicians or in some cases courtiers. However, the problem would have been how far Shakespeare would wish to stick his neck out and risk censure and
> possible imprisonment. Contemporaries such as Jonson, Nashe and Middleton to name a few never managed to avoid imprisonment having fallen foul of the authorities.
>
> Another theory is that it was written not by Shakespeare but Edward de Vere, Earl of Oxford, who satirised his brother-in-law, Robert Cecil who was known to have physical disabilities and a distinctly Machiavellian type of mind. See http://politicworm.com/oxford-shakespeare/the-big-six-candidates
>
> Cecil had character traits of schemer, dissembler, and a willingness to use people to achieve his aims, which he used together with his underhanded scheming and plotting to eliminate possible rivals. This is seen in the way he conducted character assassinations of Raleigh and others and is mirrored in the portrayal of the fictitious Richard in the play. Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, was another rival who fell foul of him and it is commonly believed that he engineered the gunpowder plot. William Cecil, Lord Burghley, brought him into government although not into Elizabeth's inner circle at first but by plotting and making himself indispensable to the aging Elizabeth, he took over many duties including Walsingham's network of agents and spies, which gave him access to untold secrets. He was a prominent figure in the dealings over the succession and opened covert negotiations with James in Scotland whilst poisoning the mind of James as to who he could
and
> could not trust in England as he conducted a long running secret correspondence. Not that James needed much persuasion in the case of Raleigh but it was Cecil's machination's that led to his arrest and trial on trumped up charges in the Main and Bye Plots and his eventual execution in 1618.
>
> We also know that Shakespeare parodies Burghley as Polonius in Hamlet.
> Elaine
>
> --- In mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "ricard1an" <maryfriend@...> wrote:
> >
> > Judy isn't there a school of thought that Shakespeare's" Richard III" was meant to be ironic and I have also read somewhere that it could have been a comment on the Tudors, but ofcourse Shakepeare wouldn't have dared name them as he was writing in Elizabeth's reign so he used Richard instead. I have got a book about Shakespeare written by Michael Wood. I have started to read it but for some reason did not finish it. He was suggesting ( if Iremember correctly) that Shakespeare was a Catholic and was not exactly a fan of Elizabeth.
> >
> > --- In mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, Judy Thomson <judygerard.thomson@> wrote:
> > >
> > > Carol, Â you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
> > >
> > > JudyÂ
> > >
> > > Â
> > >
> > >
> > > Â
> > > Loyaulte me lie
> > >
> > >
> > > ________________________________
> > > From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@>
> > > To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> > > Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 11:56 AM
> > > Subject: Re: Disappearance
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Â
> > > "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> > >
> > > > I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
> > >
> > > Carol responds:
> > >
> > > I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
> > >
> > > At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
> > >
> > > Here's how the book opens:
> > >
> > > "Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
> > >
> > > So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
> > >
> > > I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
> > >
> > > Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
> > >
> > > Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
> > >
> > > To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
> > >
> > > Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
> > >
> > > Carol
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> >
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-22 00:38:19
Johanne Tournier wrote:
> [snip]
> Personally, and without having sliced and diced these theses in any great detail, I think it may be an error to place too great a weight on the statement by the Crowland Chronicler that "while these things were happening" (i.e. the investiture of EoM as Prince of Wales on Sept. 8, 1483), the boys were still living in the Tower. As it seems to me that it's possible that that is what people *thought,* but that the boys had been taken out or rubbed out by that time and no one may have noticed. How great a watch would have been kept on the boys by someone like the Chronicler, if he was John Russell, for example, who was Richard's chancellor? And as far as payments to Buckingham being made as "late as mid-September," by a "trusting Richard," I would think that he, being out of the capital, might well have ordered payments to be made, even if Buckingham was busily engaged in plotting a rebellion at the same time. "The most untrue creature living!"
> Well, Richard had certainly benefitted him to such an extent that he reasonably expected, I am sure, that Buckingham, of all people, would be loyal to him.
Carol responds:
Your last sentence is certainly true as shown both by the famous "untrue creature" postscript and by the attainder that AJ so kindly placed in our files.
I would disagree with your other statements, though. Whoever the Croyland chronicler was (almost certainly not Chancellor Russell, with whom Richard was in correspondence about the rebellions and "rescue" attempts and who would not have criticized Richard for spending money stolen from the treasury by the Woodvilles), he was in a better position than any of the (late and mostly foreign) "sources" that Annette quoted, all of whom are speculating about Buckingham's motives and opportunity (exactly as we're doing).
There's no question that *if* the "princes" were killed during Richard's reign, he's the most likely suspect, having motive (his own desire for the crown or, much less likely, a wish to overthrow Richard in favor of Tudor), means (poison, smothering, a knife, drowning, whatever), and opportunity (access to the Tower as Constable of England), but surely there would be evidence of some kind rather than just rumors and the bones in the urn. (In the unlikely event that the Croyland chronicler was Russell, he would almost certainly *know* what happened to the boys, as he clearly does not.
Still, the chronicler was presumably in London (he clearly was not with Richard on progress or he would have known that the investiture of the Prince of Wales was not a second coronation), so he would have known at what point the boys were placed under greater security, which is after Tyrell left (possibly, Tyrell carried orders from Richard to this effect; Richard knew that rebellions were afoot though he didn't know of Buckingham's involvement.)
If we assume that Buckingham did *not* go with Richard on progress, leaving him at Gloucester, and that he did *not* meet him at Gloucester on his way to Brecon (Brecknock) as Kendall speculates, but remained in London, ostensibly to do the paperwork for commissions of the peace, he would have had the opportunity to kill the boys. However, Brackenbury would surely have informed Richard (and probably Chancellor Russell) immediately (not, of course, by a clearly written letter but in code like "the fact of an enterprise") and Richard would not have continued to send commissions of the peace and payments to Buckingham. Either that, or Richard found out the hard way at the same time he wrote the "most untrue creature living" letter--that is, not until October 12, when he asked Chancellor Russell to come himself if he could and, if not, to send the Great Seal by some other bearer.
Not to get onto another topic, but Russell was one of the signers, with other prestigious clerics, of the letter asking Richard, noting his "blessed disposition in all other things," to speak for the needs of the clergy. For reasons stated by Bertram Fields and others, it's most unlikely that he was the sniping, petty-minded, Edwardian Yorkist turned sycophantic Tudorite who wrote the Croyland chronicle.
Carol
> [snip]
> Personally, and without having sliced and diced these theses in any great detail, I think it may be an error to place too great a weight on the statement by the Crowland Chronicler that "while these things were happening" (i.e. the investiture of EoM as Prince of Wales on Sept. 8, 1483), the boys were still living in the Tower. As it seems to me that it's possible that that is what people *thought,* but that the boys had been taken out or rubbed out by that time and no one may have noticed. How great a watch would have been kept on the boys by someone like the Chronicler, if he was John Russell, for example, who was Richard's chancellor? And as far as payments to Buckingham being made as "late as mid-September," by a "trusting Richard," I would think that he, being out of the capital, might well have ordered payments to be made, even if Buckingham was busily engaged in plotting a rebellion at the same time. "The most untrue creature living!"
> Well, Richard had certainly benefitted him to such an extent that he reasonably expected, I am sure, that Buckingham, of all people, would be loyal to him.
Carol responds:
Your last sentence is certainly true as shown both by the famous "untrue creature" postscript and by the attainder that AJ so kindly placed in our files.
I would disagree with your other statements, though. Whoever the Croyland chronicler was (almost certainly not Chancellor Russell, with whom Richard was in correspondence about the rebellions and "rescue" attempts and who would not have criticized Richard for spending money stolen from the treasury by the Woodvilles), he was in a better position than any of the (late and mostly foreign) "sources" that Annette quoted, all of whom are speculating about Buckingham's motives and opportunity (exactly as we're doing).
There's no question that *if* the "princes" were killed during Richard's reign, he's the most likely suspect, having motive (his own desire for the crown or, much less likely, a wish to overthrow Richard in favor of Tudor), means (poison, smothering, a knife, drowning, whatever), and opportunity (access to the Tower as Constable of England), but surely there would be evidence of some kind rather than just rumors and the bones in the urn. (In the unlikely event that the Croyland chronicler was Russell, he would almost certainly *know* what happened to the boys, as he clearly does not.
Still, the chronicler was presumably in London (he clearly was not with Richard on progress or he would have known that the investiture of the Prince of Wales was not a second coronation), so he would have known at what point the boys were placed under greater security, which is after Tyrell left (possibly, Tyrell carried orders from Richard to this effect; Richard knew that rebellions were afoot though he didn't know of Buckingham's involvement.)
If we assume that Buckingham did *not* go with Richard on progress, leaving him at Gloucester, and that he did *not* meet him at Gloucester on his way to Brecon (Brecknock) as Kendall speculates, but remained in London, ostensibly to do the paperwork for commissions of the peace, he would have had the opportunity to kill the boys. However, Brackenbury would surely have informed Richard (and probably Chancellor Russell) immediately (not, of course, by a clearly written letter but in code like "the fact of an enterprise") and Richard would not have continued to send commissions of the peace and payments to Buckingham. Either that, or Richard found out the hard way at the same time he wrote the "most untrue creature living" letter--that is, not until October 12, when he asked Chancellor Russell to come himself if he could and, if not, to send the Great Seal by some other bearer.
Not to get onto another topic, but Russell was one of the signers, with other prestigious clerics, of the letter asking Richard, noting his "blessed disposition in all other things," to speak for the needs of the clergy. For reasons stated by Bertram Fields and others, it's most unlikely that he was the sniping, petty-minded, Edwardian Yorkist turned sycophantic Tudorite who wrote the Croyland chronicle.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-22 06:15:52
Thank you Carol - a clear and detailed answer, as usual.
________________________________
justcarol67 <justcarol67@...> wrote:
--- In , Pamela Furmidge <pamela.furmidge@...> wrote:
>
> I'm not too familiar with More in detail, but didn't his son-in-law add things to the original before it was published? Do we know exactly which bits the SIL added? It may be possible that he made alterations which were completely wrong (like changing Buckingham's name) because he was even further away from the people and events described.
Carol responds:
Roper's additions to the English version were his own translations from the more complete Latin version. His intention was to correct the corrupt version that had appeared in Hardying's and Hall's chronicles. Here's his very long title/explanation:
"The history of king Richard the thirde (vnfinished) written by Master
Thomas More than [sic] one of the vndersherriffs of London: about the yeare of our Lorde, 1513. VVhich worke hath bene before this tyme printed in hardynges Cronicle, and in Hallys Cronicle: but very muche corrupte in many places, sometyme hauyng lesse, and sometyme hauing more, and altered in wordes and whole sentences: muche varying fro the copie of his own hand, by which thys is printed."
When he adds material from the Latin version, he states, "This that is here betwene this marke, ! and this marke * was not written by M. More in this history written by him in englishe but is translated oute of this history which he wrote in laten."
I'm not sure how (or whether) the "marke" will show up in Yahoo, but it's like a plus sign with an extra crossbar. Roper also provides subtitles, such as "The abuse of saintuaries" or "The Quenes aunswere" to help the reader locate a particular passage. (I'm quite certain that Roper believed this work to be a real "history" and wanted the "correct" version to replace the "corrupt" one. Where More's own intention fits in, we don't know, except that he obviously didn't intend to publish the work.
Anyway, Roper's version is probably preferable to the version in Hall, but you can decide for yourself. Both are accessible from the American branch website
http://www.r3.org/
or rather, Hall's version is accessible through Holinshed, who copied it. Here's the link to More (Roper's version):
http://newr3.dreamhosters.com/?page_id=2077
and the link to Holinshed's version (essentially the same as Hall's), which puts the events of More's "historie" in order but leaves out quite a bit of the story ("story" used intentionally--it's fiction but the later chroniclers don't know it):
http://newr3.dreamhosters.com/?page_id=1994
Roper's version isn't long, guys. If you haven't read it, you need to do so. It will show you how much of the legend More borrowed and expanded upon, how much he invented, how much he admits that his own stories might not be true {cf. "I shall rehearse you the dolorous end of those babes, not after euery way that I haue heard, but after that way thay I haue so hard by such men & by such meanes, as me thinketh it wer hard but it should be true" and "the young king and his tender brother [w]hose death and final infortune hathe natheles so far comen in question, that some remain yet in doubt, whither they wer in his [Richard's] dayes destroyde or no"), and which parts of Shakespeare's dramatic fiction derive directly from More. It's also entertaining to untangle the sentence structure to see what he's really saying, as Tey did in the passage on George of Clarence.
Carol
________________________________
justcarol67 <justcarol67@...> wrote:
--- In , Pamela Furmidge <pamela.furmidge@...> wrote:
>
> I'm not too familiar with More in detail, but didn't his son-in-law add things to the original before it was published? Do we know exactly which bits the SIL added? It may be possible that he made alterations which were completely wrong (like changing Buckingham's name) because he was even further away from the people and events described.
Carol responds:
Roper's additions to the English version were his own translations from the more complete Latin version. His intention was to correct the corrupt version that had appeared in Hardying's and Hall's chronicles. Here's his very long title/explanation:
"The history of king Richard the thirde (vnfinished) written by Master
Thomas More than [sic] one of the vndersherriffs of London: about the yeare of our Lorde, 1513. VVhich worke hath bene before this tyme printed in hardynges Cronicle, and in Hallys Cronicle: but very muche corrupte in many places, sometyme hauyng lesse, and sometyme hauing more, and altered in wordes and whole sentences: muche varying fro the copie of his own hand, by which thys is printed."
When he adds material from the Latin version, he states, "This that is here betwene this marke, ! and this marke * was not written by M. More in this history written by him in englishe but is translated oute of this history which he wrote in laten."
I'm not sure how (or whether) the "marke" will show up in Yahoo, but it's like a plus sign with an extra crossbar. Roper also provides subtitles, such as "The abuse of saintuaries" or "The Quenes aunswere" to help the reader locate a particular passage. (I'm quite certain that Roper believed this work to be a real "history" and wanted the "correct" version to replace the "corrupt" one. Where More's own intention fits in, we don't know, except that he obviously didn't intend to publish the work.
Anyway, Roper's version is probably preferable to the version in Hall, but you can decide for yourself. Both are accessible from the American branch website
http://www.r3.org/
or rather, Hall's version is accessible through Holinshed, who copied it. Here's the link to More (Roper's version):
http://newr3.dreamhosters.com/?page_id=2077
and the link to Holinshed's version (essentially the same as Hall's), which puts the events of More's "historie" in order but leaves out quite a bit of the story ("story" used intentionally--it's fiction but the later chroniclers don't know it):
http://newr3.dreamhosters.com/?page_id=1994
Roper's version isn't long, guys. If you haven't read it, you need to do so. It will show you how much of the legend More borrowed and expanded upon, how much he invented, how much he admits that his own stories might not be true {cf. "I shall rehearse you the dolorous end of those babes, not after euery way that I haue heard, but after that way thay I haue so hard by such men & by such meanes, as me thinketh it wer hard but it should be true" and "the young king and his tender brother [w]hose death and final infortune hathe natheles so far comen in question, that some remain yet in doubt, whither they wer in his [Richard's] dayes destroyde or no"), and which parts of Shakespeare's dramatic fiction derive directly from More. It's also entertaining to untangle the sentence structure to see what he's really saying, as Tey did in the passage on George of Clarence.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-22 06:22:08
Me: Son in law.
________________________________
Carol asked Carol responds:Not sure what you mean by "SIL."
Pamela Furmidge wrote:
>
> I'm not too familiar with More in detail, but didn't his son-in-law add things to the original before it was published? Do we know exactly which bits the SIL added? It may be possible that he made alterations which were completely wrong (like changing Buckingham's name) because he was even further away from the people and events described.
________________________________
Carol asked Carol responds:Not sure what you mean by "SIL."
Pamela Furmidge wrote:
>
> I'm not too familiar with More in detail, but didn't his son-in-law add things to the original before it was published? Do we know exactly which bits the SIL added? It may be possible that he made alterations which were completely wrong (like changing Buckingham's name) because he was even further away from the people and events described.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-22 14:00:32
No.... Charlton Heston:/ With that horrible grin......:(
Ishita Bandyo
Sent from my iPad
On May 21, 2013, at 2:01 PM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
> Well that's Shakespeare for you. In the Henry VI plays he had Richard as an adult when he was about 2 at the time!. But are you watching Richard Burton .... that voice?!!
>
> ________________________________
> From: Ishita Bandyo <bandyoi@...>
> To: "" <>
> Sent: Tuesday, 21 May 2013, 3:08
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
>
>
>
> I am just watching Shakespeare 's Anthony and Cleopatra and it seems Shakespeare has Pompey alive at 30B.C when Octavian invades Egypt! When in reality he was killed around 46B.C while unending away from Julius Caesar! Unless I am completely addled in my dates, it seems like a glaring misrepresentation of facts.... !!
>
> Ishita Bandyo
> Sent from my iPad
>
> On May 20, 2013, at 4:17 AM, Hilary Jones <mailto:hjnatdat%40yahoo.com> wrote:
>
> > Shakespeare seemed willing to take risks though. For example his first performance of Hamlet was to James I/VI and his queen (who was Danish) and is of course all about kings killing kings to take the throne and marry the same wife. It's unlikely that James would have missed the fact that this could have referred to his own mother who had had Darnley (his father) killed to marry Bothwell.
> >
> >
> > ________________________________
> > From: Pamela Bain <mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com>
> > To: "<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>" <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> > Sent: Monday, 20 May 2013, 2:42
> > Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> >
> >
> > Oh my Lord, that is fascinating..... Yet another alley to travel. My, my, you lift up one stone, and so much is uncovered that is simply not known, or certainly not commonly known.
> >
> > On May 19, 2013, at 5:19 PM, "ellrosa1452" <mailto:kathryn198%40btinternet.com<mailto:mailto:kathryn198%40btinternet.com>> wrote:
> >
> > Hi
> > There are two schools of thought that Shakespeare's play Richard III parodies the Cecils and that the character of Richard is a caricature of Robert Cecil. David B Schajer has a blog on http://shakespearesolved.blogspot.co.uk/2012/10/richard-iii-was-shakespeares-revenge.html where he claims that Holinshed's patron was William Cecil and that Shakespeare based the play on Holinshed's Chronicles. He also states the play was meant as a dig at leading politicians. The play is presumed to have been written in 1592. Sir Francis Walsingham had died in April 1590 and Burghley dies in 1598. We know that Shakespeare and other playwrights used topical allusions, which the audience would have understood so there is no reason to suppose that audiences would not have been aware that the characters were based on current politicians or in some cases courtiers. However, the problem would have been how far Shakespeare would wish to stick his neck out and risk censure and
> > possible imprisonment. Contemporaries such as Jonson, Nashe and Middleton to name a few never managed to avoid imprisonment having fallen foul of the authorities.
> >
> > Another theory is that it was written not by Shakespeare but Edward de Vere, Earl of Oxford, who satirised his brother-in-law, Robert Cecil who was known to have physical disabilities and a distinctly Machiavellian type of mind. See http://politicworm.com/oxford-shakespeare/the-big-six-candidates
> >
> > Cecil had character traits of schemer, dissembler, and a willingness to use people to achieve his aims, which he used together with his underhanded scheming and plotting to eliminate possible rivals. This is seen in the way he conducted character assassinations of Raleigh and others and is mirrored in the portrayal of the fictitious Richard in the play. Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, was another rival who fell foul of him and it is commonly believed that he engineered the gunpowder plot. William Cecil, Lord Burghley, brought him into government although not into Elizabeth's inner circle at first but by plotting and making himself indispensable to the aging Elizabeth, he took over many duties including Walsingham's network of agents and spies, which gave him access to untold secrets. He was a prominent figure in the dealings over the succession and opened covert negotiations with James in Scotland whilst poisoning the mind of James as to who he could
> and
> > could not trust in England as he conducted a long running secret correspondence. Not that James needed much persuasion in the case of Raleigh but it was Cecil's machination's that led to his arrest and trial on trumped up charges in the Main and Bye Plots and his eventual execution in 1618.
> >
> > We also know that Shakespeare parodies Burghley as Polonius in Hamlet.
> > Elaine
> >
> > --- In mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "ricard1an" <maryfriend@...> wrote:
> > >
> > > Judy isn't there a school of thought that Shakespeare's" Richard III" was meant to be ironic and I have also read somewhere that it could have been a comment on the Tudors, but ofcourse Shakepeare wouldn't have dared name them as he was writing in Elizabeth's reign so he used Richard instead. I have got a book about Shakespeare written by Michael Wood. I have started to read it but for some reason did not finish it. He was suggesting ( if Iremember correctly) that Shakespeare was a Catholic and was not exactly a fan of Elizabeth.
> > >
> > > --- In mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, Judy Thomson <judygerard.thomson@> wrote:
> > > >
> > > > Carol, Â you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
> > > >
> > > > JudyÂ
> > > >
> > > > Â
> > > >
> > > >
> > > > Â
> > > > Loyaulte me lie
> > > >
> > > >
> > > > ________________________________
> > > > From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@>
> > > > To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> > > > Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 11:56 AM
> > > > Subject: Re: Disappearance
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > > Â
> > > > "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> > > >
> > > > > I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
> > > >
> > > > Carol responds:
> > > >
> > > > I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
> > > >
> > > > At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
> > > >
> > > > Here's how the book opens:
> > > >
> > > > "Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
> > > >
> > > > So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
> > > >
> > > > I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
> > > >
> > > > Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
> > > >
> > > > Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
> > > >
> > > > To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
> > > >
> > > > Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
> > > >
> > > > Carol
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > >
> >
> >
> >
> > ------------------------------------
> >
> > Yahoo! Groups Links
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
>
>
>
>
>
Ishita Bandyo
Sent from my iPad
On May 21, 2013, at 2:01 PM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
> Well that's Shakespeare for you. In the Henry VI plays he had Richard as an adult when he was about 2 at the time!. But are you watching Richard Burton .... that voice?!!
>
> ________________________________
> From: Ishita Bandyo <bandyoi@...>
> To: "" <>
> Sent: Tuesday, 21 May 2013, 3:08
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
>
>
>
> I am just watching Shakespeare 's Anthony and Cleopatra and it seems Shakespeare has Pompey alive at 30B.C when Octavian invades Egypt! When in reality he was killed around 46B.C while unending away from Julius Caesar! Unless I am completely addled in my dates, it seems like a glaring misrepresentation of facts.... !!
>
> Ishita Bandyo
> Sent from my iPad
>
> On May 20, 2013, at 4:17 AM, Hilary Jones <mailto:hjnatdat%40yahoo.com> wrote:
>
> > Shakespeare seemed willing to take risks though. For example his first performance of Hamlet was to James I/VI and his queen (who was Danish) and is of course all about kings killing kings to take the throne and marry the same wife. It's unlikely that James would have missed the fact that this could have referred to his own mother who had had Darnley (his father) killed to marry Bothwell.
> >
> >
> > ________________________________
> > From: Pamela Bain <mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com>
> > To: "<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>" <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> > Sent: Monday, 20 May 2013, 2:42
> > Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> >
> >
> > Oh my Lord, that is fascinating..... Yet another alley to travel. My, my, you lift up one stone, and so much is uncovered that is simply not known, or certainly not commonly known.
> >
> > On May 19, 2013, at 5:19 PM, "ellrosa1452" <mailto:kathryn198%40btinternet.com<mailto:mailto:kathryn198%40btinternet.com>> wrote:
> >
> > Hi
> > There are two schools of thought that Shakespeare's play Richard III parodies the Cecils and that the character of Richard is a caricature of Robert Cecil. David B Schajer has a blog on http://shakespearesolved.blogspot.co.uk/2012/10/richard-iii-was-shakespeares-revenge.html where he claims that Holinshed's patron was William Cecil and that Shakespeare based the play on Holinshed's Chronicles. He also states the play was meant as a dig at leading politicians. The play is presumed to have been written in 1592. Sir Francis Walsingham had died in April 1590 and Burghley dies in 1598. We know that Shakespeare and other playwrights used topical allusions, which the audience would have understood so there is no reason to suppose that audiences would not have been aware that the characters were based on current politicians or in some cases courtiers. However, the problem would have been how far Shakespeare would wish to stick his neck out and risk censure and
> > possible imprisonment. Contemporaries such as Jonson, Nashe and Middleton to name a few never managed to avoid imprisonment having fallen foul of the authorities.
> >
> > Another theory is that it was written not by Shakespeare but Edward de Vere, Earl of Oxford, who satirised his brother-in-law, Robert Cecil who was known to have physical disabilities and a distinctly Machiavellian type of mind. See http://politicworm.com/oxford-shakespeare/the-big-six-candidates
> >
> > Cecil had character traits of schemer, dissembler, and a willingness to use people to achieve his aims, which he used together with his underhanded scheming and plotting to eliminate possible rivals. This is seen in the way he conducted character assassinations of Raleigh and others and is mirrored in the portrayal of the fictitious Richard in the play. Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, was another rival who fell foul of him and it is commonly believed that he engineered the gunpowder plot. William Cecil, Lord Burghley, brought him into government although not into Elizabeth's inner circle at first but by plotting and making himself indispensable to the aging Elizabeth, he took over many duties including Walsingham's network of agents and spies, which gave him access to untold secrets. He was a prominent figure in the dealings over the succession and opened covert negotiations with James in Scotland whilst poisoning the mind of James as to who he could
> and
> > could not trust in England as he conducted a long running secret correspondence. Not that James needed much persuasion in the case of Raleigh but it was Cecil's machination's that led to his arrest and trial on trumped up charges in the Main and Bye Plots and his eventual execution in 1618.
> >
> > We also know that Shakespeare parodies Burghley as Polonius in Hamlet.
> > Elaine
> >
> > --- In mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "ricard1an" <maryfriend@...> wrote:
> > >
> > > Judy isn't there a school of thought that Shakespeare's" Richard III" was meant to be ironic and I have also read somewhere that it could have been a comment on the Tudors, but ofcourse Shakepeare wouldn't have dared name them as he was writing in Elizabeth's reign so he used Richard instead. I have got a book about Shakespeare written by Michael Wood. I have started to read it but for some reason did not finish it. He was suggesting ( if Iremember correctly) that Shakespeare was a Catholic and was not exactly a fan of Elizabeth.
> > >
> > > --- In mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, Judy Thomson <judygerard.thomson@> wrote:
> > > >
> > > > Carol, Â you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
> > > >
> > > > JudyÂ
> > > >
> > > > Â
> > > >
> > > >
> > > > Â
> > > > Loyaulte me lie
> > > >
> > > >
> > > > ________________________________
> > > > From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@>
> > > > To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> > > > Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 11:56 AM
> > > > Subject: Re: Disappearance
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > > Â
> > > > "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> > > >
> > > > > I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
> > > >
> > > > Carol responds:
> > > >
> > > > I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
> > > >
> > > > At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
> > > >
> > > > Here's how the book opens:
> > > >
> > > > "Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
> > > >
> > > > So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
> > > >
> > > > I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
> > > >
> > > > Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
> > > >
> > > > Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
> > > >
> > > > To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
> > > >
> > > > Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
> > > >
> > > > Carol
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > >
> >
> >
> >
> > ------------------------------------
> >
> > Yahoo! Groups Links
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-22 14:00:40
Most of the Bard's "History" plays are dramas, not history, and full of
factual errors, most deliberate, made for dramatic reasons.
Just take a close look at Macbeth, after our Richard, to get good idea
of how little research he did. And of course young Henry V was never a
lout having fun in the stews with commoners. Great drama though!
All the time great drama was all Shakespeare was concentrating on.
And as for Anthony and Cleopatra, most historians are mystified as to
why their relationship is classified as one of the great love stories.
Paul
On 21/05/2013 03:08, Ishita Bandyo wrote:
> I am just watching Shakespeare 's Anthony and Cleopatra and it seems Shakespeare has Pompey alive at 30B.C when Octavian invades Egypt! When in reality he was killed around 46B.C while unending away from Julius Caesar! Unless I am completely addled in my dates, it seems like a glaring misrepresentation of facts.... !!
>
> Ishita Bandyo
> Sent from my iPad
>
> On May 20, 2013, at 4:17 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
>
>> Shakespeare seemed willing to take risks though. For example his first performance of Hamlet was to James I/VI and his queen (who was Danish) and is of course all about kings killing kings to take the throne and marry the same wife. It's unlikely that James would have missed the fact that this could have referred to his own mother who had had Darnley (his father) killed to marry Bothwell.
>>
>>
>> ________________________________
>> From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...>
>> To: "<>" <>
>> Sent: Monday, 20 May 2013, 2:42
>> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>>
>>
>> Oh my Lord, that is fascinating..... Yet another alley to travel. My, my, you lift up one stone, and so much is uncovered that is simply not known, or certainly not commonly known.
>>
>> On May 19, 2013, at 5:19 PM, "ellrosa1452" <kathryn198@...<mailto:kathryn198@...>> wrote:
>>
>> Hi
>> There are two schools of thought that Shakespeare's play Richard III parodies the Cecils and that the character of Richard is a caricature of Robert Cecil. David B Schajer has a blog on http://shakespearesolved.blogspot.co.uk/2012/10/richard-iii-was-shakespeares-revenge.html where he claims that Holinshed's patron was William Cecil and that Shakespeare based the play on Holinshed's Chronicles. He also states the play was meant as a dig at leading politicians. The play is presumed to have been written in 1592. Sir Francis Walsingham had died in April 1590 and Burghley dies in 1598. We know that Shakespeare and other playwrights used topical allusions, which the audience would have understood so there is no reason to suppose that audiences would not have been aware that the characters were based on current politicians or in some cases courtiers. However, the problem would have been how far Shakespeare would wish to stick his neck out and risk censure and
>> possible imprisonment. Contemporaries such as Jonson, Nashe and Middleton to name a few never managed to avoid imprisonment having fallen foul of the authorities.
>>
>> Another theory is that it was written not by Shakespeare but Edward de Vere, Earl of Oxford, who satirised his brother-in-law, Robert Cecil who was known to have physical disabilities and a distinctly Machiavellian type of mind. See http://politicworm.com/oxford-shakespeare/the-big-six-candidates
>>
>> Cecil had character traits of schemer, dissembler, and a willingness to use people to achieve his aims, which he used together with his underhanded scheming and plotting to eliminate possible rivals. This is seen in the way he conducted character assassinations of Raleigh and others and is mirrored in the portrayal of the fictitious Richard in the play. Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, was another rival who fell foul of him and it is commonly believed that he engineered the gunpowder plot. William Cecil, Lord Burghley, brought him into government although not into Elizabeth's inner circle at first but by plotting and making himself indispensable to the aging Elizabeth, he took over many duties including Walsingham's network of agents and spies, which gave him access to untold secrets. He was a prominent figure in the dealings over the succession and opened covert negotiations with James in Scotland whilst poisoning the mind of James as to who he could and
>> could not trust in England as he conducted a long running secret correspondence. Not that James needed much persuasion in the case of Raleigh but it was Cecil's machination's that led to his arrest and trial on trumped up charges in the Main and Bye Plots and his eventual execution in 1618.
>>
>> We also know that Shakespeare parodies Burghley as Polonius in Hamlet.
>> Elaine
>>
>> --- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "ricard1an" <maryfriend@...> wrote:
>>> Judy isn't there a school of thought that Shakespeare's" Richard III" was meant to be ironic and I have also read somewhere that it could have been a comment on the Tudors, but ofcourse Shakepeare wouldn't have dared name them as he was writing in Elizabeth's reign so he used Richard instead. I have got a book about Shakespeare written by Michael Wood. I have started to read it but for some reason did not finish it. He was suggesting ( if Iremember correctly) that Shakespeare was a Catholic and was not exactly a fan of Elizabeth.
>>>
>>> --- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, Judy Thomson <judygerard.thomson@> wrote:
>>>> Carol, Â you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
>>>>
>>>> JudyÂ
>>>>
>>>> Â
>>>>
>>>>
>>>> Â
>>>> Loyaulte me lie
>>>>
>>>>
>>>> ________________________________
>>>> From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@>
>>>> To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
>>>> Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 11:56 AM
>>>> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>> Â
>>>> "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
>>>>
>>>>> I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
>>>> Carol responds:
>>>>
>>>> I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
>>>>
>>>> At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
>>>>
>>>> Here's how the book opens:
>>>>
>>>> "Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
>>>>
>>>> So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
>>>>
>>>> I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
>>>>
>>>> Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
>>>>
>>>> Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
>>>>
>>>> To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
>>>>
>>>> Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
>>>>
>>>> Carol
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>
>>
>> ------------------------------------
>>
>> Yahoo! Groups Links
>>
>>
>>
>>
>
>
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
--
Richard Liveth Yet!
factual errors, most deliberate, made for dramatic reasons.
Just take a close look at Macbeth, after our Richard, to get good idea
of how little research he did. And of course young Henry V was never a
lout having fun in the stews with commoners. Great drama though!
All the time great drama was all Shakespeare was concentrating on.
And as for Anthony and Cleopatra, most historians are mystified as to
why their relationship is classified as one of the great love stories.
Paul
On 21/05/2013 03:08, Ishita Bandyo wrote:
> I am just watching Shakespeare 's Anthony and Cleopatra and it seems Shakespeare has Pompey alive at 30B.C when Octavian invades Egypt! When in reality he was killed around 46B.C while unending away from Julius Caesar! Unless I am completely addled in my dates, it seems like a glaring misrepresentation of facts.... !!
>
> Ishita Bandyo
> Sent from my iPad
>
> On May 20, 2013, at 4:17 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
>
>> Shakespeare seemed willing to take risks though. For example his first performance of Hamlet was to James I/VI and his queen (who was Danish) and is of course all about kings killing kings to take the throne and marry the same wife. It's unlikely that James would have missed the fact that this could have referred to his own mother who had had Darnley (his father) killed to marry Bothwell.
>>
>>
>> ________________________________
>> From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...>
>> To: "<>" <>
>> Sent: Monday, 20 May 2013, 2:42
>> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>>
>>
>> Oh my Lord, that is fascinating..... Yet another alley to travel. My, my, you lift up one stone, and so much is uncovered that is simply not known, or certainly not commonly known.
>>
>> On May 19, 2013, at 5:19 PM, "ellrosa1452" <kathryn198@...<mailto:kathryn198@...>> wrote:
>>
>> Hi
>> There are two schools of thought that Shakespeare's play Richard III parodies the Cecils and that the character of Richard is a caricature of Robert Cecil. David B Schajer has a blog on http://shakespearesolved.blogspot.co.uk/2012/10/richard-iii-was-shakespeares-revenge.html where he claims that Holinshed's patron was William Cecil and that Shakespeare based the play on Holinshed's Chronicles. He also states the play was meant as a dig at leading politicians. The play is presumed to have been written in 1592. Sir Francis Walsingham had died in April 1590 and Burghley dies in 1598. We know that Shakespeare and other playwrights used topical allusions, which the audience would have understood so there is no reason to suppose that audiences would not have been aware that the characters were based on current politicians or in some cases courtiers. However, the problem would have been how far Shakespeare would wish to stick his neck out and risk censure and
>> possible imprisonment. Contemporaries such as Jonson, Nashe and Middleton to name a few never managed to avoid imprisonment having fallen foul of the authorities.
>>
>> Another theory is that it was written not by Shakespeare but Edward de Vere, Earl of Oxford, who satirised his brother-in-law, Robert Cecil who was known to have physical disabilities and a distinctly Machiavellian type of mind. See http://politicworm.com/oxford-shakespeare/the-big-six-candidates
>>
>> Cecil had character traits of schemer, dissembler, and a willingness to use people to achieve his aims, which he used together with his underhanded scheming and plotting to eliminate possible rivals. This is seen in the way he conducted character assassinations of Raleigh and others and is mirrored in the portrayal of the fictitious Richard in the play. Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, was another rival who fell foul of him and it is commonly believed that he engineered the gunpowder plot. William Cecil, Lord Burghley, brought him into government although not into Elizabeth's inner circle at first but by plotting and making himself indispensable to the aging Elizabeth, he took over many duties including Walsingham's network of agents and spies, which gave him access to untold secrets. He was a prominent figure in the dealings over the succession and opened covert negotiations with James in Scotland whilst poisoning the mind of James as to who he could and
>> could not trust in England as he conducted a long running secret correspondence. Not that James needed much persuasion in the case of Raleigh but it was Cecil's machination's that led to his arrest and trial on trumped up charges in the Main and Bye Plots and his eventual execution in 1618.
>>
>> We also know that Shakespeare parodies Burghley as Polonius in Hamlet.
>> Elaine
>>
>> --- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "ricard1an" <maryfriend@...> wrote:
>>> Judy isn't there a school of thought that Shakespeare's" Richard III" was meant to be ironic and I have also read somewhere that it could have been a comment on the Tudors, but ofcourse Shakepeare wouldn't have dared name them as he was writing in Elizabeth's reign so he used Richard instead. I have got a book about Shakespeare written by Michael Wood. I have started to read it but for some reason did not finish it. He was suggesting ( if Iremember correctly) that Shakespeare was a Catholic and was not exactly a fan of Elizabeth.
>>>
>>> --- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, Judy Thomson <judygerard.thomson@> wrote:
>>>> Carol, Â you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
>>>>
>>>> JudyÂ
>>>>
>>>> Â
>>>>
>>>>
>>>> Â
>>>> Loyaulte me lie
>>>>
>>>>
>>>> ________________________________
>>>> From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@>
>>>> To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
>>>> Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 11:56 AM
>>>> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>> Â
>>>> "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
>>>>
>>>>> I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
>>>> Carol responds:
>>>>
>>>> I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
>>>>
>>>> At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
>>>>
>>>> Here's how the book opens:
>>>>
>>>> "Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
>>>>
>>>> So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
>>>>
>>>> I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
>>>>
>>>> Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
>>>>
>>>> Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
>>>>
>>>> To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
>>>>
>>>> Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
>>>>
>>>> Carol
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>
>>
>> ------------------------------------
>>
>> Yahoo! Groups Links
>>
>>
>>
>>
>
>
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
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>
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--
Richard Liveth Yet!
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-22 15:22:54
Claire M Jordan wrote:
"It's the withered arm bit which makes me think it's a slightly garbled
version of a real scene - especially when you consider the independent
evidence that *both* his arms were very slender. The scene which More
describes doesn't really make much sense, which tends to argue against it
being invented from whole cloth - to my mind it makes far more sense if you
assume there was an original eye-witness account (probably from Morton)
which went something like "He bared his scrawny arm and declared 'These
Woodvilles have tied my hands'", and More misunderstood it as meaning that
he had one scrawny arm and one not scrawny, when the eyewitness meant he had
bared one of a pair of arms which were *both* scrawny.
The strawberries might be an invention, but since he knew Morton, they might
also well be real."
Doug here:
Funnily enough, I've always wondered about those strawberries.
If I recall correctly, the strawberry reference occurs *before* the hiatus
in the Council meeting and before Richard returns with, apparently, some
sort of evidence against Hastings. Odd that, especially when, again if I
recall correctly, Morton is down as saying he'll provide Richard with some
of those "strawberries" from his (Morton's) garden.
A reference to where something was hidden?
Morton slyly inserting that it was *he* who provided Richard with evidence
of Hastings' involvement?
Or Morton just trying to prove how innocent he was of any involvement by
sending a treat to Richard?
(And no, I really don't believe that last!)
Doug
"It's the withered arm bit which makes me think it's a slightly garbled
version of a real scene - especially when you consider the independent
evidence that *both* his arms were very slender. The scene which More
describes doesn't really make much sense, which tends to argue against it
being invented from whole cloth - to my mind it makes far more sense if you
assume there was an original eye-witness account (probably from Morton)
which went something like "He bared his scrawny arm and declared 'These
Woodvilles have tied my hands'", and More misunderstood it as meaning that
he had one scrawny arm and one not scrawny, when the eyewitness meant he had
bared one of a pair of arms which were *both* scrawny.
The strawberries might be an invention, but since he knew Morton, they might
also well be real."
Doug here:
Funnily enough, I've always wondered about those strawberries.
If I recall correctly, the strawberry reference occurs *before* the hiatus
in the Council meeting and before Richard returns with, apparently, some
sort of evidence against Hastings. Odd that, especially when, again if I
recall correctly, Morton is down as saying he'll provide Richard with some
of those "strawberries" from his (Morton's) garden.
A reference to where something was hidden?
Morton slyly inserting that it was *he* who provided Richard with evidence
of Hastings' involvement?
Or Morton just trying to prove how innocent he was of any involvement by
sending a treat to Richard?
(And no, I really don't believe that last!)
Doug
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-22 15:38:01
I've just come across this from http://www.doctorsreview.com/history/mar06-history/ An absolutely reliable source, of course.
>>>>According to a biography written by Sir Thomas More (1478-1535), Richard was mistrustful of his old friend, Lord William Hastings (1431-1483) a powerful figure who was sympathetic to the throne's rightful heir, the young Edward V (1470-1483) and needed to do away with him in order to accede the throne.
>>>>Richard, who was allergic to strawberries, secretly ate a few before meetings with Hastings one day. After falling ill quickly and dramatically, he publicly accused Hastings of putting a curse on him. The hapless Hastings was then arrested on charges of treason and dispatched in the first recorded execution at the Tower of London. Richard was coronated a week later.
Ummm...
>>>>According to a biography written by Sir Thomas More (1478-1535), Richard was mistrustful of his old friend, Lord William Hastings (1431-1483) a powerful figure who was sympathetic to the throne's rightful heir, the young Edward V (1470-1483) and needed to do away with him in order to accede the throne.
>>>>Richard, who was allergic to strawberries, secretly ate a few before meetings with Hastings one day. After falling ill quickly and dramatically, he publicly accused Hastings of putting a curse on him. The hapless Hastings was then arrested on charges of treason and dispatched in the first recorded execution at the Tower of London. Richard was coronated a week later.
Ummm...
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-22 16:06:52
--- In , david rayner <theblackprussian@...> wrote:
>
> I get that there's little love here for Henry, but however bogus his claim it was legitimate as far as his regime is concerned, and Lancastrian die hards were prepared to support it in lieu of anything more credible.Â
> So, had Buckingham lived, the said Duke would have been a lot closer to the succession than he ever would under Richard.
Carol responds:
Just as George of Clarence was under Henry VI? Actually, I think he would have regarded himself as closer to the succession under Richard than you do. Otherwise, I doubt that he would have supported him. With Titulus Regius, he was, so to speak, three down (Richard's nephews) and two to go (Richard and his little son). Possibly, he hoped to have Woodville support (he was married to a Woodville) if he could convince them that the boys were dead. After all, he was considerably higher ranking than Henry Tudor even if Tudor regained the title of Earl of Richmond, and he royal blood was untainted by illegitimacy. He does not seem to have supported the idea of Tudor marrying Elizabeth of York even though Croyland assumes that he did; surely, the attainder would have mentioned that he was asking Tudor to become king rather than merely(!) planning to depose and kill Richard (and spread sedition in the kingdom).
I think we need to consider, to the degree that it's possible, how Buckingham would have thought. Again, there is no evidence that he supported Tudor as a claimant to the throne, only as a fellow rebel against Richard who could (he thought and hoped) bring a Breton army and navy to fight Richard. The idea that he would have wanted a pseudo-Lancastrian upstart with no blood claim other than the barred-from-the-throne Beauforts and a great deal of illegitimate blood to be king instead of himself seems to me extremely unlikely.
Vergil states--incorrectly--that Buckingham was motivated to depose Richard by the denial to him of the Bohum lands and for that reason decided to invite Tudor to marry EoY, etc., to join the blood of Henry VI with that of Edward IV (as if Tudor shared Henry's *father's* blood), but this (extremely shaky) motivation is clearly false. And even Vergil admits the "common report" (which appears to be closer to the truth than his "trewe" version) was that "the duke dyd the lesse disswade kinge Richerd from usurping the kingdome, by meane of so many mischievous dedes, uppon that intent that he afterward, being hatyd both of God and man, might be expellyd from the same, and so himself be caulyd by the commons to that dignytie, wherunto he asspyryd by all means possible, and that yerfor he had at the last stirryd upp warr agaynst kinge Rycherd." We can see this statement somewhat more objectively, limiting the "mischievous dedes" to the execution of Hastings and the "usurpation," and still see the possibility of truth. At any rate, toned down a little and stripped of the implied idea that Richard killed his nephews, this purported motivation, apparently believed by the general public when Vergil was writing, is more plausible than the motive that Vergil (painstakingly and incorrectly) attributes to him.
More, in contrast, actually has Bishop Morton admit that Buckingham has a better claim than Tudor: "I was about to wish, that to those good habilities wherof he [Richard] hath already right many, litle nedyng my prayse: it might yet haue pleased Godde for the better store, to haue geuen him some of suche other excellente vertues mete for the rule of a realm, as our lorde hath planted in the parsone of youre grace [Buckingham]." Unfortunately for our understanding of this fictional conversation, the manuscript ends here, but it certainly looks as if the wily Buckingham is trying to persuade Buckingham to consider his own qualifications to be king--not a word about Henry Tudor in that whole conversation. It's possible, just possible, that More is imagining in detail what may have happened based on some offhand comment by Morton ("I persuaded the fool that he could become king if he rebelled against Richard"}. Earlier, he says, "Very trouth it is, the duke was an high minded man, & euyll could beare the glory of an other" (which, if true, would apply as much to the "glory" of Tudor as to that of Richard) and that Bishop Morton's "wisedom abused his [Buckingham's] pride to his own [Morton's] deilueraunce & the dukes destruccion."
In other words, More, at least, understands that the duke was well rewarded under Richard and that hope of more gain could not have been his motive, and he has Morton, as far as we can tell from the fragment, persuading Buckingham to claim the throne himself rather than support Tudor's "claim." It's only the Croyland chronicler, who perhaps spoke to Morton in 1485 or -86 before writing his continuation of the chronicle, who thinks that Buckingham wrote to Henry asking him to marry EoY and become king. Not even Vergil mentions any such letter, merely having him join the conspiracy out of hatred for Richard on the assumption that he supported Tudor's claim rather than his own.
To repeat, the key point is that the bill of attainder does show that Buckingham invited Tudor to *invade* the kingdom (as B's ally against Richard), but it provides not the faintest shred of evidence that he asked Tudor to marry EoY and claim the throne.
Carol
>
> I get that there's little love here for Henry, but however bogus his claim it was legitimate as far as his regime is concerned, and Lancastrian die hards were prepared to support it in lieu of anything more credible.Â
> So, had Buckingham lived, the said Duke would have been a lot closer to the succession than he ever would under Richard.
Carol responds:
Just as George of Clarence was under Henry VI? Actually, I think he would have regarded himself as closer to the succession under Richard than you do. Otherwise, I doubt that he would have supported him. With Titulus Regius, he was, so to speak, three down (Richard's nephews) and two to go (Richard and his little son). Possibly, he hoped to have Woodville support (he was married to a Woodville) if he could convince them that the boys were dead. After all, he was considerably higher ranking than Henry Tudor even if Tudor regained the title of Earl of Richmond, and he royal blood was untainted by illegitimacy. He does not seem to have supported the idea of Tudor marrying Elizabeth of York even though Croyland assumes that he did; surely, the attainder would have mentioned that he was asking Tudor to become king rather than merely(!) planning to depose and kill Richard (and spread sedition in the kingdom).
I think we need to consider, to the degree that it's possible, how Buckingham would have thought. Again, there is no evidence that he supported Tudor as a claimant to the throne, only as a fellow rebel against Richard who could (he thought and hoped) bring a Breton army and navy to fight Richard. The idea that he would have wanted a pseudo-Lancastrian upstart with no blood claim other than the barred-from-the-throne Beauforts and a great deal of illegitimate blood to be king instead of himself seems to me extremely unlikely.
Vergil states--incorrectly--that Buckingham was motivated to depose Richard by the denial to him of the Bohum lands and for that reason decided to invite Tudor to marry EoY, etc., to join the blood of Henry VI with that of Edward IV (as if Tudor shared Henry's *father's* blood), but this (extremely shaky) motivation is clearly false. And even Vergil admits the "common report" (which appears to be closer to the truth than his "trewe" version) was that "the duke dyd the lesse disswade kinge Richerd from usurping the kingdome, by meane of so many mischievous dedes, uppon that intent that he afterward, being hatyd both of God and man, might be expellyd from the same, and so himself be caulyd by the commons to that dignytie, wherunto he asspyryd by all means possible, and that yerfor he had at the last stirryd upp warr agaynst kinge Rycherd." We can see this statement somewhat more objectively, limiting the "mischievous dedes" to the execution of Hastings and the "usurpation," and still see the possibility of truth. At any rate, toned down a little and stripped of the implied idea that Richard killed his nephews, this purported motivation, apparently believed by the general public when Vergil was writing, is more plausible than the motive that Vergil (painstakingly and incorrectly) attributes to him.
More, in contrast, actually has Bishop Morton admit that Buckingham has a better claim than Tudor: "I was about to wish, that to those good habilities wherof he [Richard] hath already right many, litle nedyng my prayse: it might yet haue pleased Godde for the better store, to haue geuen him some of suche other excellente vertues mete for the rule of a realm, as our lorde hath planted in the parsone of youre grace [Buckingham]." Unfortunately for our understanding of this fictional conversation, the manuscript ends here, but it certainly looks as if the wily Buckingham is trying to persuade Buckingham to consider his own qualifications to be king--not a word about Henry Tudor in that whole conversation. It's possible, just possible, that More is imagining in detail what may have happened based on some offhand comment by Morton ("I persuaded the fool that he could become king if he rebelled against Richard"}. Earlier, he says, "Very trouth it is, the duke was an high minded man, & euyll could beare the glory of an other" (which, if true, would apply as much to the "glory" of Tudor as to that of Richard) and that Bishop Morton's "wisedom abused his [Buckingham's] pride to his own [Morton's] deilueraunce & the dukes destruccion."
In other words, More, at least, understands that the duke was well rewarded under Richard and that hope of more gain could not have been his motive, and he has Morton, as far as we can tell from the fragment, persuading Buckingham to claim the throne himself rather than support Tudor's "claim." It's only the Croyland chronicler, who perhaps spoke to Morton in 1485 or -86 before writing his continuation of the chronicle, who thinks that Buckingham wrote to Henry asking him to marry EoY and become king. Not even Vergil mentions any such letter, merely having him join the conspiracy out of hatred for Richard on the assumption that he supported Tudor's claim rather than his own.
To repeat, the key point is that the bill of attainder does show that Buckingham invited Tudor to *invade* the kingdom (as B's ally against Richard), but it provides not the faintest shred of evidence that he asked Tudor to marry EoY and claim the throne.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-22 16:10:22
From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
To:
Sent: Tuesday, May 21, 2013 4:24 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> Morton is down as saying he'll provide Richard with some
of those "strawberries" from his (Morton's) garden.
A reference to where something was hidden?
Ooh, now, I wonder. I don't know of any references to strawberries as a
euphemism for secrets (anybody?) but they very easily could be. Proper
old-fashioned semi-wild strawberries (which is probably what Morton had
because I think the big fat ones are quite a recent innovation) are quite
hard to find because the fruit is tucked in and concealed under the leaves
almost at ground-level, so it wouldn't be at all surprising if
"strawberrries" was a euphemism for hidden secrets, a bit like saying "a
little bird told me".
To:
Sent: Tuesday, May 21, 2013 4:24 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> Morton is down as saying he'll provide Richard with some
of those "strawberries" from his (Morton's) garden.
A reference to where something was hidden?
Ooh, now, I wonder. I don't know of any references to strawberries as a
euphemism for secrets (anybody?) but they very easily could be. Proper
old-fashioned semi-wild strawberries (which is probably what Morton had
because I think the big fat ones are quite a recent innovation) are quite
hard to find because the fruit is tucked in and concealed under the leaves
almost at ground-level, so it wouldn't be at all surprising if
"strawberrries" was a euphemism for hidden secrets, a bit like saying "a
little bird told me".
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-22 16:10:57
I have to say I love Rickman but his Anthony and Cleopatra with Mirren was purgatory. Perhaps because they just didn't gell.
________________________________
From: Paul Trevor Bale <paul.bale@...>
To:
Sent: Wednesday, 22 May 2013, 10:07
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Most of the Bard's "History" plays are dramas, not history, and full of
factual errors, most deliberate, made for dramatic reasons.
Just take a close look at Macbeth, after our Richard, to get good idea
of how little research he did. And of course young Henry V was never a
lout having fun in the stews with commoners. Great drama though!
All the time great drama was all Shakespeare was concentrating on.
And as for Anthony and Cleopatra, most historians are mystified as to
why their relationship is classified as one of the great love stories.
Paul
On 21/05/2013 03:08, Ishita Bandyo wrote:
> I am just watching Shakespeare 's Anthony and Cleopatra and it seems Shakespeare has Pompey alive at 30B.C when Octavian invades Egypt! When in reality he was killed around 46B.C while unending away from Julius Caesar! Unless I am completely addled in my dates, it seems like a glaring misrepresentation of facts.... !!
>
> Ishita Bandyo
> Sent from my iPad
>
> On May 20, 2013, at 4:17 AM, Hilary Jones <mailto:hjnatdat%40yahoo.com> wrote:
>
>> Shakespeare seemed willing to take risks though. For example his first performance of Hamlet was to James I/VI and his queen (who was Danish) and is of course all about kings killing kings to take the throne and marry the same wife. It's unlikely that James would have missed the fact that this could have referred to his own mother who had had Darnley (his father) killed to marry Bothwell.
>>
>>
>> ________________________________
>> From: Pamela Bain <mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com>
>> To: "<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>" <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
>> Sent: Monday, 20 May 2013, 2:42
>> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>>
>>
>> Oh my Lord, that is fascinating..... Yet another alley to travel. My, my, you lift up one stone, and so much is uncovered that is simply not known, or certainly not commonly known.
>>
>> On May 19, 2013, at 5:19 PM, "ellrosa1452" <mailto:kathryn198%40btinternet.com<mailto:mailto:kathryn198%40btinternet.com>> wrote:
>>
>> Hi
>> There are two schools of thought that Shakespeare's play Richard III parodies the Cecils and that the character of Richard is a caricature of Robert Cecil. David B Schajer has a blog on http://shakespearesolved.blogspot.co.uk/2012/10/richard-iii-was-shakespeares-revenge.html where he claims that Holinshed's patron was William Cecil and that Shakespeare based the play on Holinshed's Chronicles. He also states the play was meant as a dig at leading politicians. The play is presumed to have been written in 1592. Sir Francis Walsingham had died in April 1590 and Burghley dies in 1598. We know that Shakespeare and other playwrights used topical allusions, which the audience would have understood so there is no reason to suppose that audiences would not have been aware that the characters were based on current politicians or in some cases courtiers. However, the problem would have been how far Shakespeare would wish to stick his neck out and risk censure and
>> possible imprisonment. Contemporaries such as Jonson, Nashe and Middleton to name a few never managed to avoid imprisonment having fallen foul of the authorities.
>>
>> Another theory is that it was written not by Shakespeare but Edward de Vere, Earl of Oxford, who satirised his brother-in-law, Robert Cecil who was known to have physical disabilities and a distinctly Machiavellian type of mind. See http://politicworm.com/oxford-shakespeare/the-big-six-candidates
>>
>> Cecil had character traits of schemer, dissembler, and a willingness to use people to achieve his aims, which he used together with his underhanded scheming and plotting to eliminate possible rivals. This is seen in the way he conducted character assassinations of Raleigh and others and is mirrored in the portrayal of the fictitious Richard in the play. Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, was another rival who fell foul of him and it is commonly believed that he engineered the gunpowder plot. William Cecil, Lord Burghley, brought him into government although not into Elizabeth's inner circle at first but by plotting and making himself indispensable to the aging Elizabeth, he took over many duties including Walsingham's network of agents and spies, which gave him access to untold secrets. He was a prominent figure in the dealings over the succession and opened covert negotiations with James in Scotland whilst poisoning the mind of James as to who he could
and
>> could not trust in England as he conducted a long running secret correspondence. Not that James needed much persuasion in the case of Raleigh but it was Cecil's machination's that led to his arrest and trial on trumped up charges in the Main and Bye Plots and his eventual execution in 1618.
>>
>> We also know that Shakespeare parodies Burghley as Polonius in Hamlet.
>> Elaine
>>
>> --- In mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "ricard1an" <maryfriend@...> wrote:
>>> Judy isn't there a school of thought that Shakespeare's" Richard III" was meant to be ironic and I have also read somewhere that it could have been a comment on the Tudors, but ofcourse Shakepeare wouldn't have dared name them as he was writing in Elizabeth's reign so he used Richard instead. I have got a book about Shakespeare written by Michael Wood. I have started to read it but for some reason did not finish it. He was suggesting ( if Iremember correctly) that Shakespeare was a Catholic and was not exactly a fan of Elizabeth.
>>>
>>> --- In mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, Judy Thomson <judygerard.thomson@> wrote:
>>>> Carol, Â you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
>>>>
>>>> JudyÂ
>>>>
>>>> Â
>>>>
>>>>
>>>> Â
>>>> Loyaulte me lie
>>>>
>>>>
>>>> ________________________________
>>>> From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@>
>>>> To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
>>>> Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 11:56 AM
>>>> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>> Â
>>>> "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
>>>>
>>>>> I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
>>>> Carol responds:
>>>>
>>>> I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
>>>>
>>>> At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
>>>>
>>>> Here's how the book opens:
>>>>
>>>> "Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
>>>>
>>>> So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
>>>>
>>>> I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
>>>>
>>>> Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
>>>>
>>>> Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
>>>>
>>>> To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
>>>>
>>>> Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
>>>>
>>>> Carol
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>
>>
>> ------------------------------------
>>
>> Yahoo! Groups Links
>>
>>
>>
>>
>
>
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
--
Richard Liveth Yet!
________________________________
From: Paul Trevor Bale <paul.bale@...>
To:
Sent: Wednesday, 22 May 2013, 10:07
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Most of the Bard's "History" plays are dramas, not history, and full of
factual errors, most deliberate, made for dramatic reasons.
Just take a close look at Macbeth, after our Richard, to get good idea
of how little research he did. And of course young Henry V was never a
lout having fun in the stews with commoners. Great drama though!
All the time great drama was all Shakespeare was concentrating on.
And as for Anthony and Cleopatra, most historians are mystified as to
why their relationship is classified as one of the great love stories.
Paul
On 21/05/2013 03:08, Ishita Bandyo wrote:
> I am just watching Shakespeare 's Anthony and Cleopatra and it seems Shakespeare has Pompey alive at 30B.C when Octavian invades Egypt! When in reality he was killed around 46B.C while unending away from Julius Caesar! Unless I am completely addled in my dates, it seems like a glaring misrepresentation of facts.... !!
>
> Ishita Bandyo
> Sent from my iPad
>
> On May 20, 2013, at 4:17 AM, Hilary Jones <mailto:hjnatdat%40yahoo.com> wrote:
>
>> Shakespeare seemed willing to take risks though. For example his first performance of Hamlet was to James I/VI and his queen (who was Danish) and is of course all about kings killing kings to take the throne and marry the same wife. It's unlikely that James would have missed the fact that this could have referred to his own mother who had had Darnley (his father) killed to marry Bothwell.
>>
>>
>> ________________________________
>> From: Pamela Bain <mailto:pbain%40bmbi.com>
>> To: "<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>" <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
>> Sent: Monday, 20 May 2013, 2:42
>> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>>
>>
>> Oh my Lord, that is fascinating..... Yet another alley to travel. My, my, you lift up one stone, and so much is uncovered that is simply not known, or certainly not commonly known.
>>
>> On May 19, 2013, at 5:19 PM, "ellrosa1452" <mailto:kathryn198%40btinternet.com<mailto:mailto:kathryn198%40btinternet.com>> wrote:
>>
>> Hi
>> There are two schools of thought that Shakespeare's play Richard III parodies the Cecils and that the character of Richard is a caricature of Robert Cecil. David B Schajer has a blog on http://shakespearesolved.blogspot.co.uk/2012/10/richard-iii-was-shakespeares-revenge.html where he claims that Holinshed's patron was William Cecil and that Shakespeare based the play on Holinshed's Chronicles. He also states the play was meant as a dig at leading politicians. The play is presumed to have been written in 1592. Sir Francis Walsingham had died in April 1590 and Burghley dies in 1598. We know that Shakespeare and other playwrights used topical allusions, which the audience would have understood so there is no reason to suppose that audiences would not have been aware that the characters were based on current politicians or in some cases courtiers. However, the problem would have been how far Shakespeare would wish to stick his neck out and risk censure and
>> possible imprisonment. Contemporaries such as Jonson, Nashe and Middleton to name a few never managed to avoid imprisonment having fallen foul of the authorities.
>>
>> Another theory is that it was written not by Shakespeare but Edward de Vere, Earl of Oxford, who satirised his brother-in-law, Robert Cecil who was known to have physical disabilities and a distinctly Machiavellian type of mind. See http://politicworm.com/oxford-shakespeare/the-big-six-candidates
>>
>> Cecil had character traits of schemer, dissembler, and a willingness to use people to achieve his aims, which he used together with his underhanded scheming and plotting to eliminate possible rivals. This is seen in the way he conducted character assassinations of Raleigh and others and is mirrored in the portrayal of the fictitious Richard in the play. Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, was another rival who fell foul of him and it is commonly believed that he engineered the gunpowder plot. William Cecil, Lord Burghley, brought him into government although not into Elizabeth's inner circle at first but by plotting and making himself indispensable to the aging Elizabeth, he took over many duties including Walsingham's network of agents and spies, which gave him access to untold secrets. He was a prominent figure in the dealings over the succession and opened covert negotiations with James in Scotland whilst poisoning the mind of James as to who he could
and
>> could not trust in England as he conducted a long running secret correspondence. Not that James needed much persuasion in the case of Raleigh but it was Cecil's machination's that led to his arrest and trial on trumped up charges in the Main and Bye Plots and his eventual execution in 1618.
>>
>> We also know that Shakespeare parodies Burghley as Polonius in Hamlet.
>> Elaine
>>
>> --- In mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "ricard1an" <maryfriend@...> wrote:
>>> Judy isn't there a school of thought that Shakespeare's" Richard III" was meant to be ironic and I have also read somewhere that it could have been a comment on the Tudors, but ofcourse Shakepeare wouldn't have dared name them as he was writing in Elizabeth's reign so he used Richard instead. I have got a book about Shakespeare written by Michael Wood. I have started to read it but for some reason did not finish it. He was suggesting ( if Iremember correctly) that Shakespeare was a Catholic and was not exactly a fan of Elizabeth.
>>>
>>> --- In mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, Judy Thomson <judygerard.thomson@> wrote:
>>>> Carol, Â you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
>>>>
>>>> JudyÂ
>>>>
>>>> Â
>>>>
>>>>
>>>> Â
>>>> Loyaulte me lie
>>>>
>>>>
>>>> ________________________________
>>>> From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@>
>>>> To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
>>>> Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 11:56 AM
>>>> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>> Â
>>>> "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
>>>>
>>>>> I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
>>>> Carol responds:
>>>>
>>>> I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
>>>>
>>>> At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
>>>>
>>>> Here's how the book opens:
>>>>
>>>> "Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
>>>>
>>>> So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
>>>>
>>>> I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
>>>>
>>>> Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
>>>>
>>>> Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
>>>>
>>>> To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
>>>>
>>>> Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
>>>>
>>>> Carol
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>
>>
>> ------------------------------------
>>
>> Yahoo! Groups Links
>>
>>
>>
>>
>
>
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
--
Richard Liveth Yet!
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-22 16:23:50
"Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> [snip] OK, I'll buy the idea that the history of Richard is probably a joke - but I'm not convinced that the wrongful date is part of that joke and not just sloppy note-taking. It could be either. [snip]
Carol responds:
Sloppy note-taking that looks like extraordinary precision (years, months, and days)--especially when the length of the reign, also measured in years, months, and days, is so nearly correct? I guess we'll just have to agree to disagree.
I still want to know if that purported age jumps out at anyone else on this list the way it does at me. Does anyone here recall what, if anything, Alison Hanham said about it? (If More had said "about fifty" like Vergil, I would agree that it was sloppy note-taking, or rather, inadequate research, but the mock precision suggests some other motive. Surely, both of them knew how young Edward was when he became king. Wouldn't it be part of his reputation? That could be what More was making fun of--Vergil's forgetting that Edward was just nineteen when he took the throne. Just a thought.)
Carol
> [snip] OK, I'll buy the idea that the history of Richard is probably a joke - but I'm not convinced that the wrongful date is part of that joke and not just sloppy note-taking. It could be either. [snip]
Carol responds:
Sloppy note-taking that looks like extraordinary precision (years, months, and days)--especially when the length of the reign, also measured in years, months, and days, is so nearly correct? I guess we'll just have to agree to disagree.
I still want to know if that purported age jumps out at anyone else on this list the way it does at me. Does anyone here recall what, if anything, Alison Hanham said about it? (If More had said "about fifty" like Vergil, I would agree that it was sloppy note-taking, or rather, inadequate research, but the mock precision suggests some other motive. Surely, both of them knew how young Edward was when he became king. Wouldn't it be part of his reputation? That could be what More was making fun of--Vergil's forgetting that Edward was just nineteen when he took the throne. Just a thought.)
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-22 19:15:33
By golly Doug...I think you may have something there...! Eileen
-
>
> From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
> To:
> Sent: Tuesday, May 21, 2013 4:24 PM
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
>
> > Morton is down as saying he'll provide Richard with some
> of those "strawberries" from his (Morton's) garden.
> A reference to where something was hidden?
>
> Ooh, now, I wonder. I don't know of any references to strawberries as a
> euphemism for secrets (anybody?) but they very easily could be. Proper
> old-fashioned semi-wild strawberries (which is probably what Morton had
> because I think the big fat ones are quite a recent innovation) are quite
> hard to find because the fruit is tucked in and concealed under the leaves
> almost at ground-level, so it wouldn't be at all surprising if
> "strawberrries" was a euphemism for hidden secrets, a bit like saying "a
> little bird told me".
>
-
>
> From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
> To:
> Sent: Tuesday, May 21, 2013 4:24 PM
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
>
> > Morton is down as saying he'll provide Richard with some
> of those "strawberries" from his (Morton's) garden.
> A reference to where something was hidden?
>
> Ooh, now, I wonder. I don't know of any references to strawberries as a
> euphemism for secrets (anybody?) but they very easily could be. Proper
> old-fashioned semi-wild strawberries (which is probably what Morton had
> because I think the big fat ones are quite a recent innovation) are quite
> hard to find because the fruit is tucked in and concealed under the leaves
> almost at ground-level, so it wouldn't be at all surprising if
> "strawberrries" was a euphemism for hidden secrets, a bit like saying "a
> little bird told me".
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-22 20:17:00
--- In , "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@...> wrote:
>
> By golly Doug...I think you may have something there...! Eileen
>
> -
> >
> > From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
> > To:
> > Sent: Tuesday, May 21, 2013 4:24 PM
> > Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> >
> >
> > > Morton is down as saying he'll provide Richard with some
> > of those "strawberries" from his (Morton's) garden.
> > A reference to where something was hidden?
> >
> > Ooh, now, I wonder. I don't know of any references to strawberries as a
> > euphemism for secrets (anybody?) but they very easily could be. Proper
> > old-fashioned semi-wild strawberries (which is probably what Morton had
> > because I think the big fat ones are quite a recent innovation) are quite
> > hard to find because the fruit is tucked in and concealed under the leaves
> > almost at ground-level, so it wouldn't be at all surprising if
> > "strawberrries" was a euphemism for hidden secrets, a bit like saying "a
> > little bird told me".
> >
>
Quick google - apart from love (red, heart shape), it seems the strawberry symbolised purity and righteousness:
http://symbolism.wikia.com/wiki/Strawberry (and other links).
So was More having Richard ask Morton to donate him some of his goodness and honesty? I'm going cross-eyed at the thought.
Marie
>
> By golly Doug...I think you may have something there...! Eileen
>
> -
> >
> > From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
> > To:
> > Sent: Tuesday, May 21, 2013 4:24 PM
> > Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> >
> >
> > > Morton is down as saying he'll provide Richard with some
> > of those "strawberries" from his (Morton's) garden.
> > A reference to where something was hidden?
> >
> > Ooh, now, I wonder. I don't know of any references to strawberries as a
> > euphemism for secrets (anybody?) but they very easily could be. Proper
> > old-fashioned semi-wild strawberries (which is probably what Morton had
> > because I think the big fat ones are quite a recent innovation) are quite
> > hard to find because the fruit is tucked in and concealed under the leaves
> > almost at ground-level, so it wouldn't be at all surprising if
> > "strawberrries" was a euphemism for hidden secrets, a bit like saying "a
> > little bird told me".
> >
>
Quick google - apart from love (red, heart shape), it seems the strawberry symbolised purity and righteousness:
http://symbolism.wikia.com/wiki/Strawberry (and other links).
So was More having Richard ask Morton to donate him some of his goodness and honesty? I'm going cross-eyed at the thought.
Marie
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-22 20:28:26
Doesn't a ducal coronet have strawberries or strawberry leaves...?
Judy
Loyaulte me lie
________________________________
From: mariewalsh2003 <[email protected]>
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 22, 2013 2:16 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
--- In , "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@...> wrote:
>
> By golly Doug...I think you may have something there...! Eileen
>
> -
> >
> > From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
> > To:
> > Sent: Tuesday, May 21, 2013 4:24 PM
> > Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> >
> >
> > > Morton is down as saying he'll provide Richard with some
> > of those "strawberries" from his (Morton's) garden.
> > A reference to where something was hidden?
> >
> > Ooh, now, I wonder. I don't know of any references to strawberries as a
> > euphemism for secrets (anybody?) but they very easily could be. Proper
> > old-fashioned semi-wild strawberries (which is probably what Morton had
> > because I think the big fat ones are quite a recent innovation) are quite
> > hard to find because the fruit is tucked in and concealed under the leaves
> > almost at ground-level, so it wouldn't be at all surprising if
> > "strawberrries" was a euphemism for hidden secrets, a bit like saying "a
> > little bird told me".
> >
>
Quick google - apart from love (red, heart shape), it seems the strawberry symbolised purity and righteousness:
http://symbolism.wikia.com/wiki/Strawberry (and other links).
So was More having Richard ask Morton to donate him some of his goodness and honesty? I'm going cross-eyed at the thought.
Marie
Judy
Loyaulte me lie
________________________________
From: mariewalsh2003 <[email protected]>
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 22, 2013 2:16 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
--- In , "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@...> wrote:
>
> By golly Doug...I think you may have something there...! Eileen
>
> -
> >
> > From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
> > To:
> > Sent: Tuesday, May 21, 2013 4:24 PM
> > Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> >
> >
> > > Morton is down as saying he'll provide Richard with some
> > of those "strawberries" from his (Morton's) garden.
> > A reference to where something was hidden?
> >
> > Ooh, now, I wonder. I don't know of any references to strawberries as a
> > euphemism for secrets (anybody?) but they very easily could be. Proper
> > old-fashioned semi-wild strawberries (which is probably what Morton had
> > because I think the big fat ones are quite a recent innovation) are quite
> > hard to find because the fruit is tucked in and concealed under the leaves
> > almost at ground-level, so it wouldn't be at all surprising if
> > "strawberrries" was a euphemism for hidden secrets, a bit like saying "a
> > little bird told me".
> >
>
Quick google - apart from love (red, heart shape), it seems the strawberry symbolised purity and righteousness:
http://symbolism.wikia.com/wiki/Strawberry (and other links).
So was More having Richard ask Morton to donate him some of his goodness and honesty? I'm going cross-eyed at the thought.
Marie
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-22 20:40:58
Lol...could More have been that deluded? Eileen
--- In , mariewalsh2003 <no_reply@...> wrote:
>
>
>
>
>
>
> So was More having Richard ask Morton to donate him some of his goodness and honesty? I'm going cross-eyed at the thought.
> Marie
>
--- In , mariewalsh2003 <no_reply@...> wrote:
>
>
>
>
>
>
> So was More having Richard ask Morton to donate him some of his goodness and honesty? I'm going cross-eyed at the thought.
> Marie
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-22 20:42:34
Yes, I think Earls and Marquises do as well. That could be a reference to Gloucester, Buckingham or Norfolk.
----- Original Message -----
From: Judy Thomson
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 22, 2013 8:28 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Doesn't a ducal coronet have strawberries or strawberry leaves...?
Judy
Loyaulte me lie
________________________________
From: mariewalsh2003 <[email protected]>
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 22, 2013 2:16 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
--- In , "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@...> wrote:
>
> By golly Doug...I think you may have something there...! Eileen
>
> -
> >
> > From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
> > To:
> > Sent: Tuesday, May 21, 2013 4:24 PM
> > Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> >
> >
> > > Morton is down as saying he'll provide Richard with some
> > of those "strawberries" from his (Morton's) garden.
> > A reference to where something was hidden?
> >
> > Ooh, now, I wonder. I don't know of any references to strawberries as a
> > euphemism for secrets (anybody?) but they very easily could be. Proper
> > old-fashioned semi-wild strawberries (which is probably what Morton had
> > because I think the big fat ones are quite a recent innovation) are quite
> > hard to find because the fruit is tucked in and concealed under the leaves
> > almost at ground-level, so it wouldn't be at all surprising if
> > "strawberrries" was a euphemism for hidden secrets, a bit like saying "a
> > little bird told me".
> >
>
Quick google - apart from love (red, heart shape), it seems the strawberry symbolised purity and righteousness:
http://symbolism.wikia.com/wiki/Strawberry (and other links).
So was More having Richard ask Morton to donate him some of his goodness and honesty? I'm going cross-eyed at the thought.
Marie
----- Original Message -----
From: Judy Thomson
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 22, 2013 8:28 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Doesn't a ducal coronet have strawberries or strawberry leaves...?
Judy
Loyaulte me lie
________________________________
From: mariewalsh2003 <[email protected]>
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 22, 2013 2:16 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
--- In , "EileenB" <cherryripe.eileenb@...> wrote:
>
> By golly Doug...I think you may have something there...! Eileen
>
> -
> >
> > From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
> > To:
> > Sent: Tuesday, May 21, 2013 4:24 PM
> > Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> >
> >
> > > Morton is down as saying he'll provide Richard with some
> > of those "strawberries" from his (Morton's) garden.
> > A reference to where something was hidden?
> >
> > Ooh, now, I wonder. I don't know of any references to strawberries as a
> > euphemism for secrets (anybody?) but they very easily could be. Proper
> > old-fashioned semi-wild strawberries (which is probably what Morton had
> > because I think the big fat ones are quite a recent innovation) are quite
> > hard to find because the fruit is tucked in and concealed under the leaves
> > almost at ground-level, so it wouldn't be at all surprising if
> > "strawberrries" was a euphemism for hidden secrets, a bit like saying "a
> > little bird told me".
> >
>
Quick google - apart from love (red, heart shape), it seems the strawberry symbolised purity and righteousness:
http://symbolism.wikia.com/wiki/Strawberry (and other links).
So was More having Richard ask Morton to donate him some of his goodness and honesty? I'm going cross-eyed at the thought.
Marie
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-22 22:12:36
Yes, it was ghastly. I had the impression Rickman had forgotten how to act on stage and by the time he died it was too late for even Mirren to salvage it.
But, more recently, Patrick Stewart and Harriet Walter were sublime.
Jonathan
Sent from Yahoo! Mail on Android
But, more recently, Patrick Stewart and Harriet Walter were sublime.
Jonathan
Sent from Yahoo! Mail on Android
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-22 22:12:48
Yes, it was ghastly. I had the impression Rickman had forgotten how to act on stage and by the time he died it was too late for even Mirren to salvage it.
But, more recently, Patrick Stewart and Harriet Walter were sublime.
Jonathan
Sent from Yahoo! Mail on Android
But, more recently, Patrick Stewart and Harriet Walter were sublime.
Jonathan
Sent from Yahoo! Mail on Android
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-22 22:12:59
Much though most people interested in this period obviously do recognise Shakespeare as a superb dramatist, and not get worked up about anything they might not agree with (as I of course did as a child...:-) ) , I am still often surprised to find people treating his work as if it were factually accurate. I was amused to receive a free magazine through the door the other day, which had an article on the Battle of Wakefield by someone who claimed to be a historian. Edmund of Rutland was described as York's "youngest son", and the writer concluded by saying that York's sons Edward and Richard left the country and returned a few months later to have their revenge.....all of which sounds suspiciously cose to the bard's version of events!
--- On Wed, 22/5/13, Paul Trevor Bale <paul.bale@...> wrote:
From: Paul Trevor Bale <paul.bale@...>
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
To:
Date: Wednesday, 22 May, 2013, 10:07
Most of the Bard's "History" plays are dramas, not history, and full of
factual errors, most deliberate, made for dramatic reasons.
Just take a close look at Macbeth, after our Richard, to get good idea
of how little research he did. And of course young Henry V was never a
lout having fun in the stews with commoners. Great drama though!
All the time great drama was all Shakespeare was concentrating on.
And as for Anthony and Cleopatra, most historians are mystified as to
why their relationship is classified as one of the great love stories.
Paul
On 21/05/2013 03:08, Ishita Bandyo wrote:
> I am just watching Shakespeare 's Anthony and Cleopatra and it seems Shakespeare has Pompey alive at 30B.C when Octavian invades Egypt! When in reality he was killed around 46B.C while unending away from Julius Caesar! Unless I am completely addled in my dates, it seems like a glaring misrepresentation of facts.... !!
>
> Ishita Bandyo
> Sent from my iPad
>
> On May 20, 2013, at 4:17 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
>
>> Shakespeare seemed willing to take risks though. For example his first performance of Hamlet was to James I/VI and his queen (who was Danish) and is of course all about kings killing kings to take the throne and marry the same wife. It's unlikely that James would have missed the fact that this could have referred to his own mother who had had Darnley (his father) killed to marry Bothwell.
>>
>>
>> ________________________________
>> From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...>
>> To: "<>" <>
>> Sent: Monday, 20 May 2013, 2:42
>> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>>
>>
>> Oh my Lord, that is fascinating..... Yet another alley to travel. My, my, you lift up one stone, and so much is uncovered that is simply not known, or certainly not commonly known.
>>
>> On May 19, 2013, at 5:19 PM, "ellrosa1452" <kathryn198@...<mailto:kathryn198@...>> wrote:
>>
>> Hi
>> There are two schools of thought that Shakespeare's play Richard III parodies the Cecils and that the character of Richard is a caricature of Robert Cecil. David B Schajer has a blog on http://shakespearesolved.blogspot.co.uk/2012/10/richard-iii-was-shakespeares-revenge.html where he claims that Holinshed's patron was William Cecil and that Shakespeare based the play on Holinshed's Chronicles. He also states the play was meant as a dig at leading politicians. The play is presumed to have been written in 1592. Sir Francis Walsingham had died in April 1590 and Burghley dies in 1598. We know that Shakespeare and other playwrights used topical allusions, which the audience would have understood so there is no reason to suppose that audiences would not have been aware that the characters were based on current politicians or in some cases courtiers. However, the problem would have been how far Shakespeare would wish to stick his neck out and risk censure
and
>> possible imprisonment. Contemporaries such as Jonson, Nashe and Middleton to name a few never managed to avoid imprisonment having fallen foul of the authorities.
>>
>> Another theory is that it was written not by Shakespeare but Edward de Vere, Earl of Oxford, who satirised his brother-in-law, Robert Cecil who was known to have physical disabilities and a distinctly Machiavellian type of mind. See http://politicworm.com/oxford-shakespeare/the-big-six-candidates
>>
>> Cecil had character traits of schemer, dissembler, and a willingness to use people to achieve his aims, which he used together with his underhanded scheming and plotting to eliminate possible rivals. This is seen in the way he conducted character assassinations of Raleigh and others and is mirrored in the portrayal of the fictitious Richard in the play. Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, was another rival who fell foul of him and it is commonly believed that he engineered the gunpowder plot. William Cecil, Lord Burghley, brought him into government although not into Elizabeth's inner circle at first but by plotting and making himself indispensable to the aging Elizabeth, he took over many duties including Walsingham's network of agents and spies, which gave him access to untold secrets. He was a prominent figure in the dealings over the succession and opened covert negotiations with James in Scotland whilst poisoning the mind of James as to who he could
and
>> could not trust in England as he conducted a long running secret correspondence. Not that James needed much persuasion in the case of Raleigh but it was Cecil's machination's that led to his arrest and trial on trumped up charges in the Main and Bye Plots and his eventual execution in 1618.
>>
>> We also know that Shakespeare parodies Burghley as Polonius in Hamlet.
>> Elaine
>>
>> --- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "ricard1an" <maryfriend@...> wrote:
>>> Judy isn't there a school of thought that Shakespeare's" Richard III" was meant to be ironic and I have also read somewhere that it could have been a comment on the Tudors, but ofcourse Shakepeare wouldn't have dared name them as he was writing in Elizabeth's reign so he used Richard instead. I have got a book about Shakespeare written by Michael Wood. I have started to read it but for some reason did not finish it. He was suggesting ( if Iremember correctly) that Shakespeare was a Catholic and was not exactly a fan of Elizabeth.
>>>
>>> --- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, Judy Thomson <judygerard.thomson@> wrote:
>>>> Carol, Â you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
>>>>
>>>> JudyÂ
>>>>
>>>> Â
>>>>
>>>>
>>>> Â
>>>> Loyaulte me lie
>>>>
>>>>
>>>> ________________________________
>>>> From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@>
>>>> To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
>>>> Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 11:56 AM
>>>> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>> Â
>>>> "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
>>>>
>>>>> I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
>>>> Carol responds:
>>>>
>>>> I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
>>>>
>>>> At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
>>>>
>>>> Here's how the book opens:
>>>>
>>>> "Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
>>>>
>>>> So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
>>>>
>>>> I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
>>>>
>>>> Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
>>>>
>>>> Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
>>>>
>>>> To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
>>>>
>>>> Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
>>>>
>>>> Carol
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>
>>
>> ------------------------------------
>>
>> Yahoo! Groups Links
>>
>>
>>
>>
>
>
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
--
Richard Liveth Yet!
--- On Wed, 22/5/13, Paul Trevor Bale <paul.bale@...> wrote:
From: Paul Trevor Bale <paul.bale@...>
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
To:
Date: Wednesday, 22 May, 2013, 10:07
Most of the Bard's "History" plays are dramas, not history, and full of
factual errors, most deliberate, made for dramatic reasons.
Just take a close look at Macbeth, after our Richard, to get good idea
of how little research he did. And of course young Henry V was never a
lout having fun in the stews with commoners. Great drama though!
All the time great drama was all Shakespeare was concentrating on.
And as for Anthony and Cleopatra, most historians are mystified as to
why their relationship is classified as one of the great love stories.
Paul
On 21/05/2013 03:08, Ishita Bandyo wrote:
> I am just watching Shakespeare 's Anthony and Cleopatra and it seems Shakespeare has Pompey alive at 30B.C when Octavian invades Egypt! When in reality he was killed around 46B.C while unending away from Julius Caesar! Unless I am completely addled in my dates, it seems like a glaring misrepresentation of facts.... !!
>
> Ishita Bandyo
> Sent from my iPad
>
> On May 20, 2013, at 4:17 AM, Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
>
>> Shakespeare seemed willing to take risks though. For example his first performance of Hamlet was to James I/VI and his queen (who was Danish) and is of course all about kings killing kings to take the throne and marry the same wife. It's unlikely that James would have missed the fact that this could have referred to his own mother who had had Darnley (his father) killed to marry Bothwell.
>>
>>
>> ________________________________
>> From: Pamela Bain <pbain@...>
>> To: "<>" <>
>> Sent: Monday, 20 May 2013, 2:42
>> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>>
>>
>> Oh my Lord, that is fascinating..... Yet another alley to travel. My, my, you lift up one stone, and so much is uncovered that is simply not known, or certainly not commonly known.
>>
>> On May 19, 2013, at 5:19 PM, "ellrosa1452" <kathryn198@...<mailto:kathryn198@...>> wrote:
>>
>> Hi
>> There are two schools of thought that Shakespeare's play Richard III parodies the Cecils and that the character of Richard is a caricature of Robert Cecil. David B Schajer has a blog on http://shakespearesolved.blogspot.co.uk/2012/10/richard-iii-was-shakespeares-revenge.html where he claims that Holinshed's patron was William Cecil and that Shakespeare based the play on Holinshed's Chronicles. He also states the play was meant as a dig at leading politicians. The play is presumed to have been written in 1592. Sir Francis Walsingham had died in April 1590 and Burghley dies in 1598. We know that Shakespeare and other playwrights used topical allusions, which the audience would have understood so there is no reason to suppose that audiences would not have been aware that the characters were based on current politicians or in some cases courtiers. However, the problem would have been how far Shakespeare would wish to stick his neck out and risk censure
and
>> possible imprisonment. Contemporaries such as Jonson, Nashe and Middleton to name a few never managed to avoid imprisonment having fallen foul of the authorities.
>>
>> Another theory is that it was written not by Shakespeare but Edward de Vere, Earl of Oxford, who satirised his brother-in-law, Robert Cecil who was known to have physical disabilities and a distinctly Machiavellian type of mind. See http://politicworm.com/oxford-shakespeare/the-big-six-candidates
>>
>> Cecil had character traits of schemer, dissembler, and a willingness to use people to achieve his aims, which he used together with his underhanded scheming and plotting to eliminate possible rivals. This is seen in the way he conducted character assassinations of Raleigh and others and is mirrored in the portrayal of the fictitious Richard in the play. Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, was another rival who fell foul of him and it is commonly believed that he engineered the gunpowder plot. William Cecil, Lord Burghley, brought him into government although not into Elizabeth's inner circle at first but by plotting and making himself indispensable to the aging Elizabeth, he took over many duties including Walsingham's network of agents and spies, which gave him access to untold secrets. He was a prominent figure in the dealings over the succession and opened covert negotiations with James in Scotland whilst poisoning the mind of James as to who he could
and
>> could not trust in England as he conducted a long running secret correspondence. Not that James needed much persuasion in the case of Raleigh but it was Cecil's machination's that led to his arrest and trial on trumped up charges in the Main and Bye Plots and his eventual execution in 1618.
>>
>> We also know that Shakespeare parodies Burghley as Polonius in Hamlet.
>> Elaine
>>
>> --- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, "ricard1an" <maryfriend@...> wrote:
>>> Judy isn't there a school of thought that Shakespeare's" Richard III" was meant to be ironic and I have also read somewhere that it could have been a comment on the Tudors, but ofcourse Shakepeare wouldn't have dared name them as he was writing in Elizabeth's reign so he used Richard instead. I have got a book about Shakespeare written by Michael Wood. I have started to read it but for some reason did not finish it. He was suggesting ( if Iremember correctly) that Shakespeare was a Catholic and was not exactly a fan of Elizabeth.
>>>
>>> --- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, Judy Thomson <judygerard.thomson@> wrote:
>>>> Carol, Â you're probably on the right track, here. I've felt for quite some time More's book was meant as a sort of send up, and your suggestion it was aimed especially at Vergil sounds credible. Read from this point of view, the book may not be a thigh-slapper, but it's got a certain tone that just might be taken as satire....
>>>>
>>>> JudyÂ
>>>>
>>>> Â
>>>>
>>>>
>>>> Â
>>>> Loyaulte me lie
>>>>
>>>>
>>>> ________________________________
>>>> From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@>
>>>> To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
>>>> Sent: Sunday, May 19, 2013 11:56 AM
>>>> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>> Â
>>>> "Claire M Jordan" wrote:
>>>>
>>>>> I do wonder about that business with Edward's age. If he was trying to crteate an impression that he knew more than he did, you'd think he would ahve got the age at least vaguely right, even if he invented the birthdate. On the other hand, if he was sendding a signal that what he was writing wasn't to be trusted, is getting Edward's age wrong obvious *enough*? [snip]
>>>> Carol responds:
>>>>
>>>> I agree with your first sentence. It's clear (to me) that he definitely was *not* trying to create an impression that he knew more than he did since any knowledgeable reader would immediately see the absurdity of an age stated with such seeming precision that was gleamingly wrong on all counts. It's exactly as if he had said, Edward IV was born on September 3, 1429 (if my math is right) when he was really born on April 28, 1442. Glaring error, right? Historians just don't make mistakes like that, nor do they state ages with such seeming precision even when they're right (though Polydore Vergil does state the length of Richard's reign in approximately this way, which could be the type of detail that More is mocking).
>>>>
>>>> At any rate, anyone who had studied the reign of Edward IV would know that he became king at nineteen and died just short of forty-one, and that detail *ought* to jump out at them.
>>>>
>>>> Here's how the book opens:
>>>>
>>>> "Kyng Edwarde of that name the fowrth, after that hee hadde lyued fiftie and three yeares, seven monethes, and five dayes, and thereof reygned two and twentye yeres, one moneth, and eighte dayes, dyed at Westmynster the nynth daye of Aprill, the yere of oure redempcion, a thowsande foure houndred foure score and three . . . ."
>>>>
>>>> So the date of death is right, but the age is wildly wrong. As for the length of the reign, he became king on March 4, 1461, which would be (if my math is right--sorry to keep repeating that, but it's not my strong point even with a calculator!) twenty-two years, one month and five days, which is only three days off--in contrast to his age, which seems to be stated with equal (near) precision but isn't. However, his Edward would have become king at thirty-one rather than nineteen, which anyone who knew anything about Edward would know was wrong. Why not just call Edward forty-one (close enough) or nearly forty-one, or give his true age precisely?
>>>>
>>>> I'll put it in modern English: "King Edward, the fourth of that name, after he had lived fifty-three years, seven months, and five dayes, and twenty-two years, one month, and eight days, died at Westminster the ninth daye of April, the year of our redemption, 1483."
>>>>
>>>> Doesn't it just jump out at you (anyone, not just Claire) as obviously and perhaps deliberately wrong? On the other hand, Vergil, who ought to have known better, made him "abowt fifty yeres old," so maybe More is mocking Vergil'imprecision. BTW, Vergil has Edward's death date, actually April 9, as "the vth ides of Aprill" (fifth ides of April), whatever that means. (Do you know, Marie?)
>>>>
>>>> Anyway, let's say that More didn't have any clearer idea than Vergil (who at least had the wisdom to say "abowt") of Edward's age. Why on earth would he try to look as if he did? He estimated the ages of Edward's sons as thirteen and "two years younger," which is off in one case by about seven months and the other by about a year and a half, but there's no attempt at false precision.
>>>>
>>>> To me, that falsely precise age is a message: "I'm pretending to know what I'm talking about, but nothing in this 'history,' not even the title, can be taken at face value." In other words, whether More intended it to or not, it says as clearly as I can type the words, "Reader beware."
>>>>
>>>> Why historians haven't proceeded with caution after that clear warning is beyond my comprehension.
>>>>
>>>> Carol
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>
>>
>> ------------------------------------
>>
>> Yahoo! Groups Links
>>
>>
>>
>>
>
>
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
--
Richard Liveth Yet!
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-22 23:00:24
My brother & his girlfriend had their only English theatre experience with
the Rickman-Mirren performance you're mentioning - they agreed it was BAD.
A J
On Wed, May 22, 2013 at 10:48 AM, Jonathan Evans <jmcevans98@...>wrote:
> **
>
>
> Yes, it was ghastly. I had the impression Rickman had forgotten how to act
> on stage and by the time he died it was too late for even Mirren to salvage
> it.
>
> But, more recently, Patrick Stewart and Harriet Walter were sublime.
>
> Jonathan
>
> Sent from Yahoo! Mail on Android
>
>
>
>
>
>
the Rickman-Mirren performance you're mentioning - they agreed it was BAD.
A J
On Wed, May 22, 2013 at 10:48 AM, Jonathan Evans <jmcevans98@...>wrote:
> **
>
>
> Yes, it was ghastly. I had the impression Rickman had forgotten how to act
> on stage and by the time he died it was too late for even Mirren to salvage
> it.
>
> But, more recently, Patrick Stewart and Harriet Walter were sublime.
>
> Jonathan
>
> Sent from Yahoo! Mail on Android
>
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-22 23:06:12
Now I know I'll get scalped but I have to say Morton is one of the least acquisitive people I've yet to encounter in this century. Yes he got power and a Cardinal's hat but precious little else (or if he did I've yet to find it and it's well concealed). I can assure you in an age when land is the great commodity that is rare. And no, I'm not a Morton fan. Compared with Reggie Bray he left precious little except a fine tomb. And just think of Wolsey not much later.
________________________________
From: EileenB <cherryripe.eileenb@...>
To:
Sent: Wednesday, 22 May 2013, 20:40
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Lol...could More have been that deluded? Eileen
--- In mailto:%40yahoogroups.com, mariewalsh2003 <no_reply@...> wrote:
>
>
>
>
>
>
> So was More having Richard ask Morton to donate him some of his goodness and honesty? I'm going cross-eyed at the thought.
> Marie
>
________________________________
From: EileenB <cherryripe.eileenb@...>
To:
Sent: Wednesday, 22 May 2013, 20:40
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Lol...could More have been that deluded? Eileen
--- In mailto:%40yahoogroups.com, mariewalsh2003 <no_reply@...> wrote:
>
>
>
>
>
>
> So was More having Richard ask Morton to donate him some of his goodness and honesty? I'm going cross-eyed at the thought.
> Marie
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-22 23:09:53
Totally OT but its only rival was an RSC production of Romeo and Juliet when the set people and production team were on strike and they kept repeating stuff to get it right. It finished at 1.30 am. I never know to this day how we survived.
________________________________
From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
To: "" <>
Sent: Wednesday, 22 May 2013, 23:00
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
My brother & his girlfriend had their only English theatre experience with
the Rickman-Mirren performance you're mentioning - they agreed it was BAD.
A J
On Wed, May 22, 2013 at 10:48 AM, Jonathan Evans <jmcevans98@...>wrote:
> **
>
>
> Yes, it was ghastly. I had the impression Rickman had forgotten how to act
> on stage and by the time he died it was too late for even Mirren to salvage
> it.
>
> But, more recently, Patrick Stewart and Harriet Walter were sublime.
>
> Jonathan
>
> Sent from Yahoo! Mail on Android
>
>
>
>
>
>
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
________________________________
From: A J Hibbard <ajhibbard@...>
To: "" <>
Sent: Wednesday, 22 May 2013, 23:00
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
My brother & his girlfriend had their only English theatre experience with
the Rickman-Mirren performance you're mentioning - they agreed it was BAD.
A J
On Wed, May 22, 2013 at 10:48 AM, Jonathan Evans <jmcevans98@...>wrote:
> **
>
>
> Yes, it was ghastly. I had the impression Rickman had forgotten how to act
> on stage and by the time he died it was too late for even Mirren to salvage
> it.
>
> But, more recently, Patrick Stewart and Harriet Walter were sublime.
>
> Jonathan
>
> Sent from Yahoo! Mail on Android
>
>
>
>
>
>
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-23 01:11:24
Wolsey may be an exception. Bishops didn't need to OWN land in the same way as lay grandees because they had the profits of their diocese to live off. I've got Morton's rather lengthy will somewhere. When my computer problems are sorted I'll access it and see just what he did leave. Morton built, or at least began, Hatfield Old Palace when he was Bishop of Ely, so he definitely was spending money to improve his liefstyle.
Marie
--- In , Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
>
> Now I know I'll get scalped but I have to say Morton is one of the least acquisitive people I've yet to encounter in this century. Yes he got power and a Cardinal's hat but precious little else (or if he did I've yet to find it and it's well concealed). I can assure you in an age when land is the great commodity that is rare. And no, I'm not a Morton fan. Compared with Reggie Bray he left precious little except a fine tomb. And just think of Wolsey not much later.Â
>
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: EileenB <cherryripe.eileenb@...>
> To:
> Sent: Wednesday, 22 May 2013, 20:40
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
>
> Â
>
> Lol...could More have been that deluded? Eileen
>
> --- In mailto:%40yahoogroups.com, mariewalsh2003 <no_reply@> wrote:
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> > So was More having Richard ask Morton to donate him some of his goodness and honesty? I'm going cross-eyed at the thought.
> > Marie
> >
>
>
>
>
>
>
Marie
--- In , Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
>
> Now I know I'll get scalped but I have to say Morton is one of the least acquisitive people I've yet to encounter in this century. Yes he got power and a Cardinal's hat but precious little else (or if he did I've yet to find it and it's well concealed). I can assure you in an age when land is the great commodity that is rare. And no, I'm not a Morton fan. Compared with Reggie Bray he left precious little except a fine tomb. And just think of Wolsey not much later.Â
>
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: EileenB <cherryripe.eileenb@...>
> To:
> Sent: Wednesday, 22 May 2013, 20:40
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
>
> Â
>
> Lol...could More have been that deluded? Eileen
>
> --- In mailto:%40yahoogroups.com, mariewalsh2003 <no_reply@> wrote:
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> > So was More having Richard ask Morton to donate him some of his goodness and honesty? I'm going cross-eyed at the thought.
> > Marie
> >
>
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-23 09:29:05
That would be useful ta. Then Stillington is an exception!
________________________________
From: mariewalsh2003 <[email protected]>
To:
Sent: Thursday, 23 May 2013, 1:11
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Wolsey may be an exception. Bishops didn't need to OWN land in the same way as lay grandees because they had the profits of their diocese to live off. I've got Morton's rather lengthy will somewhere. When my computer problems are sorted I'll access it and see just what he did leave. Morton built, or at least began, Hatfield Old Palace when he was Bishop of Ely, so he definitely was spending money to improve his liefstyle.
Marie
--- In , Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
>
> Now I know I'll get scalped but I have to say Morton is one of the least acquisitive people I've yet to encounter in this century. Yes he got power and a Cardinal's hat but precious little else (or if he did I've yet to find it and it's well concealed). I can assure you in an age when land is the great commodity that is rare. And no, I'm not a Morton fan. Compared with Reggie Bray he left precious little except a fine tomb. And just think of Wolsey not much later.Â
>
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: EileenB <cherryripe.eileenb@...>
> To:
> Sent: Wednesday, 22 May 2013, 20:40
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
>
> Â
>
> Lol...could More have been that deluded? Eileen
>
> --- In mailto:%40yahoogroups.com, mariewalsh2003 <no_reply@> wrote:
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> > So was More having Richard ask Morton to donate him some of his goodness and honesty? I'm going cross-eyed at the thought.
> > Marie
> >
>
>
>
>
>
>
________________________________
From: mariewalsh2003 <[email protected]>
To:
Sent: Thursday, 23 May 2013, 1:11
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Wolsey may be an exception. Bishops didn't need to OWN land in the same way as lay grandees because they had the profits of their diocese to live off. I've got Morton's rather lengthy will somewhere. When my computer problems are sorted I'll access it and see just what he did leave. Morton built, or at least began, Hatfield Old Palace when he was Bishop of Ely, so he definitely was spending money to improve his liefstyle.
Marie
--- In , Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...> wrote:
>
> Now I know I'll get scalped but I have to say Morton is one of the least acquisitive people I've yet to encounter in this century. Yes he got power and a Cardinal's hat but precious little else (or if he did I've yet to find it and it's well concealed). I can assure you in an age when land is the great commodity that is rare. And no, I'm not a Morton fan. Compared with Reggie Bray he left precious little except a fine tomb. And just think of Wolsey not much later.Â
>
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: EileenB <cherryripe.eileenb@...>
> To:
> Sent: Wednesday, 22 May 2013, 20:40
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
>
> Â
>
> Lol...could More have been that deluded? Eileen
>
> --- In mailto:%40yahoogroups.com, mariewalsh2003 <no_reply@> wrote:
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> > So was More having Richard ask Morton to donate him some of his goodness and honesty? I'm going cross-eyed at the thought.
> > Marie
> >
>
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-23 15:54:49
Judy Thomson wrote:
"Doesn't a ducal coronet have strawberries or strawberry leaves...?"
A vague memory of *that* is probably what was in the back of my mind!
Unfortunately, it was *Hastings*, and not Buckingham, who was the one
Richard seemingly had evidence against. So I'm stuck with two possibilities:
1) As Claire mentioned, the strawberries *were* a reference to some evidence
in Morton's possession, but not necessarily hidden in the garden, or
2) The strawberry reference was simply to add a touch of "reality" to More's
story and/or show Morton as a nice guy (odd, my computer didn't crash when I
typed that...).
More than likely (apt phrase!), the story is just that, a story. It's not as
if Sir Thomas was above that sort of thing...
Doug
"Doesn't a ducal coronet have strawberries or strawberry leaves...?"
A vague memory of *that* is probably what was in the back of my mind!
Unfortunately, it was *Hastings*, and not Buckingham, who was the one
Richard seemingly had evidence against. So I'm stuck with two possibilities:
1) As Claire mentioned, the strawberries *were* a reference to some evidence
in Morton's possession, but not necessarily hidden in the garden, or
2) The strawberry reference was simply to add a touch of "reality" to More's
story and/or show Morton as a nice guy (odd, my computer didn't crash when I
typed that...).
More than likely (apt phrase!), the story is just that, a story. It's not as
if Sir Thomas was above that sort of thing...
Doug
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-23 16:07:23
Marie wrote:
"Quick google - apart from love (red, heart shape), it seems the strawberry
symbolised purity and righteousness:
http://symbolism.wikia.com/wiki/Strawberry (and other links).
So was More having Richard ask Morton to donate him some of his goodness and
honesty? I'm going cross-eyed at the thought."
!!!!!!
Doug
(I couldn't think of anything else in reply!)
"Quick google - apart from love (red, heart shape), it seems the strawberry
symbolised purity and righteousness:
http://symbolism.wikia.com/wiki/Strawberry (and other links).
So was More having Richard ask Morton to donate him some of his goodness and
honesty? I'm going cross-eyed at the thought."
!!!!!!
Doug
(I couldn't think of anything else in reply!)
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-23 17:35:05
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 22, 2013 4:06 PM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
> To repeat, the key point is that the bill of attainder does show that
> Buckingham invited Tudor to *invade* the kingdom (as B's ally against
> Richard), but it provides not the faintest shred of evidence that he asked
> Tudor to marry EoY and claim the throne.
But would Henry invade unless it was to seize the throne for himself? Would
Buckingham even think that he would?
I could see Buckingham inviting Henry over with a spurious offer to support
his, Henry's, claim, really planning to off him once he'd had his help in
unseating Richard.
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 22, 2013 4:06 PM
Subject: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
> To repeat, the key point is that the bill of attainder does show that
> Buckingham invited Tudor to *invade* the kingdom (as B's ally against
> Richard), but it provides not the faintest shred of evidence that he asked
> Tudor to marry EoY and claim the throne.
But would Henry invade unless it was to seize the throne for himself? Would
Buckingham even think that he would?
I could see Buckingham inviting Henry over with a spurious offer to support
his, Henry's, claim, really planning to off him once he'd had his help in
unseating Richard.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-23 17:35:16
From: justcarol67
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 22, 2013 4:23 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> Sloppy note-taking that looks like extraordinary precision (years, months,
> and days)
Yes - I'm thinking that he might have written down Edward's name, and then
somebody else's date of birth, thinking he would remember whose date of
birth it was, and then three weeks later he'd forgotten whose it was and
thought "Oh, that must be Edward's".
> That could be what More was making fun of--Vergil's forgetting that Edward
> was just nineteen when he took the throne. Just a thought.)
It could be, yes.
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 22, 2013 4:23 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> Sloppy note-taking that looks like extraordinary precision (years, months,
> and days)
Yes - I'm thinking that he might have written down Edward's name, and then
somebody else's date of birth, thinking he would remember whose date of
birth it was, and then three weeks later he'd forgotten whose it was and
thought "Oh, that must be Edward's".
> That could be what More was making fun of--Vergil's forgetting that Edward
> was just nineteen when he took the throne. Just a thought.)
It could be, yes.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-23 17:35:46
From: EileenB
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 22, 2013 7:15 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> By golly Doug...I think you may have something there...! Eileen
And if *Morton* was the source of the information which killed Hastings, it
was probably a lie.
To:
Sent: Wednesday, May 22, 2013 7:15 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
> By golly Doug...I think you may have something there...! Eileen
And if *Morton* was the source of the information which killed Hastings, it
was probably a lie.
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-23 18:02:14
Claire wrote:
> I could see Buckingham inviting Henry over with a spurious offer to support his, Henry's, claim, really planning to off him once he'd had his help in unseating Richard.
>
Carol responds:
Nevertheless, there's no evidence in the attainder (or Richard's letter) that Buckingham made any such offer, only that he invited Tudor to invade and to join him in fighting against Richard. The (to me absurd) idea that he supported Tudor's "claim" is all after-the-fact speculation by the Croyland chronicler and Vergil with no letters or other first-hand documents to back it up.
Does anyone know at what point Tudor started signing his proclamations and letters with the pseudo-royal "H" rather than "Erle of Richmond"? It was certainly after Buckingham's execution.
Carol
> I could see Buckingham inviting Henry over with a spurious offer to support his, Henry's, claim, really planning to off him once he'd had his help in unseating Richard.
>
Carol responds:
Nevertheless, there's no evidence in the attainder (or Richard's letter) that Buckingham made any such offer, only that he invited Tudor to invade and to join him in fighting against Richard. The (to me absurd) idea that he supported Tudor's "claim" is all after-the-fact speculation by the Croyland chronicler and Vergil with no letters or other first-hand documents to back it up.
Does anyone know at what point Tudor started signing his proclamations and letters with the pseudo-royal "H" rather than "Erle of Richmond"? It was certainly after Buckingham's execution.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-23 18:50:39
I saw this production too. It was a total disaster. Rickman walked through it and after the first hour, my husband and I walked out and had a drink at the bar - waiting until our friends emerged from that debacle. Maire.
--- In , Jonathan Evans <jmcevans98@...> wrote:
>
> Yes, it was ghastly. I had the impression Rickman had forgotten how to act on stage and by the time he died it was too late for even Mirren to salvage it.
>
> But, more recently, Patrick Stewart and Harriet Walter were sublime.
>
> Jonathan
>
> Sent from Yahoo! Mail on Android
>
>
>
>
>
--- In , Jonathan Evans <jmcevans98@...> wrote:
>
> Yes, it was ghastly. I had the impression Rickman had forgotten how to act on stage and by the time he died it was too late for even Mirren to salvage it.
>
> But, more recently, Patrick Stewart and Harriet Walter were sublime.
>
> Jonathan
>
> Sent from Yahoo! Mail on Android
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-23 21:24:10
Judy wrote:
> Doesn't a ducal coronet have strawberries or strawberry leaves...?
Stephen Lark responded:
>
> Yes, I think Earls and Marquises do as well. That could be a reference to Gloucester, Buckingham or Norfolk.
Carol notes:
Interesting idea. I'm sure that the strawberries have *some* symbolic significance and are not an accurately remembered detail but a coded message of some sort that Vergil and perhaps Erasmus would understand.
However, if the reference is to ducal coronets, it can't include Norfolk. John Howard didn't receive that title until June 25, after Edward IV's second son, Richard, was declared illegitimate and lost the title Duke of Norfolk, which Edward had granted to him by marrying him to the little Norfolk heiress, Anne Mowbray. Gloucester, soon to be Richard III, transferred it to Howard, the rightful heir, at the first opportunity.
The reference can't refer to Richard, either, since he would be the recipient of the strawberries. I guess that leaves Buckingham. Northumberland wasn't present and Dorset had absconded.
Of course, the strawberries could mean something else entirely, along the lines of what Marie suggested. But how we're supposed to interpret such ironic symbolism is another question. (Well, *we* aren't supposed to interpret it at all since we're not More's intended readers. How would a sophisticated humanist familiar with More's penchant for dark ironic humor interpret it is the question.
Carol
> Doesn't a ducal coronet have strawberries or strawberry leaves...?
Stephen Lark responded:
>
> Yes, I think Earls and Marquises do as well. That could be a reference to Gloucester, Buckingham or Norfolk.
Carol notes:
Interesting idea. I'm sure that the strawberries have *some* symbolic significance and are not an accurately remembered detail but a coded message of some sort that Vergil and perhaps Erasmus would understand.
However, if the reference is to ducal coronets, it can't include Norfolk. John Howard didn't receive that title until June 25, after Edward IV's second son, Richard, was declared illegitimate and lost the title Duke of Norfolk, which Edward had granted to him by marrying him to the little Norfolk heiress, Anne Mowbray. Gloucester, soon to be Richard III, transferred it to Howard, the rightful heir, at the first opportunity.
The reference can't refer to Richard, either, since he would be the recipient of the strawberries. I guess that leaves Buckingham. Northumberland wasn't present and Dorset had absconded.
Of course, the strawberries could mean something else entirely, along the lines of what Marie suggested. But how we're supposed to interpret such ironic symbolism is another question. (Well, *we* aren't supposed to interpret it at all since we're not More's intended readers. How would a sophisticated humanist familiar with More's penchant for dark ironic humor interpret it is the question.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-23 23:28:14
Howard was rightful co-heir to 1/2 of the Mowbray estates (along with Viscount Berkeley).
The titles of Duke and Earl, however, were legally inheritable in the male line only, so must be regarded as new creations, along with the other Mowbray titles which were distributed to Howard's eldest son (Earl of Surrey) and Berkeley (Earl of Nottingham).
Howard got the East Anglian and Southern estates, probably justifying (but not guaranteeing) his title, Berkeley got the original Mowbray lands in the Midlands justifying his Earldom, along with the Irish estates (Carlow) which probably yielded around about nothing.
Cover of new BBC History mag:
https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=553904987986735&set=a.449806625063239.101811.105844319459473&type=1&theater
You'll also be tuning in for the Winter King:
http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p015rht9
Oh yes you will.
________________________________
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
To:
Sent: Thursday, 23 May 2013, 21:24
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Judy wrote:
> Doesn't a ducal coronet have strawberries or strawberry leaves...?
Stephen Lark responded:
>
> Yes, I think Earls and Marquises do as well. That could be a reference to Gloucester, Buckingham or Norfolk.
Carol notes:
Interesting idea. I'm sure that the strawberries have *some* symbolic significance and are not an accurately remembered detail but a coded message of some sort that Vergil and perhaps Erasmus would understand.
However, if the reference is to ducal coronets, it can't include Norfolk. John Howard didn't receive that title until June 25, after Edward IV's second son, Richard, was declared illegitimate and lost the title Duke of Norfolk, which Edward had granted to him by marrying him to the little Norfolk heiress, Anne Mowbray. Gloucester, soon to be Richard III, transferred it to Howard, the rightful heir, at the first opportunity.
The reference can't refer to Richard, either, since he would be the recipient of the strawberries. I guess that leaves Buckingham. Northumberland wasn't present and Dorset had absconded.
Of course, the strawberries could mean something else entirely, along the lines of what Marie suggested. But how we're supposed to interpret such ironic symbolism is another question. (Well, *we* aren't supposed to interpret it at all since we're not More's intended readers. How would a sophisticated humanist familiar with More's penchant for dark ironic humor interpret it is the question.
Carol
The titles of Duke and Earl, however, were legally inheritable in the male line only, so must be regarded as new creations, along with the other Mowbray titles which were distributed to Howard's eldest son (Earl of Surrey) and Berkeley (Earl of Nottingham).
Howard got the East Anglian and Southern estates, probably justifying (but not guaranteeing) his title, Berkeley got the original Mowbray lands in the Midlands justifying his Earldom, along with the Irish estates (Carlow) which probably yielded around about nothing.
Cover of new BBC History mag:
https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=553904987986735&set=a.449806625063239.101811.105844319459473&type=1&theater
You'll also be tuning in for the Winter King:
http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p015rht9
Oh yes you will.
________________________________
From: justcarol67 <justcarol67@...>
To:
Sent: Thursday, 23 May 2013, 21:24
Subject: Re: Disappearance
Judy wrote:
> Doesn't a ducal coronet have strawberries or strawberry leaves...?
Stephen Lark responded:
>
> Yes, I think Earls and Marquises do as well. That could be a reference to Gloucester, Buckingham or Norfolk.
Carol notes:
Interesting idea. I'm sure that the strawberries have *some* symbolic significance and are not an accurately remembered detail but a coded message of some sort that Vergil and perhaps Erasmus would understand.
However, if the reference is to ducal coronets, it can't include Norfolk. John Howard didn't receive that title until June 25, after Edward IV's second son, Richard, was declared illegitimate and lost the title Duke of Norfolk, which Edward had granted to him by marrying him to the little Norfolk heiress, Anne Mowbray. Gloucester, soon to be Richard III, transferred it to Howard, the rightful heir, at the first opportunity.
The reference can't refer to Richard, either, since he would be the recipient of the strawberries. I guess that leaves Buckingham. Northumberland wasn't present and Dorset had absconded.
Of course, the strawberries could mean something else entirely, along the lines of what Marie suggested. But how we're supposed to interpret such ironic symbolism is another question. (Well, *we* aren't supposed to interpret it at all since we're not More's intended readers. How would a sophisticated humanist familiar with More's penchant for dark ironic humor interpret it is the question.
Carol
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-24 15:58:48
Claire M Jordan wrote:
"But would Henry invade unless it was to seize the throne for himself?
Would
Buckingham even think that he would?
I could see Buckingham inviting Henry over with a spurious offer to support
his, Henry's, claim, really planning to off him once he'd had his help in
unseating Richard."
Doug here:
I believe David Rayner mentioned there was a Beaufort in Buckingham's family
tree, Wouldn't that make Buckingham himself the most viable "Lancastrian"
claimant in 1483, and *not* Tudor? Because Buckingham also had his
legitimate descent from EIII; something Tudor only gained, and then only for
his descendents, by repealing Titulus Regius.
I think what we may be dealing with here is what lies at the base of *all*
Tudor propaganda - the inevitability of Henry Tudor assuming the throne.
God's plan, as it were. The one point that is emphasized throughout *all*
the reigns of the Tudor monarchs is their God-given right to rule which, by
extension, *has* to be extended to the dynasty's founder, doesn't it? And
really, what other claim is there?
Once Henry had the throne then, by omission and special emphasis, the story
is built up that *of course* Henry was invited by Buckingham to take the
throne. Buckingham certainly couldn't deny it, and anyone else who was in a
position to know (Henry and Morton) certainly had no reason *not* to support
the story.
Doug
"But would Henry invade unless it was to seize the throne for himself?
Would
Buckingham even think that he would?
I could see Buckingham inviting Henry over with a spurious offer to support
his, Henry's, claim, really planning to off him once he'd had his help in
unseating Richard."
Doug here:
I believe David Rayner mentioned there was a Beaufort in Buckingham's family
tree, Wouldn't that make Buckingham himself the most viable "Lancastrian"
claimant in 1483, and *not* Tudor? Because Buckingham also had his
legitimate descent from EIII; something Tudor only gained, and then only for
his descendents, by repealing Titulus Regius.
I think what we may be dealing with here is what lies at the base of *all*
Tudor propaganda - the inevitability of Henry Tudor assuming the throne.
God's plan, as it were. The one point that is emphasized throughout *all*
the reigns of the Tudor monarchs is their God-given right to rule which, by
extension, *has* to be extended to the dynasty's founder, doesn't it? And
really, what other claim is there?
Once Henry had the throne then, by omission and special emphasis, the story
is built up that *of course* Henry was invited by Buckingham to take the
throne. Buckingham certainly couldn't deny it, and anyone else who was in a
position to know (Henry and Morton) certainly had no reason *not* to support
the story.
Doug
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-24 16:11:10
Claire M Jordan wrote:
"nd if *Morton* was the source of the information which killed Hastings, it
was probably a lie."
Doug here:
That something I'm not so certain about. Morton certainly wasn't above
sacrificing others to save his own skin and any plot to re-instate E(V)
would almost of a nescessity mean Richard's death.
Any plotting that may have occurred *before* knowledge of the pre-contract
was made to the Council might have simply been to replace Richard as
Protector with someone more, um...amenable? But once Stillington presented
his "proofs" of the pre-contract before the Council, only Richard's death
would prevent him from accepting the throne.
Therefore, I can't see how any plotting that continued *after* Stillington's
presentation, if discovered beforehand or disrupted somehow, would lead to
someone's execution.
IOW, Morton weighed the chances the plot against Richard succeeding, found
them slim to non-existant, and ratted out Hastings to save his own skin.
He who lives to fight another day and all...
Doug
Especially after knowledge of the pre-contract was made to the Council
"nd if *Morton* was the source of the information which killed Hastings, it
was probably a lie."
Doug here:
That something I'm not so certain about. Morton certainly wasn't above
sacrificing others to save his own skin and any plot to re-instate E(V)
would almost of a nescessity mean Richard's death.
Any plotting that may have occurred *before* knowledge of the pre-contract
was made to the Council might have simply been to replace Richard as
Protector with someone more, um...amenable? But once Stillington presented
his "proofs" of the pre-contract before the Council, only Richard's death
would prevent him from accepting the throne.
Therefore, I can't see how any plotting that continued *after* Stillington's
presentation, if discovered beforehand or disrupted somehow, would lead to
someone's execution.
IOW, Morton weighed the chances the plot against Richard succeeding, found
them slim to non-existant, and ratted out Hastings to save his own skin.
He who lives to fight another day and all...
Doug
Especially after knowledge of the pre-contract was made to the Council
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-24 16:23:40
Buckingham had a far better claim to the throne, through Thomas of Woodstock than did Henry. Primogeniture had only to be revoked (as it had before) and there were a whole host of people with a claim and Henry Tudor was not one of them. The Beauforts had been legitimised but still legally barred from the Crown. Yes Buckingham's mother was another Margaret Beaufort but his claim came through Sir Edmund Stafford his grandfather who had married Anne Plantagenet, daughter of Thomas of Woodstock, son of Edward III . HT could only take the throne through right of conquest.
________________________________
From: Douglas Eugene Stamate <destama@...>
To:
Sent: Thursday, 23 May 2013, 17:00
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Claire M Jordan wrote:
"But would Henry invade unless it was to seize the throne for himself?
Would
Buckingham even think that he would?
I could see Buckingham inviting Henry over with a spurious offer to support
his, Henry's, claim, really planning to off him once he'd had his help in
unseating Richard."
Doug here:
I believe David Rayner mentioned there was a Beaufort in Buckingham's family
tree, Wouldn't that make Buckingham himself the most viable "Lancastrian"
claimant in 1483, and *not* Tudor? Because Buckingham also had his
legitimate descent from EIII; something Tudor only gained, and then only for
his descendents, by repealing Titulus Regius.
I think what we may be dealing with here is what lies at the base of *all*
Tudor propaganda - the inevitability of Henry Tudor assuming the throne.
God's plan, as it were. The one point that is emphasized throughout *all*
the reigns of the Tudor monarchs is their God-given right to rule which, by
extension, *has* to be extended to the dynasty's founder, doesn't it? And
really, what other claim is there?
Once Henry had the throne then, by omission and special emphasis, the story
is built up that *of course* Henry was invited by Buckingham to take the
throne. Buckingham certainly couldn't deny it, and anyone else who was in a
position to know (Henry and Morton) certainly had no reason *not* to support
the story.
Doug
________________________________
From: Douglas Eugene Stamate <destama@...>
To:
Sent: Thursday, 23 May 2013, 17:00
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Claire M Jordan wrote:
"But would Henry invade unless it was to seize the throne for himself?
Would
Buckingham even think that he would?
I could see Buckingham inviting Henry over with a spurious offer to support
his, Henry's, claim, really planning to off him once he'd had his help in
unseating Richard."
Doug here:
I believe David Rayner mentioned there was a Beaufort in Buckingham's family
tree, Wouldn't that make Buckingham himself the most viable "Lancastrian"
claimant in 1483, and *not* Tudor? Because Buckingham also had his
legitimate descent from EIII; something Tudor only gained, and then only for
his descendents, by repealing Titulus Regius.
I think what we may be dealing with here is what lies at the base of *all*
Tudor propaganda - the inevitability of Henry Tudor assuming the throne.
God's plan, as it were. The one point that is emphasized throughout *all*
the reigns of the Tudor monarchs is their God-given right to rule which, by
extension, *has* to be extended to the dynasty's founder, doesn't it? And
really, what other claim is there?
Once Henry had the throne then, by omission and special emphasis, the story
is built up that *of course* Henry was invited by Buckingham to take the
throne. Buckingham certainly couldn't deny it, and anyone else who was in a
position to know (Henry and Morton) certainly had no reason *not* to support
the story.
Doug
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-24 16:56:19
Hilary Jones wrote:
>
> So much of More's reputation is instilled in us (of a certain age and the Catholic Church) by A Man for All Seasons - witty, kind, sacrificial. So we believe everything he said; even though it is nowhere near the truth, he was by all accounts a nasty piece of work.
Carol responds:
That's a good point. Time for a new biography of More, then, to counter the legend--or a well-researched, well-written novel to open people's eyes. Once people know that the "saint" wasn't saintly, maybe we can get past the idea that he was incapable of falsehood or irony. The problem would be to spread the villainy around equally--More hand-in-glove with Henry VIII in supressing "heresy" and then opposed to him because of Henry's break with the Pope, etc.--without making More seem a hero for opposing his former collaborator.
He *was* witty, but in a sly, ironic way. It's sometimes hard to tell when he's serious and what he's poking fun at. What's up with those Utopian marriage customs, for example, and why does he have Raphael Hythloday advocate religious tolerance (more or less) only to have Sir Thomas More (the narrator, not necessarily the author's own voice) say that he disagrees with Hythloday on *some* points without specifying them or arguing against them?
Kind and sacrificial? Maybe his kindness was confined to those who depended on or agreed with him. And sacrificial? I suppose it was only fitting that a man who persecuted others for heresy should die for his religious beliefs, opposing the very king he had helped write a response to Martin Luther. Ironic enough for you, Master More? The problem is that his death not only makes him a "holy martyr," it also makes him an "enemy of tyranny"--unfortunately personified by the wrong king.
It doesn't help that we have a tribute by Erasmus saying that More's soul was "more pure than any snow" or that the Anglican Church has apparently commemorated him as a saint.
http://www.vatican.va/jubilee_2000/jubilevents/jub_jubilparlgov_20001026_thomas-more_en.html
More irony since he was opposing the creation of a Church of England under the king rather than the pope.
Carol
>
> So much of More's reputation is instilled in us (of a certain age and the Catholic Church) by A Man for All Seasons - witty, kind, sacrificial. So we believe everything he said; even though it is nowhere near the truth, he was by all accounts a nasty piece of work.
Carol responds:
That's a good point. Time for a new biography of More, then, to counter the legend--or a well-researched, well-written novel to open people's eyes. Once people know that the "saint" wasn't saintly, maybe we can get past the idea that he was incapable of falsehood or irony. The problem would be to spread the villainy around equally--More hand-in-glove with Henry VIII in supressing "heresy" and then opposed to him because of Henry's break with the Pope, etc.--without making More seem a hero for opposing his former collaborator.
He *was* witty, but in a sly, ironic way. It's sometimes hard to tell when he's serious and what he's poking fun at. What's up with those Utopian marriage customs, for example, and why does he have Raphael Hythloday advocate religious tolerance (more or less) only to have Sir Thomas More (the narrator, not necessarily the author's own voice) say that he disagrees with Hythloday on *some* points without specifying them or arguing against them?
Kind and sacrificial? Maybe his kindness was confined to those who depended on or agreed with him. And sacrificial? I suppose it was only fitting that a man who persecuted others for heresy should die for his religious beliefs, opposing the very king he had helped write a response to Martin Luther. Ironic enough for you, Master More? The problem is that his death not only makes him a "holy martyr," it also makes him an "enemy of tyranny"--unfortunately personified by the wrong king.
It doesn't help that we have a tribute by Erasmus saying that More's soul was "more pure than any snow" or that the Anglican Church has apparently commemorated him as a saint.
http://www.vatican.va/jubilee_2000/jubilevents/jub_jubilparlgov_20001026_thomas-more_en.html
More irony since he was opposing the creation of a Church of England under the king rather than the pope.
Carol
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-24 17:24:46
Carol earlier:
> [snip] Unfortunately for our understanding of this fictional conversation, the manuscript ends here, but it certainly looks as if the wily Buckingham is trying to persuade Buckingham to consider his own qualifications to be king--not a word about Henry Tudor in that whole conversation. [snip]
Carol again:
Ergh! How do I do these things to myself? I hope that anyone who made it through my long post understood that I meant "the wily Morton is trying to persuade Buckingham . . . "
Buckingham, as far as I can determine, was an ambitious fool. If he did contrive to persuade Richard to take the throne through the deaths of Hastings, Rivers, Grey, and Vaughn, as well as urging him to use the illegitimacy of Edward V as a reason to depose him, all with the intent of making Richard appear to be a bloody tyrant so that he could later be king himself, he was deluded since the general public (at least by Vergil's time) clearly saw his hand in these "crimes" (none of which interfered with Richard's popularity in the North [and Midlands?] during his own lifetime). And if Buckingham killed or suggested killing the "princes" for similar reasons, he was an even greater fool. Morton, however, would have seized on the idea of a *rumor* that the "princes" were dead--"[which] dede," says Vergil, "wold withowt dowt proove for the profyt of the commonwelth" since it would allow Tudor's intended marriage to EoY to unite the rival Yorkist and Lancastrian factions. In other words, Buckingham may have thought that he would benefit from such a deed, but the real beneficiary was Tudor.
"Wily Buckingham"? He was putty in Morton's hands. Of course, no one called him wily except me, by accident.
Carol
> [snip] Unfortunately for our understanding of this fictional conversation, the manuscript ends here, but it certainly looks as if the wily Buckingham is trying to persuade Buckingham to consider his own qualifications to be king--not a word about Henry Tudor in that whole conversation. [snip]
Carol again:
Ergh! How do I do these things to myself? I hope that anyone who made it through my long post understood that I meant "the wily Morton is trying to persuade Buckingham . . . "
Buckingham, as far as I can determine, was an ambitious fool. If he did contrive to persuade Richard to take the throne through the deaths of Hastings, Rivers, Grey, and Vaughn, as well as urging him to use the illegitimacy of Edward V as a reason to depose him, all with the intent of making Richard appear to be a bloody tyrant so that he could later be king himself, he was deluded since the general public (at least by Vergil's time) clearly saw his hand in these "crimes" (none of which interfered with Richard's popularity in the North [and Midlands?] during his own lifetime). And if Buckingham killed or suggested killing the "princes" for similar reasons, he was an even greater fool. Morton, however, would have seized on the idea of a *rumor* that the "princes" were dead--"[which] dede," says Vergil, "wold withowt dowt proove for the profyt of the commonwelth" since it would allow Tudor's intended marriage to EoY to unite the rival Yorkist and Lancastrian factions. In other words, Buckingham may have thought that he would benefit from such a deed, but the real beneficiary was Tudor.
"Wily Buckingham"? He was putty in Morton's hands. Of course, no one called him wily except me, by accident.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-24 18:12:51
I believe that MB along with Morton was plotting to put Tudor on the throne.I may well be wrong, however, it is as plausible as some of the myths about Richard that are perpetuated with little or no evidence. If they were plotting with Hastings and Buckingham it was in order to take them out because Buckingham had a much better claim to the throne and I doubt if Hastings would be plotting to replace Edward V with Tudor. As I have speculated before there were quite a few people that MB would have to get rid of if she was to see Tudor safely on the throne. Also,and Stephen might be able to help here, wasn't Hastings descended from Royalty through his mother or possibly grandmother? I am sure that I have read that somewhere.
--- In , "Douglas Eugene Stamate" <destama@...> wrote:
>
>
> Claire M Jordan wrote:
>
> "nd if *Morton* was the source of the information which killed Hastings, it
> was probably a lie."
>
> Doug here:
> That something I'm not so certain about. Morton certainly wasn't above
> sacrificing others to save his own skin and any plot to re-instate E(V)
> would almost of a nescessity mean Richard's death.
> Any plotting that may have occurred *before* knowledge of the pre-contract
> was made to the Council might have simply been to replace Richard as
> Protector with someone more, um...amenable? But once Stillington presented
> his "proofs" of the pre-contract before the Council, only Richard's death
> would prevent him from accepting the throne.
> Therefore, I can't see how any plotting that continued *after* Stillington's
> presentation, if discovered beforehand or disrupted somehow, would lead to
> someone's execution.
> IOW, Morton weighed the chances the plot against Richard succeeding, found
> them slim to non-existant, and ratted out Hastings to save his own skin.
> He who lives to fight another day and all...
> Doug
> Especially after knowledge of the pre-contract was made to the Council
>
--- In , "Douglas Eugene Stamate" <destama@...> wrote:
>
>
> Claire M Jordan wrote:
>
> "nd if *Morton* was the source of the information which killed Hastings, it
> was probably a lie."
>
> Doug here:
> That something I'm not so certain about. Morton certainly wasn't above
> sacrificing others to save his own skin and any plot to re-instate E(V)
> would almost of a nescessity mean Richard's death.
> Any plotting that may have occurred *before* knowledge of the pre-contract
> was made to the Council might have simply been to replace Richard as
> Protector with someone more, um...amenable? But once Stillington presented
> his "proofs" of the pre-contract before the Council, only Richard's death
> would prevent him from accepting the throne.
> Therefore, I can't see how any plotting that continued *after* Stillington's
> presentation, if discovered beforehand or disrupted somehow, would lead to
> someone's execution.
> IOW, Morton weighed the chances the plot against Richard succeeding, found
> them slim to non-existant, and ratted out Hastings to save his own skin.
> He who lives to fight another day and all...
> Doug
> Especially after knowledge of the pre-contract was made to the Council
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-24 18:33:57
Totally agree.....eileen
--- In , "ricard1an" <maryfriend@...> wrote:
>
> I believe that MB along with Morton was plotting to put Tudor on the throne.
--- In , "ricard1an" <maryfriend@...> wrote:
>
> I believe that MB along with Morton was plotting to put Tudor on the throne.
Edmund of Rutland Was: Disappearance
2013-05-24 20:03:02
Janet Ashton <jaangelfire@...> wrote:
>
> Much though most people interested in this period obviously do recognise Shakespeare as a superb dramatist, and not get worked up about anything they might not agree with (as I of course did as a child...:-) ) , I am still often surprised to find people treating his work as if it were factually accurate. I was amused to receive a free magazine through the door the other day, which had an article on the Battle of Wakefield by someone who claimed to be a historian. Edmund of Rutland was described as York's "youngest son", and the writer concluded by saying that York's sons Edward and Richard left the country and returned a few months later to have their revenge.....all of which sounds suspiciously cose to the bard's version of events!
Carol responds:
We can probably blame Shakespeare for distorting Richard's age (though More's making Edward fifty-three may well have suggested that George and Richard were also fiftyish and consequently confused him), but the blame for Edmund of Rutland as a twelve-year-old boy lies with Hall, who speaks of "the yong erle of Rutland sonne to the aboue named duke of Yorke, scace of y age of. xii. yeres, a faire getleman, and a maydenlike person."
Susan Higginbotham, however Hicks-like she may be in her interpretation of Richard, is on the mark here:
http://susandhigginbotham.blogspot.com/2010/02/death-of-edmund-earl-of-rutland.html
I can't recall whether Hall makes similar errors regarding Richard's age (but in the opposite direction) or whether Richard's (and George's) presence in battles fought when he and George were children is entirely Shakespeare's doing.
Either way, someone should point out to the "historian" Janet mentions how unlikely it is that someone born in 1452 could have fought at Wakefield (1460) or Towton (1461), much less at First St. Albans (1455). Interestingly, Hall's depiction of Edmund's age at Wakefield is very close to George's (he would have been twelve years and two months at the time). Richard, of course, was even younger. He had turned nine not quite three months before the battle.
Where the idea that Edmund was "maydenly" comes from, I can't guess, but the few references to him in the chronicles Susan cites are all favorable {"one of the best disposed lords in this land" and "worthy and good lord . . . Edmund erle of Ruthland").
At any rate, Shakespeare's distortion of the York brothers ages was my first clue that all was not accurate in Shakespeare's depiction of Richard.
Carol
>
> Much though most people interested in this period obviously do recognise Shakespeare as a superb dramatist, and not get worked up about anything they might not agree with (as I of course did as a child...:-) ) , I am still often surprised to find people treating his work as if it were factually accurate. I was amused to receive a free magazine through the door the other day, which had an article on the Battle of Wakefield by someone who claimed to be a historian. Edmund of Rutland was described as York's "youngest son", and the writer concluded by saying that York's sons Edward and Richard left the country and returned a few months later to have their revenge.....all of which sounds suspiciously cose to the bard's version of events!
Carol responds:
We can probably blame Shakespeare for distorting Richard's age (though More's making Edward fifty-three may well have suggested that George and Richard were also fiftyish and consequently confused him), but the blame for Edmund of Rutland as a twelve-year-old boy lies with Hall, who speaks of "the yong erle of Rutland sonne to the aboue named duke of Yorke, scace of y age of. xii. yeres, a faire getleman, and a maydenlike person."
Susan Higginbotham, however Hicks-like she may be in her interpretation of Richard, is on the mark here:
http://susandhigginbotham.blogspot.com/2010/02/death-of-edmund-earl-of-rutland.html
I can't recall whether Hall makes similar errors regarding Richard's age (but in the opposite direction) or whether Richard's (and George's) presence in battles fought when he and George were children is entirely Shakespeare's doing.
Either way, someone should point out to the "historian" Janet mentions how unlikely it is that someone born in 1452 could have fought at Wakefield (1460) or Towton (1461), much less at First St. Albans (1455). Interestingly, Hall's depiction of Edmund's age at Wakefield is very close to George's (he would have been twelve years and two months at the time). Richard, of course, was even younger. He had turned nine not quite three months before the battle.
Where the idea that Edmund was "maydenly" comes from, I can't guess, but the few references to him in the chronicles Susan cites are all favorable {"one of the best disposed lords in this land" and "worthy and good lord . . . Edmund erle of Ruthland").
At any rate, Shakespeare's distortion of the York brothers ages was my first clue that all was not accurate in Shakespeare's depiction of Richard.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-24 20:36:08
I couldn't find a royal ancestor but look who he was married to:
http://www.tudorplace.com.ar/NEVILLE2.htm#Catherine NEVILLE (B. Ashby-Zouche)
----- Original Message -----
From: ricard1an
To:
Sent: Friday, May 24, 2013 6:12 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
I believe that MB along with Morton was plotting to put Tudor on the throne.I may well be wrong, however, it is as plausible as some of the myths about Richard that are perpetuated with little or no evidence. If they were plotting with Hastings and Buckingham it was in order to take them out because Buckingham had a much better claim to the throne and I doubt if Hastings would be plotting to replace Edward V with Tudor. As I have speculated before there were quite a few people that MB would have to get rid of if she was to see Tudor safely on the throne. Also,and Stephen might be able to help here, wasn't Hastings descended from Royalty through his mother or possibly grandmother? I am sure that I have read that somewhere.
--- In , "Douglas Eugene Stamate" <destama@...> wrote:
>
>
> Claire M Jordan wrote:
>
> "nd if *Morton* was the source of the information which killed Hastings, it
> was probably a lie."
>
> Doug here:
> That something I'm not so certain about. Morton certainly wasn't above
> sacrificing others to save his own skin and any plot to re-instate E(V)
> would almost of a nescessity mean Richard's death.
> Any plotting that may have occurred *before* knowledge of the pre-contract
> was made to the Council might have simply been to replace Richard as
> Protector with someone more, um...amenable? But once Stillington presented
> his "proofs" of the pre-contract before the Council, only Richard's death
> would prevent him from accepting the throne.
> Therefore, I can't see how any plotting that continued *after* Stillington's
> presentation, if discovered beforehand or disrupted somehow, would lead to
> someone's execution.
> IOW, Morton weighed the chances the plot against Richard succeeding, found
> them slim to non-existant, and ratted out Hastings to save his own skin.
> He who lives to fight another day and all...
> Doug
> Especially after knowledge of the pre-contract was made to the Council
>
http://www.tudorplace.com.ar/NEVILLE2.htm#Catherine NEVILLE (B. Ashby-Zouche)
----- Original Message -----
From: ricard1an
To:
Sent: Friday, May 24, 2013 6:12 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
I believe that MB along with Morton was plotting to put Tudor on the throne.I may well be wrong, however, it is as plausible as some of the myths about Richard that are perpetuated with little or no evidence. If they were plotting with Hastings and Buckingham it was in order to take them out because Buckingham had a much better claim to the throne and I doubt if Hastings would be plotting to replace Edward V with Tudor. As I have speculated before there were quite a few people that MB would have to get rid of if she was to see Tudor safely on the throne. Also,and Stephen might be able to help here, wasn't Hastings descended from Royalty through his mother or possibly grandmother? I am sure that I have read that somewhere.
--- In , "Douglas Eugene Stamate" <destama@...> wrote:
>
>
> Claire M Jordan wrote:
>
> "nd if *Morton* was the source of the information which killed Hastings, it
> was probably a lie."
>
> Doug here:
> That something I'm not so certain about. Morton certainly wasn't above
> sacrificing others to save his own skin and any plot to re-instate E(V)
> would almost of a nescessity mean Richard's death.
> Any plotting that may have occurred *before* knowledge of the pre-contract
> was made to the Council might have simply been to replace Richard as
> Protector with someone more, um...amenable? But once Stillington presented
> his "proofs" of the pre-contract before the Council, only Richard's death
> would prevent him from accepting the throne.
> Therefore, I can't see how any plotting that continued *after* Stillington's
> presentation, if discovered beforehand or disrupted somehow, would lead to
> someone's execution.
> IOW, Morton weighed the chances the plot against Richard succeeding, found
> them slim to non-existant, and ratted out Hastings to save his own skin.
> He who lives to fight another day and all...
> Doug
> Especially after knowledge of the pre-contract was made to the Council
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-24 20:50:24
Claire wrote:
> And if *Morton* was the source of the information which killed Hastings, it was probably a lie.
>
Carol responds:
But Morton was arrested for his involvement in the same plot (which is how he ultimately ended up as Buckingham's "prisoner" at Brecon), so it's unlikely that he supplied evidence against Hastings.
But, yes, *if* he informed on Hastings or anyone else, his tale was probably a lie. (My belief is that he played Buckingham and Hastings against each other, not caring which one lost as long as one of them was executed.) He reminds me of the Spider King playing Edward and Warwick against each other.
No proof--that's just how he strikes me, an unprincipled manipulator who will do anything, however unscrupulous, to achieve his goal.
Carol
> And if *Morton* was the source of the information which killed Hastings, it was probably a lie.
>
Carol responds:
But Morton was arrested for his involvement in the same plot (which is how he ultimately ended up as Buckingham's "prisoner" at Brecon), so it's unlikely that he supplied evidence against Hastings.
But, yes, *if* he informed on Hastings or anyone else, his tale was probably a lie. (My belief is that he played Buckingham and Hastings against each other, not caring which one lost as long as one of them was executed.) He reminds me of the Spider King playing Edward and Warwick against each other.
No proof--that's just how he strikes me, an unprincipled manipulator who will do anything, however unscrupulous, to achieve his goal.
Carol
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-24 21:19:07
From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
To:
Sent: Thursday, May 23, 2013 5:00 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
> Once Henry had the throne then, by omission and special emphasis, the
> story
is built up that *of course* Henry was invited by Buckingham to take the
throne. Buckingham certainly couldn't deny it, and anyone else who was in a
position to know (Henry and Morton) certainly had no reason *not* to support
the story.
Yes, sure, but everybody seems to be agreed that Buckingham did encourage
Henry to invade. What did Henry think Buckingham was inviting him to come
to England and do, if not to take the throne? Would Henry commit himself to
putting Buckingham or Edward V on the throne, or would Buckingham think that
he might? What carrot could Buckingam offer Henry, other than the throne
for himself?
To:
Sent: Thursday, May 23, 2013 5:00 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
> Once Henry had the throne then, by omission and special emphasis, the
> story
is built up that *of course* Henry was invited by Buckingham to take the
throne. Buckingham certainly couldn't deny it, and anyone else who was in a
position to know (Henry and Morton) certainly had no reason *not* to support
the story.
Yes, sure, but everybody seems to be agreed that Buckingham did encourage
Henry to invade. What did Henry think Buckingham was inviting him to come
to England and do, if not to take the throne? Would Henry commit himself to
putting Buckingham or Edward V on the throne, or would Buckingham think that
he might? What carrot could Buckingam offer Henry, other than the throne
for himself?
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-24 21:19:07
That's how an Irish person would say it!
--- In , "SandraMachin" <sandramachin@...> wrote:
>
> Plus, of course, Richard the Turd. (Sorry. On a pleasant Sunday morning too...)
>
> From: Claire M Jordan
> Sent: Saturday, May 18, 2013 11:22 PM
> To:
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
> > "Richard the Threeth"?
>
> Better than Richard the Tooth....
>
> A couple of years ago I cut out a cartoon of a very, very short royal effigy
> on top of a tomb, labelled Richard the 1/3rd.
>
>
>
>
>
--- In , "SandraMachin" <sandramachin@...> wrote:
>
> Plus, of course, Richard the Turd. (Sorry. On a pleasant Sunday morning too...)
>
> From: Claire M Jordan
> Sent: Saturday, May 18, 2013 11:22 PM
> To:
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
> > "Richard the Threeth"?
>
> Better than Richard the Tooth....
>
> A couple of years ago I cut out a cartoon of a very, very short royal effigy
> on top of a tomb, labelled Richard the 1/3rd.
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-24 21:19:10
Weren't the Tudors a mucky bunch though? I seem to remember Lucy Worsley stating on 'The History of the Home: The Bathroom' that they didn't wash their bodies but wore a linen undergarment which they believed drew dirt away from the body and this was washed regularly, poo-ee!
--- In , Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@...> wrote:
>
>
>
> From:
> [mailto:] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
> Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 12:17 PM
> To:
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
> From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
> To:
> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 4:44 PM
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
>
>
> Doug -
>
>
> > I know hip-baths showed up in the 18th century, but I honestly
> have no idea *how* a bath was accomplished before that.
>
>
>
> Claire -
> I thought they used a big wooden tub like half a giant barrel, surrounded by
> screens. I know I've come across this in historical novels but I'm *fairly*
> sure I've also seen it illustrated in a Mediaeval illumination.
>
>
> [JLT] I'm almost positive I've seen pictures of bathing like you describle,
> Claire, but I haven't succeeded in finding any examples yet. I know Sharon
> Kay Penman refers to Richard bathing in *Sunne* but I know that's not a 100%
> guarantee of historical accuracy. <smiley>
>
>
>
> I will keep looking and let you know if I find anything. It can probably be
> found in one of the books on medieval life, like one of the books by Frances
> Gies, I would imagine.
>
>
>
> TTFN <smile>
>
>
>
> Johanne
>
>
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> Johanne L. Tournier
>
>
>
> Email - jltournier60@...
>
> or jltournier@...
>
>
>
> "With God, all things are possible."
>
> - Jesus of Nazareth
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
--- In , Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@...> wrote:
>
>
>
> From:
> [mailto:] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
> Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 12:17 PM
> To:
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
> From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
> To:
> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 4:44 PM
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
>
>
> Doug -
>
>
> > I know hip-baths showed up in the 18th century, but I honestly
> have no idea *how* a bath was accomplished before that.
>
>
>
> Claire -
> I thought they used a big wooden tub like half a giant barrel, surrounded by
> screens. I know I've come across this in historical novels but I'm *fairly*
> sure I've also seen it illustrated in a Mediaeval illumination.
>
>
> [JLT] I'm almost positive I've seen pictures of bathing like you describle,
> Claire, but I haven't succeeded in finding any examples yet. I know Sharon
> Kay Penman refers to Richard bathing in *Sunne* but I know that's not a 100%
> guarantee of historical accuracy. <smiley>
>
>
>
> I will keep looking and let you know if I find anything. It can probably be
> found in one of the books on medieval life, like one of the books by Frances
> Gies, I would imagine.
>
>
>
> TTFN <smile>
>
>
>
> Johanne
>
>
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> Johanne L. Tournier
>
>
>
> Email - jltournier60@...
>
> or jltournier@...
>
>
>
> "With God, all things are possible."
>
> - Jesus of Nazareth
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-24 21:21:31
david rayner wrote:
[snip]
> Cover of new BBC History mag:
>
> https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=553904987986735&set=a.449806625063239.101811.105844319459473&type=1&theater
>
>
>
> You'll also be tuning in for the Winter King:
>
> http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p015rht9
>
>
> Oh yes you will.
Carol responds:
Thanks for the links. Unfortunately, I'm in the U.S., so I don't think I can buy the magazine and the link to Henry backdating his reign won't work for me. Still, I'm glad that bit of shady dealing will become known to the public.
If anyone wants to post a summary of the article on Richard vs. Henry (not exactly "rivals" since only one of them had a real claim!), I'd be grateful. I'm also curious about "Elizabeth I Exposed." The only bad thing I know about her (aside from executing Mary Queen of Scots) is that she employed Sir Francis Drake as a pirate ("privateer") to rob Spanish ships. Of course, she gets credit that isn't really due to her because she happened to be queen at a time when English language and literature were flourishing. The same thing would have happened if a descendent of Richard's sat on the throne at that time.
Carol
[snip]
> Cover of new BBC History mag:
>
> https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=553904987986735&set=a.449806625063239.101811.105844319459473&type=1&theater
>
>
>
> You'll also be tuning in for the Winter King:
>
> http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p015rht9
>
>
> Oh yes you will.
Carol responds:
Thanks for the links. Unfortunately, I'm in the U.S., so I don't think I can buy the magazine and the link to Henry backdating his reign won't work for me. Still, I'm glad that bit of shady dealing will become known to the public.
If anyone wants to post a summary of the article on Richard vs. Henry (not exactly "rivals" since only one of them had a real claim!), I'd be grateful. I'm also curious about "Elizabeth I Exposed." The only bad thing I know about her (aside from executing Mary Queen of Scots) is that she employed Sir Francis Drake as a pirate ("privateer") to rob Spanish ships. Of course, she gets credit that isn't really due to her because she happened to be queen at a time when English language and literature were flourishing. The same thing would have happened if a descendent of Richard's sat on the throne at that time.
Carol
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-24 21:28:17
Thomas of Woodstock was the 5th son of Edward III.
Practically the entire nobility of England was descended from the first 4, so Buckingham's "claim" through Thomas was non existant.
________________________________
From: Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...>
To: "" <>
Sent: Friday, 24 May 2013, 16:23
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Buckingham had a far better claim to the throne, through Thomas of Woodstock than did Henry. Primogeniture had only to be revoked (as it had before) and there were a whole host of people with a claim and Henry Tudor was not one of them. The Beauforts had been legitimised but still legally barred from the Crown. Yes Buckingham's mother was another Margaret Beaufort but his claim came through Sir Edmund Stafford his grandfather who had married Anne Plantagenet, daughter of Thomas of Woodstock, son of Edward III . HT could only take the throne through right of conquest.
________________________________
From: Douglas Eugene Stamate <destama@...>
To:
Sent: Thursday, 23 May 2013, 17:00
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Claire M Jordan wrote:
"But would Henry invade unless it was to seize the throne for himself?
Would
Buckingham even think that he would?
I could see Buckingham inviting Henry over with a spurious offer to support
his, Henry's, claim, really planning to off him once he'd had his help in
unseating Richard."
Doug here:
I believe David Rayner mentioned there was a Beaufort in Buckingham's family
tree, Wouldn't that make Buckingham himself the most viable "Lancastrian"
claimant in 1483, and *not* Tudor? Because Buckingham also had his
legitimate descent from EIII; something Tudor only gained, and then only for
his descendents, by repealing Titulus Regius.
I think what we may be dealing with here is what lies at the base of *all*
Tudor propaganda - the inevitability of Henry Tudor assuming the throne.
God's plan, as it were. The one point that is emphasized throughout *all*
the reigns of the Tudor monarchs is their God-given right to rule which, by
extension, *has* to be extended to the dynasty's founder, doesn't it? And
really, what other claim is there?
Once Henry had the throne then, by omission and special emphasis, the story
is built up that *of course* Henry was invited by Buckingham to take the
throne. Buckingham certainly couldn't deny it, and anyone else who was in a
position to know (Henry and Morton) certainly had no reason *not* to support
the story.
Doug
Practically the entire nobility of England was descended from the first 4, so Buckingham's "claim" through Thomas was non existant.
________________________________
From: Hilary Jones <hjnatdat@...>
To: "" <>
Sent: Friday, 24 May 2013, 16:23
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Buckingham had a far better claim to the throne, through Thomas of Woodstock than did Henry. Primogeniture had only to be revoked (as it had before) and there were a whole host of people with a claim and Henry Tudor was not one of them. The Beauforts had been legitimised but still legally barred from the Crown. Yes Buckingham's mother was another Margaret Beaufort but his claim came through Sir Edmund Stafford his grandfather who had married Anne Plantagenet, daughter of Thomas of Woodstock, son of Edward III . HT could only take the throne through right of conquest.
________________________________
From: Douglas Eugene Stamate <destama@...>
To:
Sent: Thursday, 23 May 2013, 17:00
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
Claire M Jordan wrote:
"But would Henry invade unless it was to seize the throne for himself?
Would
Buckingham even think that he would?
I could see Buckingham inviting Henry over with a spurious offer to support
his, Henry's, claim, really planning to off him once he'd had his help in
unseating Richard."
Doug here:
I believe David Rayner mentioned there was a Beaufort in Buckingham's family
tree, Wouldn't that make Buckingham himself the most viable "Lancastrian"
claimant in 1483, and *not* Tudor? Because Buckingham also had his
legitimate descent from EIII; something Tudor only gained, and then only for
his descendents, by repealing Titulus Regius.
I think what we may be dealing with here is what lies at the base of *all*
Tudor propaganda - the inevitability of Henry Tudor assuming the throne.
God's plan, as it were. The one point that is emphasized throughout *all*
the reigns of the Tudor monarchs is their God-given right to rule which, by
extension, *has* to be extended to the dynasty's founder, doesn't it? And
really, what other claim is there?
Once Henry had the throne then, by omission and special emphasis, the story
is built up that *of course* Henry was invited by Buckingham to take the
throne. Buckingham certainly couldn't deny it, and anyone else who was in a
position to know (Henry and Morton) certainly had no reason *not* to support
the story.
Doug
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-24 21:43:42
Yes, I think I remember that, or it was portrayed as such in one of the Elizabeth I movies, which, OF COURSE, makes it true : )
On May 24, 2013, at 3:19 PM, "Ms Jones" <mhairigibbons2006@...<mailto:mhairigibbons2006@...>> wrote:
Weren't the Tudors a mucky bunch though? I seem to remember Lucy Worsley stating on 'The History of the Home: The Bathroom' that they didn't wash their bodies but wore a linen undergarment which they believed drew dirt away from the body and this was washed regularly, poo-ee!
--- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@...> wrote:
>
>
>
> From: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> [mailto:<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
> Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 12:17 PM
> To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
> From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
> To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>>
> Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 4:44 PM
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
>
>
> Doug -
>
>
> > I know hip-baths showed up in the 18th century, but I honestly
> have no idea *how* a bath was accomplished before that.
>
>
>
> Claire -
> I thought they used a big wooden tub like half a giant barrel, surrounded by
> screens. I know I've come across this in historical novels but I'm *fairly*
> sure I've also seen it illustrated in a Mediaeval illumination.
>
>
> [JLT] I'm almost positive I've seen pictures of bathing like you describle,
> Claire, but I haven't succeeded in finding any examples yet. I know Sharon
> Kay Penman refers to Richard bathing in *Sunne* but I know that's not a 100%
> guarantee of historical accuracy. <smiley>
>
>
>
> I will keep looking and let you know if I find anything. It can probably be
> found in one of the books on medieval life, like one of the books by Frances
> Gies, I would imagine.
>
>
>
> TTFN <smile>
>
>
>
> Johanne
>
>
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> Johanne L. Tournier
>
>
>
> Email - jltournier60@...
>
> or jltournier@...
>
>
>
> "With God, all things are possible."
>
> - Jesus of Nazareth
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
On May 24, 2013, at 3:19 PM, "Ms Jones" <mhairigibbons2006@...<mailto:mhairigibbons2006@...>> wrote:
Weren't the Tudors a mucky bunch though? I seem to remember Lucy Worsley stating on 'The History of the Home: The Bathroom' that they didn't wash their bodies but wore a linen undergarment which they believed drew dirt away from the body and this was washed regularly, poo-ee!
--- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@...> wrote:
>
>
>
> From: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> [mailto:<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
> Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 12:17 PM
> To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
> From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
> To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>>
> Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 4:44 PM
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
>
>
> Doug -
>
>
> > I know hip-baths showed up in the 18th century, but I honestly
> have no idea *how* a bath was accomplished before that.
>
>
>
> Claire -
> I thought they used a big wooden tub like half a giant barrel, surrounded by
> screens. I know I've come across this in historical novels but I'm *fairly*
> sure I've also seen it illustrated in a Mediaeval illumination.
>
>
> [JLT] I'm almost positive I've seen pictures of bathing like you describle,
> Claire, but I haven't succeeded in finding any examples yet. I know Sharon
> Kay Penman refers to Richard bathing in *Sunne* but I know that's not a 100%
> guarantee of historical accuracy. <smiley>
>
>
>
> I will keep looking and let you know if I find anything. It can probably be
> found in one of the books on medieval life, like one of the books by Frances
> Gies, I would imagine.
>
>
>
> TTFN <smile>
>
>
>
> Johanne
>
>
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> Johanne L. Tournier
>
>
>
> Email - jltournier60@...
>
> or jltournier@...
>
>
>
> "With God, all things are possible."
>
> - Jesus of Nazareth
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-24 22:35:10
I think I have found what I must have read previously. Hastings' mother was Alice Camoys. Her father was Thomas Camoys and her mother was Elizabeth Louche. Thomas' second wife was Hotspur's widow, Elizabeth Mortimer daughter of Edmund Mortimer and Philippa daughter of Lionel of Antwerp. I must have mis-read it as Alice being Elizabeth Mortimer's daughter. I think Hastings was one of Richard Duke of York's household before he became one of Edward's followers. It may have been through this family connection as the Duke of York was also descended from Edmund and Philippa through their daughter Anne. Wasn't Catherine Neville Warwick's sister?
--- In , "Stephen Lark" <stephenmlark@...> wrote:
>
> I couldn't find a royal ancestor but look who he was married to:
> http://www.tudorplace.com.ar/NEVILLE2.htm#Catherine NEVILLE (B. Ashby-Zouche)
> ----- Original Message -----
> From: ricard1an
> To:
> Sent: Friday, May 24, 2013 6:12 PM
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
>
>
> I believe that MB along with Morton was plotting to put Tudor on the throne.I may well be wrong, however, it is as plausible as some of the myths about Richard that are perpetuated with little or no evidence. If they were plotting with Hastings and Buckingham it was in order to take them out because Buckingham had a much better claim to the throne and I doubt if Hastings would be plotting to replace Edward V with Tudor. As I have speculated before there were quite a few people that MB would have to get rid of if she was to see Tudor safely on the throne. Also,and Stephen might be able to help here, wasn't Hastings descended from Royalty through his mother or possibly grandmother? I am sure that I have read that somewhere.
>
> --- In , "Douglas Eugene Stamate" <destama@> wrote:
> >
> >
> > Claire M Jordan wrote:
> >
> > "nd if *Morton* was the source of the information which killed Hastings, it
> > was probably a lie."
> >
> > Doug here:
> > That something I'm not so certain about. Morton certainly wasn't above
> > sacrificing others to save his own skin and any plot to re-instate E(V)
> > would almost of a nescessity mean Richard's death.
> > Any plotting that may have occurred *before* knowledge of the pre-contract
> > was made to the Council might have simply been to replace Richard as
> > Protector with someone more, um...amenable? But once Stillington presented
> > his "proofs" of the pre-contract before the Council, only Richard's death
> > would prevent him from accepting the throne.
> > Therefore, I can't see how any plotting that continued *after* Stillington's
> > presentation, if discovered beforehand or disrupted somehow, would lead to
> > someone's execution.
> > IOW, Morton weighed the chances the plot against Richard succeeding, found
> > them slim to non-existant, and ratted out Hastings to save his own skin.
> > He who lives to fight another day and all...
> > Doug
> > Especially after knowledge of the pre-contract was made to the Council
> >
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
--- In , "Stephen Lark" <stephenmlark@...> wrote:
>
> I couldn't find a royal ancestor but look who he was married to:
> http://www.tudorplace.com.ar/NEVILLE2.htm#Catherine NEVILLE (B. Ashby-Zouche)
> ----- Original Message -----
> From: ricard1an
> To:
> Sent: Friday, May 24, 2013 6:12 PM
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
>
>
> I believe that MB along with Morton was plotting to put Tudor on the throne.I may well be wrong, however, it is as plausible as some of the myths about Richard that are perpetuated with little or no evidence. If they were plotting with Hastings and Buckingham it was in order to take them out because Buckingham had a much better claim to the throne and I doubt if Hastings would be plotting to replace Edward V with Tudor. As I have speculated before there were quite a few people that MB would have to get rid of if she was to see Tudor safely on the throne. Also,and Stephen might be able to help here, wasn't Hastings descended from Royalty through his mother or possibly grandmother? I am sure that I have read that somewhere.
>
> --- In , "Douglas Eugene Stamate" <destama@> wrote:
> >
> >
> > Claire M Jordan wrote:
> >
> > "nd if *Morton* was the source of the information which killed Hastings, it
> > was probably a lie."
> >
> > Doug here:
> > That something I'm not so certain about. Morton certainly wasn't above
> > sacrificing others to save his own skin and any plot to re-instate E(V)
> > would almost of a nescessity mean Richard's death.
> > Any plotting that may have occurred *before* knowledge of the pre-contract
> > was made to the Council might have simply been to replace Richard as
> > Protector with someone more, um...amenable? But once Stillington presented
> > his "proofs" of the pre-contract before the Council, only Richard's death
> > would prevent him from accepting the throne.
> > Therefore, I can't see how any plotting that continued *after* Stillington's
> > presentation, if discovered beforehand or disrupted somehow, would lead to
> > someone's execution.
> > IOW, Morton weighed the chances the plot against Richard succeeding, found
> > them slim to non-existant, and ratted out Hastings to save his own skin.
> > He who lives to fight another day and all...
> > Doug
> > Especially after knowledge of the pre-contract was made to the Council
> >
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-25 03:26:37
Ugh!
Ishita Bandyo
Sent from my iPad
On May 23, 2013, at 5:50 PM, "Ms Jones" <mhairigibbons2006@...> wrote:
> Weren't the Tudors a mucky bunch though? I seem to remember Lucy Worsley stating on 'The History of the Home: The Bathroom' that they didn't wash their bodies but wore a linen undergarment which they believed drew dirt away from the body and this was washed regularly, poo-ee!
>
> --- In , Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@...> wrote:
> >
> >
> >
> > From:
> > [mailto:] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
> > Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 12:17 PM
> > To:
> > Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> >
> > From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
> > To:
> > <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> > Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 4:44 PM
> > Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> >
> >
> >
> > Doug -
> >
> >
> > > I know hip-baths showed up in the 18th century, but I honestly
> > have no idea *how* a bath was accomplished before that.
> >
> >
> >
> > Claire -
> > I thought they used a big wooden tub like half a giant barrel, surrounded by
> > screens. I know I've come across this in historical novels but I'm *fairly*
> > sure I've also seen it illustrated in a Mediaeval illumination.
> >
> >
> > [JLT] I'm almost positive I've seen pictures of bathing like you describle,
> > Claire, but I haven't succeeded in finding any examples yet. I know Sharon
> > Kay Penman refers to Richard bathing in *Sunne* but I know that's not a 100%
> > guarantee of historical accuracy. <smiley>
> >
> >
> >
> > I will keep looking and let you know if I find anything. It can probably be
> > found in one of the books on medieval life, like one of the books by Frances
> > Gies, I would imagine.
> >
> >
> >
> > TTFN <smile>
> >
> >
> >
> > Johanne
> >
> >
> >
> > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> >
> > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> >
> > Johanne L. Tournier
> >
> >
> >
> > Email - jltournier60@...
> >
> > or jltournier@...
> >
> >
> >
> > "With God, all things are possible."
> >
> > - Jesus of Nazareth
> >
> > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> >
> > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
>
Ishita Bandyo
Sent from my iPad
On May 23, 2013, at 5:50 PM, "Ms Jones" <mhairigibbons2006@...> wrote:
> Weren't the Tudors a mucky bunch though? I seem to remember Lucy Worsley stating on 'The History of the Home: The Bathroom' that they didn't wash their bodies but wore a linen undergarment which they believed drew dirt away from the body and this was washed regularly, poo-ee!
>
> --- In , Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@...> wrote:
> >
> >
> >
> > From:
> > [mailto:] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
> > Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 12:17 PM
> > To:
> > Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> >
> > From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
> > To:
> > <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
> > Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 4:44 PM
> > Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> >
> >
> >
> > Doug -
> >
> >
> > > I know hip-baths showed up in the 18th century, but I honestly
> > have no idea *how* a bath was accomplished before that.
> >
> >
> >
> > Claire -
> > I thought they used a big wooden tub like half a giant barrel, surrounded by
> > screens. I know I've come across this in historical novels but I'm *fairly*
> > sure I've also seen it illustrated in a Mediaeval illumination.
> >
> >
> > [JLT] I'm almost positive I've seen pictures of bathing like you describle,
> > Claire, but I haven't succeeded in finding any examples yet. I know Sharon
> > Kay Penman refers to Richard bathing in *Sunne* but I know that's not a 100%
> > guarantee of historical accuracy. <smiley>
> >
> >
> >
> > I will keep looking and let you know if I find anything. It can probably be
> > found in one of the books on medieval life, like one of the books by Frances
> > Gies, I would imagine.
> >
> >
> >
> > TTFN <smile>
> >
> >
> >
> > Johanne
> >
> >
> >
> > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> >
> > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> >
> > Johanne L. Tournier
> >
> >
> >
> > Email - jltournier60@...
> >
> > or jltournier@...
> >
> >
> >
> > "With God, all things are possible."
> >
> > - Jesus of Nazareth
> >
> > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> >
> > ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-25 10:09:02
Richard II was though to be distinctly odd when he had a bathroom
installed in his palace.
If only doctors then would have linked lack of cleanliness and hygiene
with disease how different history would have been. Instead they saw the
king bathing and called him weird!
I also recall seeing somewhere a linen shroud that Catherine de Valois
used to bathe in. One wonders what the point was of bathing in clothes
except to save on the laundry bills!
Paul
On 24/05/2013 21:43, Pamela Bain wrote:
> Yes, I think I remember that, or it was portrayed as such in one of the Elizabeth I movies, which, OF COURSE, makes it true : )
>
> On May 24, 2013, at 3:19 PM, "Ms Jones" <mhairigibbons2006@...<mailto:mhairigibbons2006@...>> wrote:
>
>
>
> Weren't the Tudors a mucky bunch though? I seem to remember Lucy Worsley stating on 'The History of the Home: The Bathroom' that they didn't wash their bodies but wore a linen undergarment which they believed drew dirt away from the body and this was washed regularly, poo-ee!
>
> --- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@...> wrote:
>>
>>
>> From: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
>> [mailto:<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
>> Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 12:17 PM
>> To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
>> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>>
>> From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
>> To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
>> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>>
>> Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 4:44 PM
>> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>>
>>
>>
>> Doug -
>>
>>
>>> I know hip-baths showed up in the 18th century, but I honestly
>> have no idea *how* a bath was accomplished before that.
>>
>>
>>
>> Claire -
>> I thought they used a big wooden tub like half a giant barrel, surrounded by
>> screens. I know I've come across this in historical novels but I'm *fairly*
>> sure I've also seen it illustrated in a Mediaeval illumination.
>>
>>
>> [JLT] I'm almost positive I've seen pictures of bathing like you describle,
>> Claire, but I haven't succeeded in finding any examples yet. I know Sharon
>> Kay Penman refers to Richard bathing in *Sunne* but I know that's not a 100%
>> guarantee of historical accuracy. <smiley>
>>
>>
>>
>> I will keep looking and let you know if I find anything. It can probably be
>> found in one of the books on medieval life, like one of the books by Frances
>> Gies, I would imagine.
>>
>>
>>
>> TTFN <smile>
>>
>>
>>
>> Johanne
>>
>>
>>
>> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>>
>> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>>
>> Johanne L. Tournier
>>
>>
>>
>> Email - jltournier60@...
>>
>> or jltournier@...
>>
>>
>>
>> "With God, all things are possible."
>>
>> - Jesus of Nazareth
>>
>> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>>
>> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
--
Richard Liveth Yet!
installed in his palace.
If only doctors then would have linked lack of cleanliness and hygiene
with disease how different history would have been. Instead they saw the
king bathing and called him weird!
I also recall seeing somewhere a linen shroud that Catherine de Valois
used to bathe in. One wonders what the point was of bathing in clothes
except to save on the laundry bills!
Paul
On 24/05/2013 21:43, Pamela Bain wrote:
> Yes, I think I remember that, or it was portrayed as such in one of the Elizabeth I movies, which, OF COURSE, makes it true : )
>
> On May 24, 2013, at 3:19 PM, "Ms Jones" <mhairigibbons2006@...<mailto:mhairigibbons2006@...>> wrote:
>
>
>
> Weren't the Tudors a mucky bunch though? I seem to remember Lucy Worsley stating on 'The History of the Home: The Bathroom' that they didn't wash their bodies but wore a linen undergarment which they believed drew dirt away from the body and this was washed regularly, poo-ee!
>
> --- In <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>, Johanne Tournier <jltournier60@...> wrote:
>>
>>
>> From: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
>> [mailto:<mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>] On Behalf Of Claire M Jordan
>> Sent: Friday, May 17, 2013 12:17 PM
>> To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
>> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>>
>> From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
>> To: <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com>
>> <mailto:%40yahoogroups.com<http://40yahoogroups.com>>
>> Sent: Thursday, May 16, 2013 4:44 PM
>> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>>
>>
>>
>> Doug -
>>
>>
>>> I know hip-baths showed up in the 18th century, but I honestly
>> have no idea *how* a bath was accomplished before that.
>>
>>
>>
>> Claire -
>> I thought they used a big wooden tub like half a giant barrel, surrounded by
>> screens. I know I've come across this in historical novels but I'm *fairly*
>> sure I've also seen it illustrated in a Mediaeval illumination.
>>
>>
>> [JLT] I'm almost positive I've seen pictures of bathing like you describle,
>> Claire, but I haven't succeeded in finding any examples yet. I know Sharon
>> Kay Penman refers to Richard bathing in *Sunne* but I know that's not a 100%
>> guarantee of historical accuracy. <smiley>
>>
>>
>>
>> I will keep looking and let you know if I find anything. It can probably be
>> found in one of the books on medieval life, like one of the books by Frances
>> Gies, I would imagine.
>>
>>
>>
>> TTFN <smile>
>>
>>
>>
>> Johanne
>>
>>
>>
>> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>>
>> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>>
>> Johanne L. Tournier
>>
>>
>>
>> Email - jltournier60@...
>>
>> or jltournier@...
>>
>>
>>
>> "With God, all things are possible."
>>
>> - Jesus of Nazareth
>>
>> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>>
>> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
--
Richard Liveth Yet!
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-25 10:25:07
This is missing from the cyber-sources!
----- Original Message -----
From: ricard1an
To:
Sent: Friday, May 24, 2013 10:35 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
I think I have found what I must have read previously. Hastings' mother was Alice Camoys. Her father was Thomas Camoys and her mother was Elizabeth Louche. Thomas' second wife was Hotspur's widow, Elizabeth Mortimer daughter of Edmund Mortimer and Philippa daughter of Lionel of Antwerp. I must have mis-read it as Alice being Elizabeth Mortimer's daughter. I think Hastings was one of Richard Duke of York's household before he became one of Edward's followers. It may have been through this family connection as the Duke of York was also descended from Edmund and Philippa through their daughter Anne. Wasn't Catherine Neville Warwick's sister?
--- In , "Stephen Lark" <stephenmlark@...> wrote:
>
> I couldn't find a royal ancestor but look who he was married to:
> http://www.tudorplace.com.ar/NEVILLE2.htm#Catherine NEVILLE (B. Ashby-Zouche)
> ----- Original Message -----
> From: ricard1an
> To:
> Sent: Friday, May 24, 2013 6:12 PM
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
>
>
> I believe that MB along with Morton was plotting to put Tudor on the throne.I may well be wrong, however, it is as plausible as some of the myths about Richard that are perpetuated with little or no evidence. If they were plotting with Hastings and Buckingham it was in order to take them out because Buckingham had a much better claim to the throne and I doubt if Hastings would be plotting to replace Edward V with Tudor. As I have speculated before there were quite a few people that MB would have to get rid of if she was to see Tudor safely on the throne. Also,and Stephen might be able to help here, wasn't Hastings descended from Royalty through his mother or possibly grandmother? I am sure that I have read that somewhere.
>
> --- In , "Douglas Eugene Stamate" <destama@> wrote:
> >
> >
> > Claire M Jordan wrote:
> >
> > "nd if *Morton* was the source of the information which killed Hastings, it
> > was probably a lie."
> >
> > Doug here:
> > That something I'm not so certain about. Morton certainly wasn't above
> > sacrificing others to save his own skin and any plot to re-instate E(V)
> > would almost of a nescessity mean Richard's death.
> > Any plotting that may have occurred *before* knowledge of the pre-contract
> > was made to the Council might have simply been to replace Richard as
> > Protector with someone more, um...amenable? But once Stillington presented
> > his "proofs" of the pre-contract before the Council, only Richard's death
> > would prevent him from accepting the throne.
> > Therefore, I can't see how any plotting that continued *after* Stillington's
> > presentation, if discovered beforehand or disrupted somehow, would lead to
> > someone's execution.
> > IOW, Morton weighed the chances the plot against Richard succeeding, found
> > them slim to non-existant, and ratted out Hastings to save his own skin.
> > He who lives to fight another day and all...
> > Doug
> > Especially after knowledge of the pre-contract was made to the Council
> >
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
----- Original Message -----
From: ricard1an
To:
Sent: Friday, May 24, 2013 10:35 PM
Subject: Re: Disappearance
I think I have found what I must have read previously. Hastings' mother was Alice Camoys. Her father was Thomas Camoys and her mother was Elizabeth Louche. Thomas' second wife was Hotspur's widow, Elizabeth Mortimer daughter of Edmund Mortimer and Philippa daughter of Lionel of Antwerp. I must have mis-read it as Alice being Elizabeth Mortimer's daughter. I think Hastings was one of Richard Duke of York's household before he became one of Edward's followers. It may have been through this family connection as the Duke of York was also descended from Edmund and Philippa through their daughter Anne. Wasn't Catherine Neville Warwick's sister?
--- In , "Stephen Lark" <stephenmlark@...> wrote:
>
> I couldn't find a royal ancestor but look who he was married to:
> http://www.tudorplace.com.ar/NEVILLE2.htm#Catherine NEVILLE (B. Ashby-Zouche)
> ----- Original Message -----
> From: ricard1an
> To:
> Sent: Friday, May 24, 2013 6:12 PM
> Subject: Re: Disappearance
>
>
>
> I believe that MB along with Morton was plotting to put Tudor on the throne.I may well be wrong, however, it is as plausible as some of the myths about Richard that are perpetuated with little or no evidence. If they were plotting with Hastings and Buckingham it was in order to take them out because Buckingham had a much better claim to the throne and I doubt if Hastings would be plotting to replace Edward V with Tudor. As I have speculated before there were quite a few people that MB would have to get rid of if she was to see Tudor safely on the throne. Also,and Stephen might be able to help here, wasn't Hastings descended from Royalty through his mother or possibly grandmother? I am sure that I have read that somewhere.
>
> --- In , "Douglas Eugene Stamate" <destama@> wrote:
> >
> >
> > Claire M Jordan wrote:
> >
> > "nd if *Morton* was the source of the information which killed Hastings, it
> > was probably a lie."
> >
> > Doug here:
> > That something I'm not so certain about. Morton certainly wasn't above
> > sacrificing others to save his own skin and any plot to re-instate E(V)
> > would almost of a nescessity mean Richard's death.
> > Any plotting that may have occurred *before* knowledge of the pre-contract
> > was made to the Council might have simply been to replace Richard as
> > Protector with someone more, um...amenable? But once Stillington presented
> > his "proofs" of the pre-contract before the Council, only Richard's death
> > would prevent him from accepting the throne.
> > Therefore, I can't see how any plotting that continued *after* Stillington's
> > presentation, if discovered beforehand or disrupted somehow, would lead to
> > someone's execution.
> > IOW, Morton weighed the chances the plot against Richard succeeding, found
> > them slim to non-existant, and ratted out Hastings to save his own skin.
> > He who lives to fight another day and all...
> > Doug
> > Especially after knowledge of the pre-contract was made to the Council
> >
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-25 15:21:31
Hilary Jones wrote:
"Buckingham had a far better claim to the throne, through Thomas of
Woodstock than did Henry. Primogeniture had only to be revoked (as it had
before) and there were a whole host of people with a claim and Henry Tudor
was not one of them. The Beauforts had been legitimised but still legally
barred from the Crown. Yes Buckingham's mother was another Margaret Beaufort
but his claim came through Sir Edmund Stafford his grandfather who had
married Anne Plantagenet, daughter of Thomas of Woodstock, son of Edward III
. HT could only take the throne through right of conquest."
Doug here:
My point was, though, that *if* one wanted a "Lancastrian" candidate for the
throne, then Buckingham qualified even more so than Tudor. The plus for
Buckingham being his legitimate descent from EIII.
Thank you for geneaology on Woodstock!
Doug
________________________________
From: Douglas Eugene Stamate <destama@...>
To:
Sent: Thursday, 23 May 2013, 17:00
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
Claire M Jordan wrote:
"But would Henry invade unless it was to seize the throne for himself?
Would
Buckingham even think that he would?
I could see Buckingham inviting Henry over with a spurious offer to support
his, Henry's, claim, really planning to off him once he'd had his help in
unseating Richard."
Doug here:
I believe David Rayner mentioned there was a Beaufort in Buckingham's family
tree, Wouldn't that make Buckingham himself the most viable "Lancastrian"
claimant in 1483, and *not* Tudor? Because Buckingham also had his
legitimate descent from EIII; something Tudor only gained, and then only for
his descendents, by repealing Titulus Regius.
I think what we may be dealing with here is what lies at the base of *all*
Tudor propaganda - the inevitability of Henry Tudor assuming the throne.
God's plan, as it were. The one point that is emphasized throughout *all*
the reigns of the Tudor monarchs is their God-given right to rule which, by
extension, *has* to be extended to the dynasty's founder, doesn't it? And
really, what other claim is there?
Once Henry had the throne then, by omission and special emphasis, the story
is built up that *of course* Henry was invited by Buckingham to take the
throne. Buckingham certainly couldn't deny it, and anyone else who was in a
position to know (Henry and Morton) certainly had no reason *not* to support
the story.
Doug
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
"Buckingham had a far better claim to the throne, through Thomas of
Woodstock than did Henry. Primogeniture had only to be revoked (as it had
before) and there were a whole host of people with a claim and Henry Tudor
was not one of them. The Beauforts had been legitimised but still legally
barred from the Crown. Yes Buckingham's mother was another Margaret Beaufort
but his claim came through Sir Edmund Stafford his grandfather who had
married Anne Plantagenet, daughter of Thomas of Woodstock, son of Edward III
. HT could only take the throne through right of conquest."
Doug here:
My point was, though, that *if* one wanted a "Lancastrian" candidate for the
throne, then Buckingham qualified even more so than Tudor. The plus for
Buckingham being his legitimate descent from EIII.
Thank you for geneaology on Woodstock!
Doug
________________________________
From: Douglas Eugene Stamate <destama@...>
To:
Sent: Thursday, 23 May 2013, 17:00
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was
Disappearance
Claire M Jordan wrote:
"But would Henry invade unless it was to seize the throne for himself?
Would
Buckingham even think that he would?
I could see Buckingham inviting Henry over with a spurious offer to support
his, Henry's, claim, really planning to off him once he'd had his help in
unseating Richard."
Doug here:
I believe David Rayner mentioned there was a Beaufort in Buckingham's family
tree, Wouldn't that make Buckingham himself the most viable "Lancastrian"
claimant in 1483, and *not* Tudor? Because Buckingham also had his
legitimate descent from EIII; something Tudor only gained, and then only for
his descendents, by repealing Titulus Regius.
I think what we may be dealing with here is what lies at the base of *all*
Tudor propaganda - the inevitability of Henry Tudor assuming the throne.
God's plan, as it were. The one point that is emphasized throughout *all*
the reigns of the Tudor monarchs is their God-given right to rule which, by
extension, *has* to be extended to the dynasty's founder, doesn't it? And
really, what other claim is there?
Once Henry had the throne then, by omission and special emphasis, the story
is built up that *of course* Henry was invited by Buckingham to take the
throne. Buckingham certainly couldn't deny it, and anyone else who was in a
position to know (Henry and Morton) certainly had no reason *not* to support
the story.
Doug
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-25 16:57:20
Claire M Jordan wrote:
"Yes, sure, but everybody seems to be agreed that Buckingham did encourage
Henry to invade. What did Henry think Buckingham was inviting him to come
to England and do, if not to take the throne? Would Henry commit himself to
putting Buckingham or Edward V on the throne, or would Buckingham think that
he might? What carrot could Buckingam offer Henry, other than the throne
for himself?"
Doug here:
As David Raynor pointed out, Buckingham also had Beauforts in his ancestry
and I can't imagine Tudor either not already knowing that or not quickly
being informed of it. Which means, to me at least, that in 1483 *all*
Buckingham was offering Tudor was a return to England which, presuming
Buckingham won, would also include Tudor's return to the status he'd held
under Henry VI. That's the "Erle of Richmond" bit.
Plus, as both Buckingham and Tudor had Beauforts in the family trees, that
would also place Henry closer to the throne that during Henry VI's reign.
Not a throne no, but a much better position than that of a penniless exile
fearing (excessively, n my view) for his life.
Doug
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
>
"Yes, sure, but everybody seems to be agreed that Buckingham did encourage
Henry to invade. What did Henry think Buckingham was inviting him to come
to England and do, if not to take the throne? Would Henry commit himself to
putting Buckingham or Edward V on the throne, or would Buckingham think that
he might? What carrot could Buckingam offer Henry, other than the throne
for himself?"
Doug here:
As David Raynor pointed out, Buckingham also had Beauforts in his ancestry
and I can't imagine Tudor either not already knowing that or not quickly
being informed of it. Which means, to me at least, that in 1483 *all*
Buckingham was offering Tudor was a return to England which, presuming
Buckingham won, would also include Tudor's return to the status he'd held
under Henry VI. That's the "Erle of Richmond" bit.
Plus, as both Buckingham and Tudor had Beauforts in the family trees, that
would also place Henry closer to the throne that during Henry VI's reign.
Not a throne no, but a much better position than that of a penniless exile
fearing (excessively, n my view) for his life.
Doug
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-25 17:09:37
david rayner wrote:
"Thomas of Woodstock was the 5th son of Edward III.
Practically the entire nobility of England was descended from the first 4,
so Buckingham's "claim" through Thomas was non existant."
Doug here:
Strictly speaking, yes there were quite a few with better claims than
Buckingham, but the point is the throne was to an extent, "up for grabs" and
had been since Richard II.
Compared to other nobles, Buckingham's claim may not have been as strong
but, and this is the vital part, *they* weren't trying for throne;
Buckingham was. *Anything* that would strengthen that claim, such as
Buckingham's descent, legitimate descent, from Thomas of Woodstock, would be
an asset. As would his Beaufort lineage would be in, hopefully, attracting
Lancastrian support.
Thus it wouldn't matter how many members of the nobility actually had a more
direct claim to the throne if none of them tried to make that claim valid.
As best I know, none did.
Doug
"Thomas of Woodstock was the 5th son of Edward III.
Practically the entire nobility of England was descended from the first 4,
so Buckingham's "claim" through Thomas was non existant."
Doug here:
Strictly speaking, yes there were quite a few with better claims than
Buckingham, but the point is the throne was to an extent, "up for grabs" and
had been since Richard II.
Compared to other nobles, Buckingham's claim may not have been as strong
but, and this is the vital part, *they* weren't trying for throne;
Buckingham was. *Anything* that would strengthen that claim, such as
Buckingham's descent, legitimate descent, from Thomas of Woodstock, would be
an asset. As would his Beaufort lineage would be in, hopefully, attracting
Lancastrian support.
Thus it wouldn't matter how many members of the nobility actually had a more
direct claim to the throne if none of them tried to make that claim valid.
As best I know, none did.
Doug
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-25 17:31:44
From: Paul Trevor Bale
To:
Sent: Saturday, May 25, 2013 10:08 AM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> If only doctors then would have linked lack of cleanliness and hygiene
with disease how different history would have been. Instead they saw the
king bathing and called him weird!
I've often thought that this contributed to Mediaeval antisemitism. Jews
washed their hands before eating and kept their kitchen utensils
scrupulously clean so they must have been a lot less prone to disease than
most of their non-Jewish neighbours, yet they themselves didn't know why, so
they couldn't say "There are these tiny, like, little animals that get
inside you and attack your body, and you have to wash them off your hands
and that's why you're getting sick and we aren't". Instead, if there was an
outbreak of cholera or food-poisoning and Christians got sick and Jews
didn't, it would be assumed that the Jews must have poisoned the wells, and
the Jews themselves didn't know any reason for it except "G-d has protected
us.".
> I also recall seeing somewhere a linen shroud that Catherine de Valois
used to bathe in. One wonders what the point was of bathing in clothes
except to save on the laundry bills!
Well, we've seen from those little illuminations that bathing was quite qa
communal affair with lots of attendants, and I suppose servants weren't
allowed to see the queen naked. There might have been a religious element
too - certainly in later years many Catholic children were taught to bathe
while wearing a shift in case they should be sexually corrupted by the sight
of their own naked bodies.
Richard presumably bathed in a night-shirt too, otherwise the story about
him having a kinked spine would probably have been widely known. Either
that or he had a lot of very discreet servants everywhere he went - or Ann
bathed him.
To:
Sent: Saturday, May 25, 2013 10:08 AM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
> If only doctors then would have linked lack of cleanliness and hygiene
with disease how different history would have been. Instead they saw the
king bathing and called him weird!
I've often thought that this contributed to Mediaeval antisemitism. Jews
washed their hands before eating and kept their kitchen utensils
scrupulously clean so they must have been a lot less prone to disease than
most of their non-Jewish neighbours, yet they themselves didn't know why, so
they couldn't say "There are these tiny, like, little animals that get
inside you and attack your body, and you have to wash them off your hands
and that's why you're getting sick and we aren't". Instead, if there was an
outbreak of cholera or food-poisoning and Christians got sick and Jews
didn't, it would be assumed that the Jews must have poisoned the wells, and
the Jews themselves didn't know any reason for it except "G-d has protected
us.".
> I also recall seeing somewhere a linen shroud that Catherine de Valois
used to bathe in. One wonders what the point was of bathing in clothes
except to save on the laundry bills!
Well, we've seen from those little illuminations that bathing was quite qa
communal affair with lots of attendants, and I suppose servants weren't
allowed to see the queen naked. There might have been a religious element
too - certainly in later years many Catholic children were taught to bathe
while wearing a shift in case they should be sexually corrupted by the sight
of their own naked bodies.
Richard presumably bathed in a night-shirt too, otherwise the story about
him having a kinked spine would probably have been widely known. Either
that or he had a lot of very discreet servants everywhere he went - or Ann
bathed him.
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-25 17:48:12
ricard1an wrote:
"I believe that MB along with Morton was plotting to put Tudor on the
throne.I may well be wrong, however, it is as plausible as some of the myths
about Richard that are perpetuated with little or no evidence. If they were
plotting with Hastings and Buckingham it was in order to take them out
because Buckingham had a much better claim to the throne and I doubt if
Hastings would be plotting to replace Edward V with Tudor. As I have
speculated before there were quite a few people that MB would have to get
rid of if she was to see Tudor safely on the throne. Also,and Stephen might
be able to help here, wasn't Hastings descended from Royalty through his
mother or possibly grandmother? I am sure that I have read that somewhere."
Doug here:
I don't know about Hastings' possibly having a royal ancestor, but I do
think he was involved in a plot to return E(V) to the throne. Originally the
plot may only have been to limit the powers of the Protector and make him
responsible to the Council, much as had happened to Duke Humphrey early in
Henry VI's reign. If the Protector *was* subordinated to the Council, I have
a hard time seeing Richard remaining in that position - all the
responsibility and no authority. Which, in turn, would have meant the
Council, with Hastings as a member, would run the country until E(V)
personally took over governing.
The possibility of sidelining Richard into a powerless Protector was blown
out of the water by the pre-contract revelation. *If* E(V) was to retain the
throne, then Richard had to die and the pre-contract treated exactly as it
was under the Tudors.
Personally, I don't think that *at that point* MB and Morton were planning
on enthroning Henry Tudor. MB wanted Henry back in England and occupying
what she considered his rightful place as a member of the nobility. Morton,
after surveying the political landscape, first supported neutering Richard's
powers as Protector then realizing, as did Hastings, that the pre-contract
meant Richard would become king, continued plotting; only this time to
remove Richard and suppress knowledge of the pre-contract..
That plot failed, Hastings died, E(V) and his brothers and sisters were
declared illegitimate, Richard became king and, knowing of Morton's
involvement in the plot, placed Morton under basically "house arrest" in
Buckingham's care.
That is when I think Morton (after observing Buckingham's ego close up?)
decided he could manipulate the Duke and did so. If Morton was the committed
Lancastrian he is assumed to have been, Buckingham, with his royal descent
*and* his Beaufort lineage would have been a much better *legitimate*
candidate than Tudor ever could be. EIV's children were illegitimate,
Richard would likely have been attainted, placing *his* Edward in the same
category as George's, which left Buckingham as the only well-known, adult
male of royal descent with a fairly close Lancastrian connection. His
connections to the Woodvilles could also help in bringing them on board,
with EIV's children being treated as 15th century counterparts of the 14th
century's Beauforts.
It was only with the failure of the rebellion that Morton, now deprived of
his preferred "royal Lancastrian" candidate, opted for Tudor. There wasn't
anyone else.
Doug
(Sorry about the length and, just for emphasis, this is my take on what
happened, *not* mecessarily provable. Or unprovable.)
"I believe that MB along with Morton was plotting to put Tudor on the
throne.I may well be wrong, however, it is as plausible as some of the myths
about Richard that are perpetuated with little or no evidence. If they were
plotting with Hastings and Buckingham it was in order to take them out
because Buckingham had a much better claim to the throne and I doubt if
Hastings would be plotting to replace Edward V with Tudor. As I have
speculated before there were quite a few people that MB would have to get
rid of if she was to see Tudor safely on the throne. Also,and Stephen might
be able to help here, wasn't Hastings descended from Royalty through his
mother or possibly grandmother? I am sure that I have read that somewhere."
Doug here:
I don't know about Hastings' possibly having a royal ancestor, but I do
think he was involved in a plot to return E(V) to the throne. Originally the
plot may only have been to limit the powers of the Protector and make him
responsible to the Council, much as had happened to Duke Humphrey early in
Henry VI's reign. If the Protector *was* subordinated to the Council, I have
a hard time seeing Richard remaining in that position - all the
responsibility and no authority. Which, in turn, would have meant the
Council, with Hastings as a member, would run the country until E(V)
personally took over governing.
The possibility of sidelining Richard into a powerless Protector was blown
out of the water by the pre-contract revelation. *If* E(V) was to retain the
throne, then Richard had to die and the pre-contract treated exactly as it
was under the Tudors.
Personally, I don't think that *at that point* MB and Morton were planning
on enthroning Henry Tudor. MB wanted Henry back in England and occupying
what she considered his rightful place as a member of the nobility. Morton,
after surveying the political landscape, first supported neutering Richard's
powers as Protector then realizing, as did Hastings, that the pre-contract
meant Richard would become king, continued plotting; only this time to
remove Richard and suppress knowledge of the pre-contract..
That plot failed, Hastings died, E(V) and his brothers and sisters were
declared illegitimate, Richard became king and, knowing of Morton's
involvement in the plot, placed Morton under basically "house arrest" in
Buckingham's care.
That is when I think Morton (after observing Buckingham's ego close up?)
decided he could manipulate the Duke and did so. If Morton was the committed
Lancastrian he is assumed to have been, Buckingham, with his royal descent
*and* his Beaufort lineage would have been a much better *legitimate*
candidate than Tudor ever could be. EIV's children were illegitimate,
Richard would likely have been attainted, placing *his* Edward in the same
category as George's, which left Buckingham as the only well-known, adult
male of royal descent with a fairly close Lancastrian connection. His
connections to the Woodvilles could also help in bringing them on board,
with EIV's children being treated as 15th century counterparts of the 14th
century's Beauforts.
It was only with the failure of the rebellion that Morton, now deprived of
his preferred "royal Lancastrian" candidate, opted for Tudor. There wasn't
anyone else.
Doug
(Sorry about the length and, just for emphasis, this is my take on what
happened, *not* mecessarily provable. Or unprovable.)
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-25 18:16:42
I find your argument very persuasive and reasoned, Doug, and am with you, wholeheartedly.
From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
Sent: Friday, May 24, 2013 6:49 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Doug here:
I don't know about Hastings' possibly having a royal ancestor, but I do
think he was involved in a plot to return E(V) to the throne. Originally the
plot may only have been to limit the powers of the Protector and make him
responsible to the Council, much as had happened to Duke Humphrey early in
Henry VI's reign. If the Protector *was* subordinated to the Council, I have
a hard time seeing Richard remaining in that position - all the
responsibility and no authority. Which, in turn, would have meant the
Council, with Hastings as a member, would run the country until E(V)
personally took over governing.
The possibility of sidelining Richard into a powerless Protector was blown
out of the water by the pre-contract revelation. *If* E(V) was to retain the
throne, then Richard had to die and the pre-contract treated exactly as it
was under the Tudors.
Personally, I don't think that *at that point* MB and Morton were planning
on enthroning Henry Tudor. MB wanted Henry back in England and occupying
what she considered his rightful place as a member of the nobility. Morton,
after surveying the political landscape, first supported neutering Richard's
powers as Protector then realizing, as did Hastings, that the pre-contract
meant Richard would become king, continued plotting; only this time to
remove Richard and suppress knowledge of the pre-contract..
That plot failed, Hastings died, E(V) and his brothers and sisters were
declared illegitimate, Richard became king and, knowing of Morton's
involvement in the plot, placed Morton under basically "house arrest" in
Buckingham's care.
That is when I think Morton (after observing Buckingham's ego close up?)
decided he could manipulate the Duke and did so. If Morton was the committed
Lancastrian he is assumed to have been, Buckingham, with his royal descent
*and* his Beaufort lineage would have been a much better *legitimate*
candidate than Tudor ever could be. EIV's children were illegitimate,
Richard would likely have been attainted, placing *his* Edward in the same
category as George's, which left Buckingham as the only well-known, adult
male of royal descent with a fairly close Lancastrian connection. His
connections to the Woodvilles could also help in bringing them on board,
with EIV's children being treated as 15th century counterparts of the 14th
century's Beauforts.
It was only with the failure of the rebellion that Morton, now deprived of
his preferred "royal Lancastrian" candidate, opted for Tudor. There wasn't
anyone else.
Doug
(Sorry about the length and, just for emphasis, this is my take on what
happened, *not* mecessarily provable. Or unprovable.)
From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
Sent: Friday, May 24, 2013 6:49 PM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Doug here:
I don't know about Hastings' possibly having a royal ancestor, but I do
think he was involved in a plot to return E(V) to the throne. Originally the
plot may only have been to limit the powers of the Protector and make him
responsible to the Council, much as had happened to Duke Humphrey early in
Henry VI's reign. If the Protector *was* subordinated to the Council, I have
a hard time seeing Richard remaining in that position - all the
responsibility and no authority. Which, in turn, would have meant the
Council, with Hastings as a member, would run the country until E(V)
personally took over governing.
The possibility of sidelining Richard into a powerless Protector was blown
out of the water by the pre-contract revelation. *If* E(V) was to retain the
throne, then Richard had to die and the pre-contract treated exactly as it
was under the Tudors.
Personally, I don't think that *at that point* MB and Morton were planning
on enthroning Henry Tudor. MB wanted Henry back in England and occupying
what she considered his rightful place as a member of the nobility. Morton,
after surveying the political landscape, first supported neutering Richard's
powers as Protector then realizing, as did Hastings, that the pre-contract
meant Richard would become king, continued plotting; only this time to
remove Richard and suppress knowledge of the pre-contract..
That plot failed, Hastings died, E(V) and his brothers and sisters were
declared illegitimate, Richard became king and, knowing of Morton's
involvement in the plot, placed Morton under basically "house arrest" in
Buckingham's care.
That is when I think Morton (after observing Buckingham's ego close up?)
decided he could manipulate the Duke and did so. If Morton was the committed
Lancastrian he is assumed to have been, Buckingham, with his royal descent
*and* his Beaufort lineage would have been a much better *legitimate*
candidate than Tudor ever could be. EIV's children were illegitimate,
Richard would likely have been attainted, placing *his* Edward in the same
category as George's, which left Buckingham as the only well-known, adult
male of royal descent with a fairly close Lancastrian connection. His
connections to the Woodvilles could also help in bringing them on board,
with EIV's children being treated as 15th century counterparts of the 14th
century's Beauforts.
It was only with the failure of the rebellion that Morton, now deprived of
his preferred "royal Lancastrian" candidate, opted for Tudor. There wasn't
anyone else.
Doug
(Sorry about the length and, just for emphasis, this is my take on what
happened, *not* mecessarily provable. Or unprovable.)
Re: Buckingham and the Severn - was Disappearance
2013-05-25 19:18:56
"Claire M Jordan" wrote:
> Yes, sure, but everybody seems to be agreed that Buckingham did encourage Henry to invade. What did Henry think Buckingham was inviting him to come to England and do, if not to take the throne? Would Henry commit himself to putting Buckingham or Edward V on the throne, or would Buckingham think that he might? What carrot could Buckingam offer Henry, other than the throne for himself?
>
Carol responds:
Their shared goal was the one stated in the attainder, to overthrow and kill Richard. The "carrot," assuming that Henry needed one, was Buckingham's own men (recently supplemented, as I'm sure you recall, by those of the late Lord Hastings) to join him. The agreement, as far as I can determine from the attainder, was to meet Henry on October 18. (If you bring as many Breton mercenaries as you can, I'll bring my several thousand men.) What Buckingham didn't know, aside from what the weather would do to him, was that his men were anything but steadfastly loyal to him, in particular, I'm guessing the former Hastings contingent.
I asked earlier and don't know whether anyone has answered because I'm perennially behind on posting whether anyone knows at which point Henry started actually claiming the throne. I think it was not until after Christmas 1483, at which time he formally promised to marry EoY. By that time, Buckingham had been dead for more than two months--and the rumor that the boys were dead had become "fact" among Tudor's followers (especially the dissident Yorkists, who were the only ones to whom it mattered).
Carol
> Yes, sure, but everybody seems to be agreed that Buckingham did encourage Henry to invade. What did Henry think Buckingham was inviting him to come to England and do, if not to take the throne? Would Henry commit himself to putting Buckingham or Edward V on the throne, or would Buckingham think that he might? What carrot could Buckingam offer Henry, other than the throne for himself?
>
Carol responds:
Their shared goal was the one stated in the attainder, to overthrow and kill Richard. The "carrot," assuming that Henry needed one, was Buckingham's own men (recently supplemented, as I'm sure you recall, by those of the late Lord Hastings) to join him. The agreement, as far as I can determine from the attainder, was to meet Henry on October 18. (If you bring as many Breton mercenaries as you can, I'll bring my several thousand men.) What Buckingham didn't know, aside from what the weather would do to him, was that his men were anything but steadfastly loyal to him, in particular, I'm guessing the former Hastings contingent.
I asked earlier and don't know whether anyone has answered because I'm perennially behind on posting whether anyone knows at which point Henry started actually claiming the throne. I think it was not until after Christmas 1483, at which time he formally promised to marry EoY. By that time, Buckingham had been dead for more than two months--and the rumor that the boys were dead had become "fact" among Tudor's followers (especially the dissident Yorkists, who were the only ones to whom it mattered).
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-25 23:08:43
That's the problem Doug we can't prove anything at present. Maybe in the future some evidence of some sort will come to light. Here's hoping.
--- In , "Douglas Eugene Stamate" <destama@...> wrote:
>
>
> ricard1an wrote:
>
> "I believe that MB along with Morton was plotting to put Tudor on the
> throne.I may well be wrong, however, it is as plausible as some of the myths
> about Richard that are perpetuated with little or no evidence. If they were
> plotting with Hastings and Buckingham it was in order to take them out
> because Buckingham had a much better claim to the throne and I doubt if
> Hastings would be plotting to replace Edward V with Tudor. As I have
> speculated before there were quite a few people that MB would have to get
> rid of if she was to see Tudor safely on the throne. Also,and Stephen might
> be able to help here, wasn't Hastings descended from Royalty through his
> mother or possibly grandmother? I am sure that I have read that somewhere."
>
> Doug here:
> I don't know about Hastings' possibly having a royal ancestor, but I do
> think he was involved in a plot to return E(V) to the throne. Originally the
> plot may only have been to limit the powers of the Protector and make him
> responsible to the Council, much as had happened to Duke Humphrey early in
> Henry VI's reign. If the Protector *was* subordinated to the Council, I have
> a hard time seeing Richard remaining in that position - all the
> responsibility and no authority. Which, in turn, would have meant the
> Council, with Hastings as a member, would run the country until E(V)
> personally took over governing.
> The possibility of sidelining Richard into a powerless Protector was blown
> out of the water by the pre-contract revelation. *If* E(V) was to retain the
> throne, then Richard had to die and the pre-contract treated exactly as it
> was under the Tudors.
> Personally, I don't think that *at that point* MB and Morton were planning
> on enthroning Henry Tudor. MB wanted Henry back in England and occupying
> what she considered his rightful place as a member of the nobility. Morton,
> after surveying the political landscape, first supported neutering Richard's
> powers as Protector then realizing, as did Hastings, that the pre-contract
> meant Richard would become king, continued plotting; only this time to
> remove Richard and suppress knowledge of the pre-contract..
> That plot failed, Hastings died, E(V) and his brothers and sisters were
> declared illegitimate, Richard became king and, knowing of Morton's
> involvement in the plot, placed Morton under basically "house arrest" in
> Buckingham's care.
> That is when I think Morton (after observing Buckingham's ego close up?)
> decided he could manipulate the Duke and did so. If Morton was the committed
> Lancastrian he is assumed to have been, Buckingham, with his royal descent
> *and* his Beaufort lineage would have been a much better *legitimate*
> candidate than Tudor ever could be. EIV's children were illegitimate,
> Richard would likely have been attainted, placing *his* Edward in the same
> category as George's, which left Buckingham as the only well-known, adult
> male of royal descent with a fairly close Lancastrian connection. His
> connections to the Woodvilles could also help in bringing them on board,
> with EIV's children being treated as 15th century counterparts of the 14th
> century's Beauforts.
> It was only with the failure of the rebellion that Morton, now deprived of
> his preferred "royal Lancastrian" candidate, opted for Tudor. There wasn't
> anyone else.
> Doug
> (Sorry about the length and, just for emphasis, this is my take on what
> happened, *not* mecessarily provable. Or unprovable.)
>
--- In , "Douglas Eugene Stamate" <destama@...> wrote:
>
>
> ricard1an wrote:
>
> "I believe that MB along with Morton was plotting to put Tudor on the
> throne.I may well be wrong, however, it is as plausible as some of the myths
> about Richard that are perpetuated with little or no evidence. If they were
> plotting with Hastings and Buckingham it was in order to take them out
> because Buckingham had a much better claim to the throne and I doubt if
> Hastings would be plotting to replace Edward V with Tudor. As I have
> speculated before there were quite a few people that MB would have to get
> rid of if she was to see Tudor safely on the throne. Also,and Stephen might
> be able to help here, wasn't Hastings descended from Royalty through his
> mother or possibly grandmother? I am sure that I have read that somewhere."
>
> Doug here:
> I don't know about Hastings' possibly having a royal ancestor, but I do
> think he was involved in a plot to return E(V) to the throne. Originally the
> plot may only have been to limit the powers of the Protector and make him
> responsible to the Council, much as had happened to Duke Humphrey early in
> Henry VI's reign. If the Protector *was* subordinated to the Council, I have
> a hard time seeing Richard remaining in that position - all the
> responsibility and no authority. Which, in turn, would have meant the
> Council, with Hastings as a member, would run the country until E(V)
> personally took over governing.
> The possibility of sidelining Richard into a powerless Protector was blown
> out of the water by the pre-contract revelation. *If* E(V) was to retain the
> throne, then Richard had to die and the pre-contract treated exactly as it
> was under the Tudors.
> Personally, I don't think that *at that point* MB and Morton were planning
> on enthroning Henry Tudor. MB wanted Henry back in England and occupying
> what she considered his rightful place as a member of the nobility. Morton,
> after surveying the political landscape, first supported neutering Richard's
> powers as Protector then realizing, as did Hastings, that the pre-contract
> meant Richard would become king, continued plotting; only this time to
> remove Richard and suppress knowledge of the pre-contract..
> That plot failed, Hastings died, E(V) and his brothers and sisters were
> declared illegitimate, Richard became king and, knowing of Morton's
> involvement in the plot, placed Morton under basically "house arrest" in
> Buckingham's care.
> That is when I think Morton (after observing Buckingham's ego close up?)
> decided he could manipulate the Duke and did so. If Morton was the committed
> Lancastrian he is assumed to have been, Buckingham, with his royal descent
> *and* his Beaufort lineage would have been a much better *legitimate*
> candidate than Tudor ever could be. EIV's children were illegitimate,
> Richard would likely have been attainted, placing *his* Edward in the same
> category as George's, which left Buckingham as the only well-known, adult
> male of royal descent with a fairly close Lancastrian connection. His
> connections to the Woodvilles could also help in bringing them on board,
> with EIV's children being treated as 15th century counterparts of the 14th
> century's Beauforts.
> It was only with the failure of the rebellion that Morton, now deprived of
> his preferred "royal Lancastrian" candidate, opted for Tudor. There wasn't
> anyone else.
> Doug
> (Sorry about the length and, just for emphasis, this is my take on what
> happened, *not* mecessarily provable. Or unprovable.)
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-26 01:49:10
"Douglas Eugene Stamate" wrote:
> Doug here:
> I don't know about Hastings' possibly having a royal ancestor, but I do think he was involved in a plot to return E(V) to the throne. Originally the plot may only have been to limit the powers of the Protector and make him responsible to the Council, much as had happened to Duke Humphrey early in Henry VI's reign. If the Protector *was* subordinated to the Council, I have a hard time seeing Richard remaining in that position - all the responsibility and no authority. Which, in turn, would have meant the Council, with Hastings as a member, would run the country until E(V) personally took over governing. The possibility of sidelining Richard into a powerless Protector was blown out of the water by the pre-contract revelation. *If* E(V) was to retain the throne, then Richard had to die and the pre-contract treated exactly as it was under the Tudors.
> Personally, I don't think that *at that point* MB and Morton were planning on enthroning Henry Tudor. MB wanted Henry back in England and occupying what she considered his rightful place as a member of the nobility. Morton, after surveying the political landscape, first supported neutering Richard's powers as Protector then realizing, as did Hastings, that the pre-contract meant Richard would become king, continued plotting; only this time to remove Richard and suppress knowledge of the pre-contract..
> That plot failed, Hastings died, E(V) and his brothers and sisters were declared illegitimate, Richard became king and, knowing of Morton's involvement in the plot, placed Morton under basically "house arrest" in Buckingham's care.
> That is when I think Morton (after observing Buckingham's ego close up?) decided he could manipulate the Duke and did so. If Morton was the committed Lancastrian he is assumed to have been, Buckingham, with his royal descent *and* his Beaufort lineage would have been a much better *legitimate* candidate than Tudor ever could be. EIV's children were illegitimate, Richard would likely have been attainted, placing *his* Edward in the same category as George's, which left Buckingham as the only well-known, adult male of royal descent with a fairly close Lancastrian connection. His connections to the Woodvilles could also help in bringing them on board, with EIV's children being treated as 15th century counterparts of the 14th century's Beauforts.
> It was only with the failure of the rebellion that Morton, now deprived of his preferred "royal Lancastrian" candidate, opted for Tudor. There wasn't anyone else.
> Doug
Carol responds:
Interesting take, Doug. The only problem I have with it is the Woodvilles accepting their own illegitimacy under Tudor (a pseudo-Lancastrian upstart in contrast to Richard, whose claim was valid if theirs was not). The original alliance between Sir Edward Woodville and Tudor must have been based on something like what you're talking about: "We, the Woodvilles, will lend you our stolen ships and treasure to help you and Uncle Jasper regain your earldoms if you'll help us fight the Protector" (as Richard was at the time). That goal would quickly change to "help us restore Edward V to the throne." Only when Buckingham (working for his own ends) /Morton (prentending, I think, to support Buckingham but really working for Tudor)/Tudor himself persuaded them that the boys were dead would they switch loyalties to Tudor as king in right of his wife (not what Tudor himself wanted, of course, but it was clearly what the Woodvillites wanted). As for Buckingham, whatever he himself thought, and I agree with you that a legitimate pedigree was better than a flawed one, especially given that Tudor was only half English), he had the disadvantage of already being married and could not himself marry EoY. He also had, as he discovered too late, less than loyal followers.
Anyway, Doug, a thoughtful and interesting post, which I've bookmarked for future reference.
Carol
> Doug here:
> I don't know about Hastings' possibly having a royal ancestor, but I do think he was involved in a plot to return E(V) to the throne. Originally the plot may only have been to limit the powers of the Protector and make him responsible to the Council, much as had happened to Duke Humphrey early in Henry VI's reign. If the Protector *was* subordinated to the Council, I have a hard time seeing Richard remaining in that position - all the responsibility and no authority. Which, in turn, would have meant the Council, with Hastings as a member, would run the country until E(V) personally took over governing. The possibility of sidelining Richard into a powerless Protector was blown out of the water by the pre-contract revelation. *If* E(V) was to retain the throne, then Richard had to die and the pre-contract treated exactly as it was under the Tudors.
> Personally, I don't think that *at that point* MB and Morton were planning on enthroning Henry Tudor. MB wanted Henry back in England and occupying what she considered his rightful place as a member of the nobility. Morton, after surveying the political landscape, first supported neutering Richard's powers as Protector then realizing, as did Hastings, that the pre-contract meant Richard would become king, continued plotting; only this time to remove Richard and suppress knowledge of the pre-contract..
> That plot failed, Hastings died, E(V) and his brothers and sisters were declared illegitimate, Richard became king and, knowing of Morton's involvement in the plot, placed Morton under basically "house arrest" in Buckingham's care.
> That is when I think Morton (after observing Buckingham's ego close up?) decided he could manipulate the Duke and did so. If Morton was the committed Lancastrian he is assumed to have been, Buckingham, with his royal descent *and* his Beaufort lineage would have been a much better *legitimate* candidate than Tudor ever could be. EIV's children were illegitimate, Richard would likely have been attainted, placing *his* Edward in the same category as George's, which left Buckingham as the only well-known, adult male of royal descent with a fairly close Lancastrian connection. His connections to the Woodvilles could also help in bringing them on board, with EIV's children being treated as 15th century counterparts of the 14th century's Beauforts.
> It was only with the failure of the rebellion that Morton, now deprived of his preferred "royal Lancastrian" candidate, opted for Tudor. There wasn't anyone else.
> Doug
Carol responds:
Interesting take, Doug. The only problem I have with it is the Woodvilles accepting their own illegitimacy under Tudor (a pseudo-Lancastrian upstart in contrast to Richard, whose claim was valid if theirs was not). The original alliance between Sir Edward Woodville and Tudor must have been based on something like what you're talking about: "We, the Woodvilles, will lend you our stolen ships and treasure to help you and Uncle Jasper regain your earldoms if you'll help us fight the Protector" (as Richard was at the time). That goal would quickly change to "help us restore Edward V to the throne." Only when Buckingham (working for his own ends) /Morton (prentending, I think, to support Buckingham but really working for Tudor)/Tudor himself persuaded them that the boys were dead would they switch loyalties to Tudor as king in right of his wife (not what Tudor himself wanted, of course, but it was clearly what the Woodvillites wanted). As for Buckingham, whatever he himself thought, and I agree with you that a legitimate pedigree was better than a flawed one, especially given that Tudor was only half English), he had the disadvantage of already being married and could not himself marry EoY. He also had, as he discovered too late, less than loyal followers.
Anyway, Doug, a thoughtful and interesting post, which I've bookmarked for future reference.
Carol
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-26 16:52:19
SandraMachin wrote:
"I find your argument very persuasive and reasoned, Doug, and am with you,
wholeheartedly."
Thank you for the kind words!
As I wrote, this really isn't provable by the documents we now have, but it
seems to fit, to me anyway, what we know *did* happen. Basically, I think
Morton was taking advantage, or trying to, of each and every situation that
developed. Some worked in his favor, some didn't.
What I don't think is that Morton and MB plotted and planned from day one to
put Henry on the throne; rather that their plots were to advance themselves;
Morton into the center of power at Court and Henry back into England as a
member of the upper nobility.
Of course, what *I* think and what really happened may not be the same...
Doug
>
> From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
> Sent: Friday, May 24, 2013 6:49 PM
> To:
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
> Doug here:
> I don't know about Hastings' possibly having a royal ancestor, but I do
> think he was involved in a plot to return E(V) to the throne. Originally
> the
> plot may only have been to limit the powers of the Protector and make him
> responsible to the Council, much as had happened to Duke Humphrey early in
> Henry VI's reign. If the Protector *was* subordinated to the Council, I
> have
> a hard time seeing Richard remaining in that position - all the
> responsibility and no authority. Which, in turn, would have meant the
> Council, with Hastings as a member, would run the country until E(V)
> personally took over governing.
> The possibility of sidelining Richard into a powerless Protector was blown
> out of the water by the pre-contract revelation. *If* E(V) was to retain
> the
> throne, then Richard had to die and the pre-contract treated exactly as it
> was under the Tudors.
> Personally, I don't think that *at that point* MB and Morton were planning
> on enthroning Henry Tudor. MB wanted Henry back in England and occupying
> what she considered his rightful place as a member of the nobility.
> Morton,
> after surveying the political landscape, first supported neutering
> Richard's
> powers as Protector then realizing, as did Hastings, that the pre-contract
> meant Richard would become king, continued plotting; only this time to
> remove Richard and suppress knowledge of the pre-contract..
> That plot failed, Hastings died, E(V) and his brothers and sisters were
> declared illegitimate, Richard became king and, knowing of Morton's
> involvement in the plot, placed Morton under basically "house arrest" in
> Buckingham's care.
> That is when I think Morton (after observing Buckingham's ego close up?)
> decided he could manipulate the Duke and did so. If Morton was the
> committed
> Lancastrian he is assumed to have been, Buckingham, with his royal descent
> *and* his Beaufort lineage would have been a much better *legitimate*
> candidate than Tudor ever could be. EIV's children were illegitimate,
> Richard would likely have been attainted, placing *his* Edward in the same
> category as George's, which left Buckingham as the only well-known, adult
> male of royal descent with a fairly close Lancastrian connection. His
> connections to the Woodvilles could also help in bringing them on board,
> with EIV's children being treated as 15th century counterparts of the 14th
> century's Beauforts.
> It was only with the failure of the rebellion that Morton, now deprived of
> his preferred "royal Lancastrian" candidate, opted for Tudor. There wasn't
> anyone else.
> Doug
> (Sorry about the length and, just for emphasis, this is my take on what
> happened, *not* mecessarily provable. Or unprovable.)
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
>
"I find your argument very persuasive and reasoned, Doug, and am with you,
wholeheartedly."
Thank you for the kind words!
As I wrote, this really isn't provable by the documents we now have, but it
seems to fit, to me anyway, what we know *did* happen. Basically, I think
Morton was taking advantage, or trying to, of each and every situation that
developed. Some worked in his favor, some didn't.
What I don't think is that Morton and MB plotted and planned from day one to
put Henry on the throne; rather that their plots were to advance themselves;
Morton into the center of power at Court and Henry back into England as a
member of the upper nobility.
Of course, what *I* think and what really happened may not be the same...
Doug
>
> From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
> Sent: Friday, May 24, 2013 6:49 PM
> To:
> Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
>
> Doug here:
> I don't know about Hastings' possibly having a royal ancestor, but I do
> think he was involved in a plot to return E(V) to the throne. Originally
> the
> plot may only have been to limit the powers of the Protector and make him
> responsible to the Council, much as had happened to Duke Humphrey early in
> Henry VI's reign. If the Protector *was* subordinated to the Council, I
> have
> a hard time seeing Richard remaining in that position - all the
> responsibility and no authority. Which, in turn, would have meant the
> Council, with Hastings as a member, would run the country until E(V)
> personally took over governing.
> The possibility of sidelining Richard into a powerless Protector was blown
> out of the water by the pre-contract revelation. *If* E(V) was to retain
> the
> throne, then Richard had to die and the pre-contract treated exactly as it
> was under the Tudors.
> Personally, I don't think that *at that point* MB and Morton were planning
> on enthroning Henry Tudor. MB wanted Henry back in England and occupying
> what she considered his rightful place as a member of the nobility.
> Morton,
> after surveying the political landscape, first supported neutering
> Richard's
> powers as Protector then realizing, as did Hastings, that the pre-contract
> meant Richard would become king, continued plotting; only this time to
> remove Richard and suppress knowledge of the pre-contract..
> That plot failed, Hastings died, E(V) and his brothers and sisters were
> declared illegitimate, Richard became king and, knowing of Morton's
> involvement in the plot, placed Morton under basically "house arrest" in
> Buckingham's care.
> That is when I think Morton (after observing Buckingham's ego close up?)
> decided he could manipulate the Duke and did so. If Morton was the
> committed
> Lancastrian he is assumed to have been, Buckingham, with his royal descent
> *and* his Beaufort lineage would have been a much better *legitimate*
> candidate than Tudor ever could be. EIV's children were illegitimate,
> Richard would likely have been attainted, placing *his* Edward in the same
> category as George's, which left Buckingham as the only well-known, adult
> male of royal descent with a fairly close Lancastrian connection. His
> connections to the Woodvilles could also help in bringing them on board,
> with EIV's children being treated as 15th century counterparts of the 14th
> century's Beauforts.
> It was only with the failure of the rebellion that Morton, now deprived of
> his preferred "royal Lancastrian" candidate, opted for Tudor. There wasn't
> anyone else.
> Doug
> (Sorry about the length and, just for emphasis, this is my take on what
> happened, *not* mecessarily provable. Or unprovable.)
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-26 16:53:33
ricard1an wrote:
"That's the problem Doug we can't prove anything at present. Maybe in the
future some evidence of some sort will come to light. Here's hoping."
Too true!
Doug
>
> --- In , "Douglas Eugene Stamate"
> <destama@...> wrote:
>>
>>
>> ricard1an wrote:
>>
>> "I believe that MB along with Morton was plotting to put Tudor on the
>> throne.I may well be wrong, however, it is as plausible as some of the
>> myths
>> about Richard that are perpetuated with little or no evidence. If they
>> were
>> plotting with Hastings and Buckingham it was in order to take them out
>> because Buckingham had a much better claim to the throne and I doubt if
>> Hastings would be plotting to replace Edward V with Tudor. As I have
>> speculated before there were quite a few people that MB would have to get
>> rid of if she was to see Tudor safely on the throne. Also,and Stephen
>> might
>> be able to help here, wasn't Hastings descended from Royalty through his
>> mother or possibly grandmother? I am sure that I have read that
>> somewhere."
>>
>> Doug here:
>> I don't know about Hastings' possibly having a royal ancestor, but I do
>> think he was involved in a plot to return E(V) to the throne. Originally
>> the
>> plot may only have been to limit the powers of the Protector and make him
>> responsible to the Council, much as had happened to Duke Humphrey early
>> in
>> Henry VI's reign. If the Protector *was* subordinated to the Council, I
>> have
>> a hard time seeing Richard remaining in that position - all the
>> responsibility and no authority. Which, in turn, would have meant the
>> Council, with Hastings as a member, would run the country until E(V)
>> personally took over governing.
>> The possibility of sidelining Richard into a powerless Protector was
>> blown
>> out of the water by the pre-contract revelation. *If* E(V) was to retain
>> the
>> throne, then Richard had to die and the pre-contract treated exactly as
>> it
>> was under the Tudors.
>> Personally, I don't think that *at that point* MB and Morton were
>> planning
>> on enthroning Henry Tudor. MB wanted Henry back in England and occupying
>> what she considered his rightful place as a member of the nobility.
>> Morton,
>> after surveying the political landscape, first supported neutering
>> Richard's
>> powers as Protector then realizing, as did Hastings, that the
>> pre-contract
>> meant Richard would become king, continued plotting; only this time to
>> remove Richard and suppress knowledge of the pre-contract..
>> That plot failed, Hastings died, E(V) and his brothers and sisters were
>> declared illegitimate, Richard became king and, knowing of Morton's
>> involvement in the plot, placed Morton under basically "house arrest" in
>> Buckingham's care.
>> That is when I think Morton (after observing Buckingham's ego close up?)
>> decided he could manipulate the Duke and did so. If Morton was the
>> committed
>> Lancastrian he is assumed to have been, Buckingham, with his royal
>> descent
>> *and* his Beaufort lineage would have been a much better *legitimate*
>> candidate than Tudor ever could be. EIV's children were illegitimate,
>> Richard would likely have been attainted, placing *his* Edward in the
>> same
>> category as George's, which left Buckingham as the only well-known, adult
>> male of royal descent with a fairly close Lancastrian connection. His
>> connections to the Woodvilles could also help in bringing them on board,
>> with EIV's children being treated as 15th century counterparts of the
>> 14th
>> century's Beauforts.
>> It was only with the failure of the rebellion that Morton, now deprived
>> of
>> his preferred "royal Lancastrian" candidate, opted for Tudor. There
>> wasn't
>> anyone else.
>> Doug
>> (Sorry about the length and, just for emphasis, this is my take on what
>> happened, *not* mecessarily provable. Or unprovable.)
>>
>
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
>
"That's the problem Doug we can't prove anything at present. Maybe in the
future some evidence of some sort will come to light. Here's hoping."
Too true!
Doug
>
> --- In , "Douglas Eugene Stamate"
> <destama@...> wrote:
>>
>>
>> ricard1an wrote:
>>
>> "I believe that MB along with Morton was plotting to put Tudor on the
>> throne.I may well be wrong, however, it is as plausible as some of the
>> myths
>> about Richard that are perpetuated with little or no evidence. If they
>> were
>> plotting with Hastings and Buckingham it was in order to take them out
>> because Buckingham had a much better claim to the throne and I doubt if
>> Hastings would be plotting to replace Edward V with Tudor. As I have
>> speculated before there were quite a few people that MB would have to get
>> rid of if she was to see Tudor safely on the throne. Also,and Stephen
>> might
>> be able to help here, wasn't Hastings descended from Royalty through his
>> mother or possibly grandmother? I am sure that I have read that
>> somewhere."
>>
>> Doug here:
>> I don't know about Hastings' possibly having a royal ancestor, but I do
>> think he was involved in a plot to return E(V) to the throne. Originally
>> the
>> plot may only have been to limit the powers of the Protector and make him
>> responsible to the Council, much as had happened to Duke Humphrey early
>> in
>> Henry VI's reign. If the Protector *was* subordinated to the Council, I
>> have
>> a hard time seeing Richard remaining in that position - all the
>> responsibility and no authority. Which, in turn, would have meant the
>> Council, with Hastings as a member, would run the country until E(V)
>> personally took over governing.
>> The possibility of sidelining Richard into a powerless Protector was
>> blown
>> out of the water by the pre-contract revelation. *If* E(V) was to retain
>> the
>> throne, then Richard had to die and the pre-contract treated exactly as
>> it
>> was under the Tudors.
>> Personally, I don't think that *at that point* MB and Morton were
>> planning
>> on enthroning Henry Tudor. MB wanted Henry back in England and occupying
>> what she considered his rightful place as a member of the nobility.
>> Morton,
>> after surveying the political landscape, first supported neutering
>> Richard's
>> powers as Protector then realizing, as did Hastings, that the
>> pre-contract
>> meant Richard would become king, continued plotting; only this time to
>> remove Richard and suppress knowledge of the pre-contract..
>> That plot failed, Hastings died, E(V) and his brothers and sisters were
>> declared illegitimate, Richard became king and, knowing of Morton's
>> involvement in the plot, placed Morton under basically "house arrest" in
>> Buckingham's care.
>> That is when I think Morton (after observing Buckingham's ego close up?)
>> decided he could manipulate the Duke and did so. If Morton was the
>> committed
>> Lancastrian he is assumed to have been, Buckingham, with his royal
>> descent
>> *and* his Beaufort lineage would have been a much better *legitimate*
>> candidate than Tudor ever could be. EIV's children were illegitimate,
>> Richard would likely have been attainted, placing *his* Edward in the
>> same
>> category as George's, which left Buckingham as the only well-known, adult
>> male of royal descent with a fairly close Lancastrian connection. His
>> connections to the Woodvilles could also help in bringing them on board,
>> with EIV's children being treated as 15th century counterparts of the
>> 14th
>> century's Beauforts.
>> It was only with the failure of the rebellion that Morton, now deprived
>> of
>> his preferred "royal Lancastrian" candidate, opted for Tudor. There
>> wasn't
>> anyone else.
>> Doug
>> (Sorry about the length and, just for emphasis, this is my take on what
>> happened, *not* mecessarily provable. Or unprovable.)
>>
>
>
>
>
> ------------------------------------
>
> Yahoo! Groups Links
>
>
>
>
>
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-26 17:05:39
Carol wrote:
"Interesting take, Doug. The only problem I have with it is the Woodvilles
accepting their own illegitimacy under Tudor (a pseudo-Lancastrian upstart
in contrast to Richard, whose claim was valid if theirs was not). The
original alliance between Sir Edward Woodville and Tudor must have been
based on something like what you're talking about: "We, the Woodvilles, will
lend you our stolen ships and treasure to help you and Uncle Jasper regain
your earldoms if you'll help us fight the Protector" (as Richard was at the
time). That goal would quickly change to "help us restore Edward V to the
throne." Only when Buckingham (working for his own ends) /Morton
(prentending, I think, to support Buckingham but really working for
Tudor)/Tudor himself persuaded them that the boys were dead would they
switch loyalties to Tudor as king in right of his wife (not what Tudor
himself wanted, of course, but it was clearly what the Woodvillites wanted).
As for Buckingham, whatever he himself thought, and I agree with you that a
legitimate pedigree was better than a flawed one, especially given that
Tudor was only half English), he had the disadvantage of already being
married and could not himself marry EoY. He also had, as he discovered too
late, less than loyal followers."
Doug here:
Just wanted to clarify a point. If Buckingham had managed to grab the
throne, the Woodvilles would have been in the same position as Tudor -
illegitimate descendents of a king. The Woodvilles, however, also had
*another* legitimate royal heir - Buckingham's son. Even had Henry married
EoY, two illegitimate lines don't trump one legitimate one.
Well, depending on the number of soldiers maybe...
Doug
ps: Thanks for the kind words, hope the post does prove useful
"Interesting take, Doug. The only problem I have with it is the Woodvilles
accepting their own illegitimacy under Tudor (a pseudo-Lancastrian upstart
in contrast to Richard, whose claim was valid if theirs was not). The
original alliance between Sir Edward Woodville and Tudor must have been
based on something like what you're talking about: "We, the Woodvilles, will
lend you our stolen ships and treasure to help you and Uncle Jasper regain
your earldoms if you'll help us fight the Protector" (as Richard was at the
time). That goal would quickly change to "help us restore Edward V to the
throne." Only when Buckingham (working for his own ends) /Morton
(prentending, I think, to support Buckingham but really working for
Tudor)/Tudor himself persuaded them that the boys were dead would they
switch loyalties to Tudor as king in right of his wife (not what Tudor
himself wanted, of course, but it was clearly what the Woodvillites wanted).
As for Buckingham, whatever he himself thought, and I agree with you that a
legitimate pedigree was better than a flawed one, especially given that
Tudor was only half English), he had the disadvantage of already being
married and could not himself marry EoY. He also had, as he discovered too
late, less than loyal followers."
Doug here:
Just wanted to clarify a point. If Buckingham had managed to grab the
throne, the Woodvilles would have been in the same position as Tudor -
illegitimate descendents of a king. The Woodvilles, however, also had
*another* legitimate royal heir - Buckingham's son. Even had Henry married
EoY, two illegitimate lines don't trump one legitimate one.
Well, depending on the number of soldiers maybe...
Doug
ps: Thanks for the kind words, hope the post does prove useful
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-26 18:30:38
I particularly like your bit about Morton's observation of Buckingham which echoes Geoffrey Richardson. Morton comes across as ever the opportunist; I see him burning all his Lancastrian papers before applying for a job with Edward after Tewkesbury.
________________________________
From: SandraMachin <sandramachin@...>
To:
Sent: Saturday, 25 May 2013, 18:16
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
I find your argument very persuasive and reasoned, Doug, and am with you, wholeheartedly.
From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
Sent: Friday, May 24, 2013 6:49 PM
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Doug here:
I don't know about Hastings' possibly having a royal ancestor, but I do
think he was involved in a plot to return E(V) to the throne. Originally the
plot may only have been to limit the powers of the Protector and make him
responsible to the Council, much as had happened to Duke Humphrey early in
Henry VI's reign. If the Protector *was* subordinated to the Council, I have
a hard time seeing Richard remaining in that position - all the
responsibility and no authority. Which, in turn, would have meant the
Council, with Hastings as a member, would run the country until E(V)
personally took over governing.
The possibility of sidelining Richard into a powerless Protector was blown
out of the water by the pre-contract revelation. *If* E(V) was to retain the
throne, then Richard had to die and the pre-contract treated exactly as it
was under the Tudors.
Personally, I don't think that *at that point* MB and Morton were planning
on enthroning Henry Tudor. MB wanted Henry back in England and occupying
what she considered his rightful place as a member of the nobility. Morton,
after surveying the political landscape, first supported neutering Richard's
powers as Protector then realizing, as did Hastings, that the pre-contract
meant Richard would become king, continued plotting; only this time to
remove Richard and suppress knowledge of the pre-contract..
That plot failed, Hastings died, E(V) and his brothers and sisters were
declared illegitimate, Richard became king and, knowing of Morton's
involvement in the plot, placed Morton under basically "house arrest" in
Buckingham's care.
That is when I think Morton (after observing Buckingham's ego close up?)
decided he could manipulate the Duke and did so. If Morton was the committed
Lancastrian he is assumed to have been, Buckingham, with his royal descent
*and* his Beaufort lineage would have been a much better *legitimate*
candidate than Tudor ever could be. EIV's children were illegitimate,
Richard would likely have been attainted, placing *his* Edward in the same
category as George's, which left Buckingham as the only well-known, adult
male of royal descent with a fairly close Lancastrian connection. His
connections to the Woodvilles could also help in bringing them on board,
with EIV's children being treated as 15th century counterparts of the 14th
century's Beauforts.
It was only with the failure of the rebellion that Morton, now deprived of
his preferred "royal Lancastrian" candidate, opted for Tudor. There wasn't
anyone else.
Doug
(Sorry about the length and, just for emphasis, this is my take on what
happened, *not* mecessarily provable. Or unprovable.)
________________________________
From: SandraMachin <sandramachin@...>
To:
Sent: Saturday, 25 May 2013, 18:16
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
I find your argument very persuasive and reasoned, Doug, and am with you, wholeheartedly.
From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
Sent: Friday, May 24, 2013 6:49 PM
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Doug here:
I don't know about Hastings' possibly having a royal ancestor, but I do
think he was involved in a plot to return E(V) to the throne. Originally the
plot may only have been to limit the powers of the Protector and make him
responsible to the Council, much as had happened to Duke Humphrey early in
Henry VI's reign. If the Protector *was* subordinated to the Council, I have
a hard time seeing Richard remaining in that position - all the
responsibility and no authority. Which, in turn, would have meant the
Council, with Hastings as a member, would run the country until E(V)
personally took over governing.
The possibility of sidelining Richard into a powerless Protector was blown
out of the water by the pre-contract revelation. *If* E(V) was to retain the
throne, then Richard had to die and the pre-contract treated exactly as it
was under the Tudors.
Personally, I don't think that *at that point* MB and Morton were planning
on enthroning Henry Tudor. MB wanted Henry back in England and occupying
what she considered his rightful place as a member of the nobility. Morton,
after surveying the political landscape, first supported neutering Richard's
powers as Protector then realizing, as did Hastings, that the pre-contract
meant Richard would become king, continued plotting; only this time to
remove Richard and suppress knowledge of the pre-contract..
That plot failed, Hastings died, E(V) and his brothers and sisters were
declared illegitimate, Richard became king and, knowing of Morton's
involvement in the plot, placed Morton under basically "house arrest" in
Buckingham's care.
That is when I think Morton (after observing Buckingham's ego close up?)
decided he could manipulate the Duke and did so. If Morton was the committed
Lancastrian he is assumed to have been, Buckingham, with his royal descent
*and* his Beaufort lineage would have been a much better *legitimate*
candidate than Tudor ever could be. EIV's children were illegitimate,
Richard would likely have been attainted, placing *his* Edward in the same
category as George's, which left Buckingham as the only well-known, adult
male of royal descent with a fairly close Lancastrian connection. His
connections to the Woodvilles could also help in bringing them on board,
with EIV's children being treated as 15th century counterparts of the 14th
century's Beauforts.
It was only with the failure of the rebellion that Morton, now deprived of
his preferred "royal Lancastrian" candidate, opted for Tudor. There wasn't
anyone else.
Doug
(Sorry about the length and, just for emphasis, this is my take on what
happened, *not* mecessarily provable. Or unprovable.)
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-27 15:34:46
----- Original Message -----
From: "Hilary Jones" <hjnatdat@...>
To: <>
Sent: Sunday, May 26, 2013 12:30 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
I particularly like your bit about Morton's observation of Buckingham which
echoes Geoffrey Richardson. Morton comes across as ever the opportunist; I
see him burning all his Lancastrian papers before applying for a job with
Edward after Tewkesbury.
________________________________
From: SandraMachin <sandramachin@...>
To:
Sent: Saturday, 25 May 2013, 18:16
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
I find your argument very persuasive and reasoned, Doug, and am with you,
wholeheartedly.
From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
Sent: Friday, May 24, 2013 6:49 PM
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Doug here:
I don't know about Hastings' possibly having a royal ancestor, but I do
think he was involved in a plot to return E(V) to the throne. Originally the
plot may only have been to limit the powers of the Protector and make him
responsible to the Council, much as had happened to Duke Humphrey early in
Henry VI's reign. If the Protector *was* subordinated to the Council, I have
a hard time seeing Richard remaining in that position - all the
responsibility and no authority. Which, in turn, would have meant the
Council, with Hastings as a member, would run the country until E(V)
personally took over governing.
The possibility of sidelining Richard into a powerless Protector was blown
out of the water by the pre-contract revelation. *If* E(V) was to retain the
throne, then Richard had to die and the pre-contract treated exactly as it
was under the Tudors.
Personally, I don't think that *at that point* MB and Morton were planning
on enthroning Henry Tudor. MB wanted Henry back in England and occupying
what she considered his rightful place as a member of the nobility. Morton,
after surveying the political landscape, first supported neutering Richard's
powers as Protector then realizing, as did Hastings, that the pre-contract
meant Richard would become king, continued plotting; only this time to
remove Richard and suppress knowledge of the pre-contract..
That plot failed, Hastings died, E(V) and his brothers and sisters were
declared illegitimate, Richard became king and, knowing of Morton's
involvement in the plot, placed Morton under basically "house arrest" in
Buckingham's care.
That is when I think Morton (after observing Buckingham's ego close up?)
decided he could manipulate the Duke and did so. If Morton was the committed
Lancastrian he is assumed to have been, Buckingham, with his royal descent
*and* his Beaufort lineage would have been a much better *legitimate*
candidate than Tudor ever could be. EIV's children were illegitimate,
Richard would likely have been attainted, placing *his* Edward in the same
category as George's, which left Buckingham as the only well-known, adult
male of royal descent with a fairly close Lancastrian connection. His
connections to the Woodvilles could also help in bringing them on board,
with EIV's children being treated as 15th century counterparts of the 14th
century's Beauforts.
It was only with the failure of the rebellion that Morton, now deprived of
his preferred "royal Lancastrian" candidate, opted for Tudor. There wasn't
anyone else.
Doug
(Sorry about the length and, just for emphasis, this is my take on what
happened, *not* mecessarily provable. Or unprovable.)
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
From: "Hilary Jones" <hjnatdat@...>
To: <>
Sent: Sunday, May 26, 2013 12:30 PM
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
I particularly like your bit about Morton's observation of Buckingham which
echoes Geoffrey Richardson. Morton comes across as ever the opportunist; I
see him burning all his Lancastrian papers before applying for a job with
Edward after Tewkesbury.
________________________________
From: SandraMachin <sandramachin@...>
To:
Sent: Saturday, 25 May 2013, 18:16
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
I find your argument very persuasive and reasoned, Doug, and am with you,
wholeheartedly.
From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
Sent: Friday, May 24, 2013 6:49 PM
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Doug here:
I don't know about Hastings' possibly having a royal ancestor, but I do
think he was involved in a plot to return E(V) to the throne. Originally the
plot may only have been to limit the powers of the Protector and make him
responsible to the Council, much as had happened to Duke Humphrey early in
Henry VI's reign. If the Protector *was* subordinated to the Council, I have
a hard time seeing Richard remaining in that position - all the
responsibility and no authority. Which, in turn, would have meant the
Council, with Hastings as a member, would run the country until E(V)
personally took over governing.
The possibility of sidelining Richard into a powerless Protector was blown
out of the water by the pre-contract revelation. *If* E(V) was to retain the
throne, then Richard had to die and the pre-contract treated exactly as it
was under the Tudors.
Personally, I don't think that *at that point* MB and Morton were planning
on enthroning Henry Tudor. MB wanted Henry back in England and occupying
what she considered his rightful place as a member of the nobility. Morton,
after surveying the political landscape, first supported neutering Richard's
powers as Protector then realizing, as did Hastings, that the pre-contract
meant Richard would become king, continued plotting; only this time to
remove Richard and suppress knowledge of the pre-contract..
That plot failed, Hastings died, E(V) and his brothers and sisters were
declared illegitimate, Richard became king and, knowing of Morton's
involvement in the plot, placed Morton under basically "house arrest" in
Buckingham's care.
That is when I think Morton (after observing Buckingham's ego close up?)
decided he could manipulate the Duke and did so. If Morton was the committed
Lancastrian he is assumed to have been, Buckingham, with his royal descent
*and* his Beaufort lineage would have been a much better *legitimate*
candidate than Tudor ever could be. EIV's children were illegitimate,
Richard would likely have been attainted, placing *his* Edward in the same
category as George's, which left Buckingham as the only well-known, adult
male of royal descent with a fairly close Lancastrian connection. His
connections to the Woodvilles could also help in bringing them on board,
with EIV's children being treated as 15th century counterparts of the 14th
century's Beauforts.
It was only with the failure of the rebellion that Morton, now deprived of
his preferred "royal Lancastrian" candidate, opted for Tudor. There wasn't
anyone else.
Doug
(Sorry about the length and, just for emphasis, this is my take on what
happened, *not* mecessarily provable. Or unprovable.)
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
Re: Disappearance
2013-05-27 15:44:56
Hilary Jones wrote:
"I particularly like your bit about Morton's observation of Buckingham which
echoes Geoffrey Richardson. Morton comes across as ever the opportunist; I
see him burning all his Lancastrian papers before applying for a job with
Edward after Tewkesbury."
Doug here:
That's basically my view of him. Lanacastrian sympathies and all, Morton's
first aim was advancing himself. Had Edward IV given a position such as Lord
Chancellor, Morton might very well have become a supporter of the Yorkists
against any Lancastrian pretenders, if only out of self-interest!
Apparently however, because Morton was known to Edward as an ardent
Lancastrian *and* very, very competent, he was judged to dangerous to be
given any position that fully engaged his abilities. And before the
Re-Adeption, it's entirely possible that it was *Warwick* who ensured Morton
had no chance to "work his way back". Why promote a possible rival?
Doug
________________________________
From: SandraMachin <sandramachin@...>
To:
Sent: Saturday, 25 May 2013, 18:16
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
I find your argument very persuasive and reasoned, Doug, and am with you,
wholeheartedly.
From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
Sent: Friday, May 24, 2013 6:49 PM
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Doug here:
I don't know about Hastings' possibly having a royal ancestor, but I do
think he was involved in a plot to return E(V) to the throne. Originally the
plot may only have been to limit the powers of the Protector and make him
responsible to the Council, much as had happened to Duke Humphrey early in
Henry VI's reign. If the Protector *was* subordinated to the Council, I have
a hard time seeing Richard remaining in that position - all the
responsibility and no authority. Which, in turn, would have meant the
Council, with Hastings as a member, would run the country until E(V)
personally took over governing.
The possibility of sidelining Richard into a powerless Protector was blown
out of the water by the pre-contract revelation. *If* E(V) was to retain the
throne, then Richard had to die and the pre-contract treated exactly as it
was under the Tudors.
Personally, I don't think that *at that point* MB and Morton were planning
on enthroning Henry Tudor. MB wanted Henry back in England and occupying
what she considered his rightful place as a member of the nobility. Morton,
after surveying the political landscape, first supported neutering Richard's
powers as Protector then realizing, as did Hastings, that the pre-contract
meant Richard would become king, continued plotting; only this time to
remove Richard and suppress knowledge of the pre-contract..
That plot failed, Hastings died, E(V) and his brothers and sisters were
declared illegitimate, Richard became king and, knowing of Morton's
involvement in the plot, placed Morton under basically "house arrest" in
Buckingham's care.
That is when I think Morton (after observing Buckingham's ego close up?)
decided he could manipulate the Duke and did so. If Morton was the committed
Lancastrian he is assumed to have been, Buckingham, with his royal descent
*and* his Beaufort lineage would have been a much better *legitimate*
candidate than Tudor ever could be. EIV's children were illegitimate,
Richard would likely have been attainted, placing *his* Edward in the same
category as George's, which left Buckingham as the only well-known, adult
male of royal descent with a fairly close Lancastrian connection. His
connections to the Woodvilles could also help in bringing them on board,
with EIV's children being treated as 15th century counterparts of the 14th
century's Beauforts.
It was only with the failure of the rebellion that Morton, now deprived of
his preferred "royal Lancastrian" candidate, opted for Tudor. There wasn't
anyone else.
Doug
(Sorry about the length and, just for emphasis, this is my take on what
happened, *not* mecessarily provable. Or unprovable.)
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
"I particularly like your bit about Morton's observation of Buckingham which
echoes Geoffrey Richardson. Morton comes across as ever the opportunist; I
see him burning all his Lancastrian papers before applying for a job with
Edward after Tewkesbury."
Doug here:
That's basically my view of him. Lanacastrian sympathies and all, Morton's
first aim was advancing himself. Had Edward IV given a position such as Lord
Chancellor, Morton might very well have become a supporter of the Yorkists
against any Lancastrian pretenders, if only out of self-interest!
Apparently however, because Morton was known to Edward as an ardent
Lancastrian *and* very, very competent, he was judged to dangerous to be
given any position that fully engaged his abilities. And before the
Re-Adeption, it's entirely possible that it was *Warwick* who ensured Morton
had no chance to "work his way back". Why promote a possible rival?
Doug
________________________________
From: SandraMachin <sandramachin@...>
To:
Sent: Saturday, 25 May 2013, 18:16
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
I find your argument very persuasive and reasoned, Doug, and am with you,
wholeheartedly.
From: Douglas Eugene Stamate
Sent: Friday, May 24, 2013 6:49 PM
To: mailto:%40yahoogroups.com
Subject: Re: Re: Disappearance
Doug here:
I don't know about Hastings' possibly having a royal ancestor, but I do
think he was involved in a plot to return E(V) to the throne. Originally the
plot may only have been to limit the powers of the Protector and make him
responsible to the Council, much as had happened to Duke Humphrey early in
Henry VI's reign. If the Protector *was* subordinated to the Council, I have
a hard time seeing Richard remaining in that position - all the
responsibility and no authority. Which, in turn, would have meant the
Council, with Hastings as a member, would run the country until E(V)
personally took over governing.
The possibility of sidelining Richard into a powerless Protector was blown
out of the water by the pre-contract revelation. *If* E(V) was to retain the
throne, then Richard had to die and the pre-contract treated exactly as it
was under the Tudors.
Personally, I don't think that *at that point* MB and Morton were planning
on enthroning Henry Tudor. MB wanted Henry back in England and occupying
what she considered his rightful place as a member of the nobility. Morton,
after surveying the political landscape, first supported neutering Richard's
powers as Protector then realizing, as did Hastings, that the pre-contract
meant Richard would become king, continued plotting; only this time to
remove Richard and suppress knowledge of the pre-contract..
That plot failed, Hastings died, E(V) and his brothers and sisters were
declared illegitimate, Richard became king and, knowing of Morton's
involvement in the plot, placed Morton under basically "house arrest" in
Buckingham's care.
That is when I think Morton (after observing Buckingham's ego close up?)
decided he could manipulate the Duke and did so. If Morton was the committed
Lancastrian he is assumed to have been, Buckingham, with his royal descent
*and* his Beaufort lineage would have been a much better *legitimate*
candidate than Tudor ever could be. EIV's children were illegitimate,
Richard would likely have been attainted, placing *his* Edward in the same
category as George's, which left Buckingham as the only well-known, adult
male of royal descent with a fairly close Lancastrian connection. His
connections to the Woodvilles could also help in bringing them on board,
with EIV's children being treated as 15th century counterparts of the 14th
century's Beauforts.
It was only with the failure of the rebellion that Morton, now deprived of
his preferred "royal Lancastrian" candidate, opted for Tudor. There wasn't
anyone else.
Doug
(Sorry about the length and, just for emphasis, this is my take on what
happened, *not* mecessarily provable. Or unprovable.)
------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links
Re: Edmund of Rutland Was: Disappearance
2013-06-08 08:48:57
I thought about writing in to the magazine which published it, but I guessed the article was probably written by an old gent who likes military history, so it seemed a bit like spoiling his fun to take it too seriously....(sorry for picking up this old thread after so long, but had left it in my in-box to reply to when I'd time, so here I am...)!
--- On Fri, 24/5/13, justcarol67 <justcarol67@...> wrote:
Carol responds:
Either way, someone should point out to the "historian" Janet mentions how unlikely it is that someone born in 1452 could have fought at Wakefield (1460) or Towton (1461), much less at First St. Albans (1455).
--- On Fri, 24/5/13, justcarol67 <justcarol67@...> wrote:
Carol responds:
Either way, someone should point out to the "historian" Janet mentions how unlikely it is that someone born in 1452 could have fought at Wakefield (1460) or Towton (1461), much less at First St. Albans (1455).