Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Doug wrote:
Doug wrote: Who Margaret actually supported seems to me to boil down to when the rumors were spread and, even more importantly, by whom... I rule out Richard because he'd promised their mother he'd take care of the boys and Elizabeth Woodville's later actions support the view that Richard did. That would leave Morton or Buckingham as likely originators of the rumor. And for either of them, once again, timing would have been all. I firmly believe the original intention of those involved was to restore Edward to the throne, possibly with Buckingham assuming a Kingmaker role. In that case, rumors about the boys' deaths would be disastrous! Supposing Buckingham decided to use the rebellion as a means for him to get throne, then the rumors make sense. What did Buckingham have to offer Margaret that was better than Henry becoming the brother-in-law of the king?Your theory does fit and I agree that timing was essential. Buckingham and/or Morton must have started the rumours, but I am increasingly curious about whether Buckingham was ever really in favour of restoring Edward V. He may have been drawn into the plot through his wife, Catherine Woodville, but I can see where the temptation to pursue his own ambitions may have got the better of him at an early stage. After the revelation of the precontract, his own claim was better. The former Edward V was an illegitimate son of a former King and a child, whereas Buckingham was an adult with an undisputed claim through the Stafford line, and could he really rely on the Woodvilles to exceed or even match what he had from Richard? Playing a supporting role to an bastard boy King, who would have been under the control of the surviving male Woodvilles was an uncertain and unsatisfactory future. His relationship with the Woodville family can't have been good, especially after Stony Stratford and his collaboration in the deposition of Edward V.
As for why he turned on Richard, ego and ambition surely played a part, but there was probably something else. However, If he thought the Edward V plot could be successful, he may have had a reasonable fear for his own safety. There could also have been area of tension between the two of them, that has been unrecorded by history. This could explain why Buckingham didn't simply expose the plot to Richard.
The Woodville factor is also relevant to the question of what Buckingham had to offer MB. The Woodvilles were an unpopular clique who worked for their own benefit. The marriage between Elizabeth and Henry would have been helpful in Woodville regime, as it would satisfy MB's main need, which was Henry's return. Being a brother in law of the King would certainly bring some rewards, but everything about the Woodvilles suggests that they were a close circle who wouldn't offer much power to outsiders, even inlaws - especially ones with such strong links to Henry VI. Buckingham with stronger ties of blood, affinity and possibly friendship would be certain to give Henry a more powerful position. The proposed marriage with EoY would be of less use at this point, but in the event of Edward V's successful restoration, it was a good plan B.
A few months ago, there was a discussion about Peter Hancock's theory about Catesby and Hastings, and who knew about the precontract before it was revealed. There was some discussion about Anne Beauchamp. Of all the people who could have had access to information about the precontract, Buckingham's mother, the other Margaret Beaufort, was certainly well placed to have found out, being Eleanor Talbot's first cousin, who was around the same age as ET, and who lived near her. ET's mother appears to have been close to her sisters (of the whole blood). If Buckingham learned of the precontract from his mother, he may have told MB. Or perhaps she knew anyway, because, the other Margaret Beaufort was once her sister in law. I'm not sure where this fits in, and it is speculation but I'm wondering if this rather incestuous circle knowing such an important secret before Richard did was the source of problems between Richard and Buckingham. Maybe Richard was never entirely comfortable with MB or Buckingham having a close relationship with her.
Nico
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Another point to put in to the mix, In his book about the death of Edward IV, Collins speculates that Buckingham was involved with Anthony Woodville's plotting. One of the reasons that he gives is that Brecon was quite near to Ludlow. Also Buckingham suddenly turns up at Northampton to meet Richard, why did he do that? I suppose that it could be a possibility that he had been persuaded by his wife to support the Woodvilles in their plans to have E5 crowned before Richard arrived in London. The question then is did he know about the pre-contract at that early stage or did he only learn about it after Stillington told Richard?
I have always believed that MB was always plotting to make HT King but I am leaning towards her just wanting to get Henry back into the country and siding with the person or persons who were most likely to make that happen. Keep speculating.
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Forum] Buckingham's Rebellion an
Nico continued: As for why he turned on Richard, ego and ambition surely played a part, but there was probably something else. However, If he thought the Edward V plot could be successful, he may have had a reasonable fear for his own safety. There could also have been area of tension between the two of them, that has been unrecorded by history. This could explain why Buckingham didn't simply expose the plot to Richard. Doug here: Well, if Buckingham's ego and ambition were great enough, mightn't he have first gotten involved by picturing himself as the new Kingmaker, stepping into Warwick's boots as it were? If those rumors did originate with Buckingham, or even Morton, then, at some point, Buckingham changed his aim from becoming the next Warwick to becoming the next King. Could any tension between Buckingham and Richard have been nothing more than Richard recognizing that Buckingham's ego just didn't represent his abilities? Which, FWIW, might have been Morton's line of attack: Here was Henry Stafford, of royal descent and sidelined again by a York! First Edward IV, then Richard and, if he continued his support of Edward V, there was the risk he'd be pushed aside yet again. Now, if he was king... Nico continued:
The Woodville factor is also relevant to the question of what Buckingham had to offer MB. The Woodvilles were an unpopular clique who worked for their own benefit. The marriage between Elizabeth and Henry would have been helpful in Woodville regime, as it would satisfy MB's main need, which was Henry's return. Being a brother in law of the King would certainly bring some rewards, but everything about the Woodvilles suggests that they were a close circle who wouldn't offer much power to outsiders, even inlaws - especially ones with such strong links to Henry VI. Buckingham with stronger ties of blood, affinity and possibly friendship would be certain to give Henry a more powerful position. The proposed marriage with EoY would be of less use at this point, but in the event of Edward V's successful restoration, it was a good plan B. Doug here: If the original aim of both Buckingham and Margaret Beaufort was to return Edward V, with Buckingham benefiting by taking what he considered his rightful place at the right hand of the king and Margaret benefiting by getting Henry back and Henry's marriage to Elizabeth of York forming a close connection to Edward V. And as the Woodvilles, other Edward and Richard, were down to only Dorset as the senior male, an alliance between the Woodvilles, Buckingham and Margaret Beaufort makes sense to me. There's also the support of the entire Stanley clan in the offing presuming Edward did get the throne back. Then there'd also be any non-Woodville, anti-Ricardian Yorkists to be gathered in. Plus any left-over Lancastrians that might follow Margaret and Henry into Edward's camp. Whether the remaining representative/s of the Woodvilles could manage all these differing groups, I really don't know; only that it was their only chance to return to power.
Nico concluded: A few months ago, there was a discussion about Peter Hancock's theory about Catesby and Hastings, and who knew about the precontract before it was revealed. There was some discussion about Anne Beauchamp. Of all the people who could have had access to information about the precontract, Buckingham's mother, the other Margaret Beaufort, was certainly well placed to have found out, being Eleanor Talbot's first cousin, who was around the same age as ET, and who lived near her. ET's mother appears to have been close to her sisters (of the whole blood). If Buckingham learned of the precontract from his mother, he may have told MB. Or perhaps she knew anyway, because, the other Margaret Beaufort was once her sister in law. I'm not sure where this fits in, and it is speculation but I'm wondering if this rather incestuous circle knowing such an important secret before Richard did was the source of problems between Richard and Buckingham. Maybe Richard was never entirely comfortable with MB or Buckingham having a close relationship with her. Doug here: As for where any knowledge of the Pre-Contract would fit in, mightn't that knowledge have been the reason the Council accepted whatever evidence Stillington produced? While Edward IV was king, knowledge of the Pre-Contract certainly wouldn't be a general topic of conversation. Or so one might think, but that wouldn't preclude various people being in possession of that knowledge; it would only mean they didn't talk about it. Once Edward IV was dead, however, possession of such knowledge became a life-or-death matter. If, for example, any of the Woodvilles had learned of it, it would definitely give them a reason to have Edward V crowned as quickly as possibly. A greater reason, to my way of thinking, than simply trying to out-maneuver Richard in his position as Protector. If word about the Pre-Contract got out before Edward was crowned; well, we know what happened. Now, what would have happened had Edward already been crowned? I don't think Richard would have believed, without some form of proof, the claim that his brother was secretly married to someone when he married Elizabeth Woodville; not even if the claim had come from Buckingham. Which is why Stillington's proofs, whatever they were, were so important. And if the proofs were then added to claims by reputable people that they had known of the Pre-Contract but, for obvious reasons, had said nothing at the time well, that would be a different matter. Knowledge of the Pre-Contract, even belatedly, for the Woodvilles, OTOH... Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Forum] Buckingham's Rebellion an
You know if the whole Richard story was a work of fiction your agent would send it back to you and tell you to take Buckingham out. He just doesn't fit. Everyone else, like them or loath them, acts rationally to support their own aims. Buckingham appears out of nowhere, I think the last time he met Richard was at the marriage of Richard of Shrewsbury, and suddenly becomes his best buddy. Out of affection? No. There must be something to be gained from it and that says to me that Buckingham knew that Richard would have the upper edge over the Woodvilles. How could he know that? Rivers hadn't even been arrested yet. The only piece of knowledge which would make him think that is if he knew about the Pre Contract and the likelihood of it now coming to light. Then he would be in exactly the right place at the right time. From whom - one of the ladies mentioned below? Which one? I don't know.
There's one other piece of knowledge we don't have which is very surprising given that this period is supposed to be rife with rumours. That is why Richard and Buckingham fell out. Richard's anguish over Buckingham's betrayal rings down through the centuries - the 'most untrue creature'. Rarely do we get the opportunity to come that close to the soul of any monarch. Some historians have it that Richard discovered he had killed the princes, but then as both of you say, why rebel in their name? Could it be that Richard found out that he had 'set up' Hastings? In other words he had made Richard kill an innocent man. I truly can't buy Hastings going over to the Woodvilles. His family had hated the Greys for generations and would continue to do so.
Finally, a lot of this comes from Croyland and John Russell has been named as a potential chronicler. I'd like to know more about him. If I could prove he was related to the Russells of Strensham (and they did have clerics in their family) then it puts him bang in the middle of the Talbot/Hampton/Berkshire rebels (and Stillington) set. He's very elusive to chase. We know he has the 'right' Wykhamist background - Winchester and New College Oxford - as did they, and his first prebendary was at Salisbury, but it's not helped by there being so many Russells and so many Johns. I reckon there needs to be more work on him.
Happy New Year all. H
On Sunday, 31 December 2017, 01:43:29 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Nico wrote: Your theory does fit and I agree that timing was essential. Buckingham and/or Morton must have started the rumours,... Doug here: I'm likely arguing against what I've posted in the past, but what do you think of the possibility that the rumors were simply the result of that failed rescue attempt? I believe Croyland simply states that rumors were spread, thus giving the impression that the dissemination of the rumors was deliberate, but what if it wasn't? However, and once again, if the rumors were the result of the failed rescue attempt, and presuming the original intention of the rebellion was to return Edward V to the throne, then there had to be someone who knew Edward was still alive and was in a position to say the rumors were just that: rumors. Someone such as his mother? Who we know was in communications with Margaret Beaufort, trying to arrange support for re-instating Edward? We know Margaret had links with Croyland Abbey, so cold she be the source of that entry? Among the people who'd be in possession of knowledge about Edward's status, Margaret would, because of her links with Elizabeth Woodville, certainly be high on the list. Which would also, or so it seems to me, increase the chances that whenever the chronicler made that entry, no mention was made about the boys still being alive <b>because that knowledge was widespread and didn't need refuting</b>. In the bits of Margaret's Attainder Carol provided, Margaret was accused of ...[raising loans] of great sums, as well within the City of London, as in other places in this Realm... Could some of that money gone for the failed rescue attempt? Or am I off on another wild-goose chase? If the rumors were deliberately spread, however, then Buckingham and/or Morton are the most likely originators but, lacking the speedy means of communications available nowadays, for such a rumor to have maximum impact it would require coordination that I don't think would have been possible in 1483. It just seems to me to be an awfully risky venture, ginning up a rebellion only to announce half-way into it that the person you're asking others to die for is dead. Nico continued: ...but I am increasingly curious about whether Buckingham was ever really in favour of restoring Edward V. He may have been drawn into the plot through his wife, Catherine Woodville, but I can see where the temptation to pursue his own ambitions may have got the better of him at an early stage. After the revelation of the precontract, his own claim was better. The former Edward V was an illegitimate son of a former King and a child, whereas Buckingham was an adult with an undisputed claim through the Stafford line, and could he really rely on the Woodvilles to exceed or even match what he had from Richard? Playing a supporting role to an bastard boy King, who would have been under the control of the surviving male Woodvilles was an uncertain and unsatisfactory future. His relationship with the Woodville family can't have been good, especially after Stony Stratford and his collaboration in the deposition of Edward V. Doug here: As we don't have any concrete evidence one way or the other, I still tend towards the belief that, at least at the outset, Buckingham's involvement was intended to restore Edward V to the throne. Presuming Edward was re-instated, the Pre-Contract could, as it has since, been denounced as a forgery by Richard so he could take the throne. As for Edward being controlled by the surviving male Woodvilles, I can only think of one Dorset. Rivers, Grey and Vaughan had been executed at Pontrefact in June. In fact, and once married to Elizabeth of York, Henry would have been third in line to the throne...at least until Edward or Richard had any sons.
Nico continued: As for why he turned on Richard, ego and ambition surely played a part, but there was probably something else. However, If he thought the Edward V plot could be successful, he may have had a reasonable fear for his own safety. There could also have been area of tension between the two of them, that has been unrecorded by history. This could explain why Buckingham didn't simply expose the plot to Richard. Doug here: Well, if Buckingham's ego and ambition were great enough, mightn't he have first gotten involved by picturing himself as the new Kingmaker, stepping into Warwick's boots as it were? If those rumors did originate with Buckingham, or even Morton, then, at some point, Buckingham changed his aim from becoming the next Warwick to becoming the next King. Could any tension between Buckingham and Richard have been nothing more than Richard recognizing that Buckingham's ego just didn't represent his abilities? Which, FWIW, might have been Morton's line of attack: Here was Henry Stafford, of royal descent and sidelined again by a York! First Edward IV, then Richard and, if he continued his support of Edward V, there was the risk he'd be pushed aside yet again. Now, if he was king... Nico continued:
The Woodville factor is also relevant to the question of what Buckingham had to offer MB. The Woodvilles were an unpopular clique who worked for their own benefit. The marriage between Elizabeth and Henry would have been helpful in Woodville regime, as it would satisfy MB's main need, which was Henry's return. Being a brother in law of the King would certainly bring some rewards, but everything about the Woodvilles suggests that they were a close circle who wouldn't offer much power to outsiders, even inlaws - especially ones with such strong links to Henry VI. Buckingham with stronger ties of blood, affinity and possibly friendship would be certain to give Henry a more powerful position. The proposed marriage with EoY would be of less use at this point, but in the event of Edward V's successful restoration, it was a good plan B. Doug here: If the original aim of both Buckingham and Margaret Beaufort was to return Edward V, with Buckingham benefiting by taking what he considered his rightful place at the right hand of the king and Margaret benefiting by getting Henry back and Henry's marriage to Elizabeth of York forming a close connection to Edward V. And as the Woodvilles, other Edward and Richard, were down to only Dorset as the senior male, an alliance between the Woodvilles, Buckingham and Margaret Beaufort makes sense to me. There's also the support of the entire Stanley clan in the offing presuming Edward did get the throne back. Then there'd also be any non-Woodville, anti-Ricardian Yorkists to be gathered in. Plus any left-over Lancastrians that might follow Margaret and Henry into Edward's camp. Whether the remaining representative/s of the Woodvilles could manage all these differing groups, I really don't know; only that it was their only chance to return to power.
Nico concluded: A few months ago, there was a discussion about Peter Hancock's theory about Catesby and Hastings, and who knew about the precontract before it was revealed. There was some discussion about Anne Beauchamp. Of all the people who could have had access to information about the precontract, Buckingham's mother, the other Margaret Beaufort, was certainly well placed to have found out, being Eleanor Talbot's first cousin, who was around the same age as ET, and who lived near her. ET's mother appears to have been close to her sisters (of the whole blood). If Buckingham learned of the precontract from his mother, he may have told MB. Or perhaps she knew anyway, because, the other Margaret Beaufort was once her sister in law. I'm not sure where this fits in, and it is speculation but I'm wondering if this rather incestuous circle knowing such an important secret before Richard did was the source of problems between Richard and Buckingham. Maybe Richard was never entirely comfortable with MB or Buckingham having a close relationship with her. Doug here: As for where any knowledge of the Pre-Contract would fit in, mightn't that knowledge have been the reason the Council accepted whatever evidence Stillington produced? While Edward IV was king, knowledge of the Pre-Contract certainly wouldn't be a general topic of conversation. Or so one might think, but that wouldn't preclude various people being in possession of that knowledge; it would only mean they didn't talk about it. Once Edward IV was dead, however, possession of such knowledge became a life-or-death matter. If, for example, any of the Woodvilles had learned of it, it would definitely give them a reason to have Edward V crowned as quickly as possibly. A greater reason, to my way of thinking, than simply trying to out-maneuver Richard in his position as Protector. If word about the Pre-Contract got out before Edward was crowned; well, we know what happened. Now, what would have happened had Edward already been crowned? I don't think Richard would have believed, without some form of proof, the claim that his brother was secretly married to someone when he married Elizabeth Woodville; not even if the claim had come from Buckingham. Which is why Stillington's proofs, whatever they were, were so important. And if the proofs were then added to claims by reputable people that they had known of the Pre-Contract but, for obvious reasons, had said nothing at the time well, that would be a different matter. Knowledge of the Pre-Contract, even belatedly, for the Woodvilles, OTOH... Doug
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
I can't remember the bit about Buckingham (I read Collins a few years ago, but will try to check it again), but the point you make about him meeting Richard in Northampton is interesting, because Richard and Buckingham don't appear to have had much previous contact. However, as Hilary mentions, something doesn't seem quite right about a Buckingham-Woodville alliance, given the rivalry between their families and the accounts that Buckingham resented his marriage to Catherine Woodville and considered the Woodvilles inferior. However, the latter point may have been exaggerated and Doug may be right that Buckingham may have been tempted by a 'Kingmaker' role. If there was a Woodville-Buckingham plot, why did Buckingham abandon Edward? Maybe he had some respect for AW and was willing to work with him, but not the Marquis of Dorset, who would have taken over as Edward V chief guardian. However, after Edward died it is more likely that Buckingham thought it in his best interests to betray AW to Richard, possibly revealing what he knew about the precontract and told him that Stillington had the proof. If there was some collusion between AW and Buckingham, and Richard discovered that that Buckingham was in deeper than he had disclosed, that could be another reason for the rift. (Hilary and Doug's suggestions about him setting up Hastings and Buckingham's ambitions exceeding his talents with him being angry at being pushed aside by the House of York yet again are equally plausible.) It could have been more than one of these factors that turned Buckingham into 'the most untrue' creature, and it really is so difficult to see how he 'fits in' to the overall picture, and for me anyway, the mystery of Buckingham's motivations extends to MB, given the historical links between the two of them. While I don't rule it out, a Woodville-Buckingham alliance complicates a murky picture further, and it could have been simply the precontract that Buckingham revealed.
Doug wrote:While Edward IV was king, knowledge of the Pre-Contract certainly wouldn't be a general topic of conversation. Or so one might think, but that wouldn't preclude various people being in possession of that knowledge; it would only mean they didn't talk about it...Once Edward IV was dead, however, possession of such knowledge became a life-or-death matter. If, for example, any of the Woodvilles had learned of it, it would definitely give them a reason to have Edward V crowned as quickly as possibly. A greater reason, to my way of thinking, than simply trying to out-maneuver Richard in his position as Protector. If word about the Pre-Contract got out before Edward was crowned; well, we know what happened. Now, what would have happened had Edward already been crowned?
Some people must have known about the pre-contract, but in Edward's reign it would have been confined to certain circles, but once the Woodvilles knew of it, they would be very aftraid of the news spreading or being taken seriously. For this reason, Buckingham had much to fear since he was so closely related to Eleanor that it is more probable than not that he knew. If Edward V was restored to the throne, the Woodvilles would most likely have found an excuse to hasten his demise, as well as anyone else who was likely to know, including MB. Ankaret Twyhno and the possible 'victims' suggested by J-AH come to mind. I'm not sure what difference being crowned would make. Since previous anointed Kings, such as Edward II and Henry VI, had been deposed, if Edward V's illegitimacy were revealed at any time, he was vulnerable.
Wishing every one a Happy New Year,
Nico
On Friday, 29 December 2017, 18:50:07 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
So many things to consider. It is much more complicated than Richard was evil, plotting to take the throne from an early age, he murdered the Princes and executed Hastings for no reason and didn't even give him a trial!
Another point to put in to the mix, In his book about the death of Edward IV, Collins speculates that Buckingham was involved with Anthony Woodville's plotting. One of the reasons that he gives is that Brecon was quite near to Ludlow. Also Buckingham suddenly turns up at Northampton to meet Richard, why did he do that? I suppose that it could be a possibility that he had been persuaded by his wife to support the Woodvilles in their plans to have E5 crowned before Richard arrived in London. The question then is did he know about the pre-contract at that early stage or did he only learn about it after Stillington told Richard?
I have always believed that MB was always plotting to make HT King but I am leaning towards her just wanting to get Henry back into the country and siding with the person or persons who were most likely to make that happen. Keep speculating.
Mary
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
On Sunday, 31 December 2017, 13:53:35 GMT, Nicholas Brown <nico11238@...> wrote:
There really is so much to consider. Collins made some convincing arguments about Anthony Woodville's behaviour, especially that petition for control of the future Edward V. It may not have been a murder plot, but the evidence suggests that Edward had been ill for some time and his condition was worsening, and AW was desperate to maintain control. Nevertheless, there is something about the AW's behaviour that is open to interpretation as 'imagining the death of the King.' There has been some speculation about Edward having diabetes, which could well have been the case as he was overweight, and the vomiting after meals (gastroparesis) is a common symptom of diabetes. If Edward had complications of diabetes, he would have been vulnerable to infections, which at the time would have been life threatening, so AW had to be prepared.
I can't remember the bit about Buckingham (I read Collins a few years ago, but will try to check it again), but the point you make about him meeting Richard in Northampton is interesting, because Richard and Buckingham don't appear to have had much previous contact. However, as Hilary mentions, something doesn't seem quite right about a Buckingham-Woodville alliance, given the rivalry between their families and the accounts that Buckingham resented his marriage to Catherine Woodville and considered the Woodvilles inferior. However, the latter point may have been exaggerated and Doug may be right that Buckingham may have been tempted by a 'Kingmaker' role. If there was a Woodville-Buckingham plot, why did Buckingham abandon Edward? Maybe he had some respect for AW and was willing to work with him, but not the Marquis of Dorset, who would have taken over as Edward V chief guardian. However, after Edward died it is more likely that Buckingham thought it in his best interests to betray AW to Richard, possibly revealing what he knew about the precontract and told him that Stillington had the proof. If there was some collusion between AW and Buckingham, and Richard discovered that that Buckingham was in deeper than he had disclosed, that could be another reason for the rift. (Hilary and Doug's suggestions about him setting up Hastings and Buckingham's ambitions exceeding his talents with him being angry at being pushed aside by the House of York yet again are equally plausible.) It could have been more than one of these factors that turned Buckingham into 'the most untrue' creature, and it really is so difficult to see how he 'fits in' to the overall picture, and for me anyway, the mystery of Buckingham's motivations extends to MB, given the historical links between the two of them. While I don't rule it out, a Woodville-Buckingham alliance complicates a murky picture further, and it could have been simply the precontract that Buckingham revealed.
Doug wrote:While Edward IV was king, knowledge of the Pre-Contract certainly wouldn't be a general topic of conversation. Or so one might think, but that wouldn't preclude various people being in possession of that knowledge; it would only mean they didn't talk about it...Once Edward IV was dead, however, possession of such knowledge became a life-or-death matter. If, for example, any of the Woodvilles had learned of it, it would definitely give them a reason to have Edward V crowned as quickly as possibly. A greater reason, to my way of thinking, than simply trying to out-maneuver Richard in his position as Protector. If word about the Pre-Contract got out before Edward was crowned; well, we know what happened. Now, what would have happened had Edward already been crowned?
Some people must have known about the pre-contract, but in Edward's reign it would have been confined to certain circles, but once the Woodvilles knew of it, they would be very aftraid of the news spreading or being taken seriously. For this reason, Buckingham had much to fear since he was so closely related to Eleanor that it is more probable than not that he knew. If Edward V was restored to the throne, the Woodvilles would most likely have found an excuse to hasten his demise, as well as anyone else who was likely to know, including MB. Ankaret Twyhno and the possible 'victims' suggested by J-AH come to mind. I'm not sure what difference being crowned would make. Since previous anointed Kings, such as Edward II and Henry VI, had been deposed, if Edward V's illegitimacy were revealed at any time, he was vulnerable.
Wishing every one a Happy New Year,
Nico
On Friday, 29 December 2017, 18:50:07 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
So many things to consider. It is much more complicated than Richard was evil, plotting to take the throne from an early age, he murdered the Princes and executed Hastings for no reason and didn't even give him a trial!
Another point to put in to the mix, In his book about the death of Edward IV, Collins speculates that Buckingham was involved with Anthony Woodville's plotting. One of the reasons that he gives is that Brecon was quite near to Ludlow. Also Buckingham suddenly turns up at Northampton to meet Richard, why did he do that? I suppose that it could be a possibility that he had been persuaded by his wife to support the Woodvilles in their plans to have E5 crowned before Richard arrived in London. The question then is did he know about the pre-contract at that early stage or did he only learn about it after Stillington told Richard?
I have always believed that MB was always plotting to make HT King but I am leaning towards her just wanting to get Henry back into the country and siding with the person or persons who were most likely to make that happen. Keep speculating.
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebellio
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Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebellio
But you're right Brecon is a puzzle.I would have thought you would have come out much 'lower down', nowadays it would be the M4, and not need to touch the Midlands at all? Do we know he came from Brecon? His route would make much more sense if he came from Mancetter Staffs when he would be following the same route as the others.
You make some very good points about communications, it would have been a very tedious route going from west to east, north to south. We're told that Edward's death took Richard by surprise but perhaps, as Nico suggests, some people had better knowledge of Edward's true state of health and Buckingham was in that loop? I'd not heard the diabetes theory before, Nico, nor did I know that its symptoms coincide with some of the things we know about Edward. The more you think about the young undefeated Edward, the more odd it is that he chose to hole himself up in London. Perhaps it's too easy to label someone with things like laziness? (Actually it's Ross who says he was one of the most hardworking monarchs when in came to legislation and paperwork - his writing is on a lot of documents).
If Buckingham knew about the Pre Contract and about the fragility of Edward's health he could have pondered on this for some time. In fact both the Woodville actions and his actions bear the signs of pre-planning, as Collins says. It's only when the Hastings letter alerts Richard and leads to Rivers' arrest that the cat is thrown amongst the pigeons. FWIW I don't think Buckingham was working with the Woodvilles, I think he saw on opportunity for himself. After all, Edward had deprived him of some of his lands.
And Richard? I'm with you and I don't reckon he had a clue about any of this. For one thing he'd been away with his mind on other things really since the death of Clarence and it could have been that he felt Buckingham, as a cousin, might have filled the Clarence void? What is even more intriguing is how long all this had been going on and what part it might well have played in the demise of Clarence. Just my musings. H
On Monday, 1 January 2018, 03:05:09 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Mary, I had to go digging in my old motoring atlas, but I came with the following: 1) Going from Ludlow to London would either mean heading towards Gloucester and then take the road based on, I think, Watling Street to London or else head east/southeast and catch the main north/south road at Northampton. Possibly via Conventry? 2) Going from Brecon to London would mean crossing the Severn at Gloucester and then take the road based on Watling Street to London. 3) Going from York to London would mean taking the main north/south road that passed through Northampton. So, presuming I've gotten my geography correct, Richard passing through Northampton would have been a given. Edward's party passing through that town would have been, if not a given, certainly a good likelihood. It's, as you say, Buckingham's route via Northampton that stands out. Edward IV died on 9 April, 1483. According to Williamson, his son's party left Ludlow on 24 April, expecting to be in London for his coronation on 4 May. Williamson also has Richard reaching Northampton on 29 April, where he was joined by Buckingham. Which leads to the question, when did Buckingham learn of Edward IV's death and where was he when that information reached him? If Buckingham was in Brecon, he'd have had to depart there a day or two before Edward's party left Ludlow in order to arrive at Northampton at the same time. Then there's the implied idea, to me anyway, that the meeting between Richard and Buckingham was planned. Perhaps if not at Northampton, then not far away. But such a meeting requires not only a messenger going from Richard to Buckingham proposing the meet-up, but a second messenger from Buckingham to Richard agreeing to the meeting. Which also implies that, if he originated the exchange, Richard knew where to contact Buckingham. Of course, if the originator was Buckingham, the problem is simpler; he'd send a messenger off to York, via the north/south road to ensure catching Richard had he already departed. So I'm left with these questions: 1) Where was Buckingham when Edward IV died? 2) Was it Buckingham who proposed meeting at Northampton? Or was it sheer chance? And, in the unlikely event it was Richard, how did he know where to send the messenger to deliver the proposal to Buckingham? In any event, any proposal for a meeting would have taken nearly a week to be proposed and for the one making the proposal to receive confirmation. Or wouldn't it? My original view was that it wasn't likely people knew about the Pre-Contract prior to Stillington's meeting with the Council, but there's definitely the possibility that it was known by a few. Possibly even a Woodville or two and, also possibly, Buckingham. I believe he was related to Eleanor Butler via his mother, and his status as royal might have lead to him being told..
FWIW, my personal view, and barring any further information, is that Richard didn't know about the Pre-Contract until Stillington's revelation, or possibly immediately before the Bishop made them. Had Richard been informed of the Pre-Contract at Northampton by Buckingham, he would have immediately understood the implications for himself. Which would have meant either the summoning of all sorts of people to London to verify, or disprove, what Richard had been told. Or, at the very least, a noticeable number of parties being dispatched to take sworn statements. Then there's Richard's letter of 10 June, after Hastings' plot had been foiled, to York requesting soldiers. If Richard had known all along that he was his brother's legal heir, why wait so long? Why wait until an attempt had actually been made on his life before summoning assistance? I admit that some of these activities might have taken place under the cover of the preparations for the up-coming coronation, but it seems more likely that, rather than confirming Stillington's charge before that Council meeting, any such meetings, sworn statements and the like, were what made it possible for the Three Estates to ask Richard to accept the crown enough well-regarded members of that body had already publicly acknowledged Richard's right to it during the follow-up to Hastings' plot. (I hope that makes sense?) I think we both agree that MB was always plotting to get her son back into England. Edward IV and Richard placed conditions on Henry's return that, for whatever reason, she felt were unacceptable. Buckingham, whether as a representative of Edward V or himself, needed as much support as he could get, so he agreed to MB's conditions. Then, and again it's only my personal view, after the failure of Buckingham's Rebellion, MB was no longer the person making the decisions on Henry Tudor's return, he himself was. And Margaret went along. Doug Mary wrote: So many things to consider. It is much more complicated than Richard was evil, plotting to take the throne from an early age, he murdered the Princes and executed Hastings for no reason and didn't even give him a trial! Another point to put in to the mix, In his book about the death of Edward IV, Collins speculates that Buckingham was involved with Anthony Woodville's plotting. One of the reasons that he gives is that Brecon was quite near to Ludlow. Also Buckingham suddenly turns up at Northampton to meet Richard, why did he do that? I suppose that it could be a possibility that he had been persuaded by his wife to support the Woodvilles in their plans to have E5 crowned before Richard arrived in London. The question then is did he know about the pre-contract at that early stage or did he only learn about it after Stillington told Richard? I have always believed that MB was always plotting to make HT King but I am leaning towards h er just wanting to get Henry back into the country and siding with the person or persons who were most likely to make that happen. Keep speculating.
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Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebellio
On Monday, 1 January 2018, 11:20:58 GMT, Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... [] <> wrote:
Doug, I agree about the routes. Before the MI the old "London Road" from the North and Midlands used to pass through Stony Stratford and is close to the A5 (Watling) which runs near Northampton and Milton Keynes. So Richard would have passed that way when he'd crossed from the AI from York. Same with Ludlow, in fact AW could have headed east towards what is now south of Birmingham and down the A5 at Nuneaton bringing him out on the old London Road at Stony Stratford.
But you're right Brecon is a puzzle.I would have thought you would have come out much 'lower down', nowadays it would be the M4, and not need to touch the Midlands at all? Do we know he came from Brecon? His route would make much more sense if he came from Mancetter Staffs when he would be following the same route as the others.
You make some very good points about communications, it would have been a very tedious route going from west to east, north to south. We're told that Edward's death took Richard by surprise but perhaps, as Nico suggests, some people had better knowledge of Edward's true state of health and Buckingham was in that loop? I'd not heard the diabetes theory before, Nico, nor did I know that its symptoms coincide with some of the things we know about Edward. The more you think about the young undefeated Edward, the more odd it is that he chose to hole himself up in London. Perhaps it's too easy to label someone with things like laziness? (Actually it's Ross who says he was one of the most hardworking monarchs when in came to legislation and paperwork - his writing is on a lot of documents).
If Buckingham knew about the Pre Contract and about the fragility of Edward's health he could have pondered on this for some time. In fact both the Woodville actions and his actions bear the signs of pre-planning, as Collins says. It's only when the Hastings letter alerts Richard and leads to Rivers' arrest that the cat is thrown amongst the pigeons. FWIW I don't think Buckingham was working with the Woodvilles, I think he saw on opportunity for himself. After all, Edward had deprived him of some of his lands.
And Richard? I'm with you and I don't reckon he had a clue about any of this. For one thing he'd been away with his mind on other things really since the death of Clarence and it could have been that he felt Buckingham, as a cousin, might have filled the Clarence void? What is even more intriguing is how long all this had been going on and what part it might well have played in the demise of Clarence. Just my musings. H
On Monday, 1 January 2018, 03:05:09 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Mary, I had to go digging in my old motoring atlas, but I came with the following: 1) Going from Ludlow to London would either mean heading towards Gloucester and then take the road based on, I think, Watling Street to London or else head east/southeast and catch the main north/south road at Northampton. Possibly via Conventry? 2) Going from Brecon to London would mean crossing the Severn at Gloucester and then take the road based on Watling Street to London. 3) Going from York to London would mean taking the main north/south road that passed through Northampton. So, presuming I've gotten my geography correct, Richard passing through Northampton would have been a given. Edward's party passing through that town would have been, if not a given, certainly a good likelihood. It's, as you say, Buckingham's route via Northampton that stands out. Edward IV died on 9 April, 1483. According to Williamson, his son's party left Ludlow on 24 April, expecting to be in London for his coronation on 4 May. Williamson also has Richard reaching Northampton on 29 April, where he was joined by Buckingham. Which leads to the question, when did Buckingham learn of Edward IV's death and where was he when that information reached him? If Buckingham was in Brecon, he'd have had to depart there a day or two before Edward's party left Ludlow in order to arrive at Northampton at the same time. Then there's the implied idea, to me anyway, that the meeting between Richard and Buckingham was planned. Perhaps if not at Northampton, then not far away. But such a meeting requires not only a messenger going from Richard to Buckingham proposing the meet-up, but a second messenger from Buckingham to Richard agreeing to the meeting. Which also implies that, if he originated the exchange, Richard knew where to contact Buckingham. Of course, if the originator was Buckingham, the problem is simpler; he'd send a messenger off to York, via the north/south road to ensure catching Richard had he already departed. So I'm left with these questions: 1) Where was Buckingham when Edward IV died? 2) Was it Buckingham who proposed meeting at Northampton? Or was it sheer chance? And, in the unlikely event it was Richard, how did he know where to send the messenger to deliver the proposal to Buckingham? In any event, any proposal for a meeting would have taken nearly a week to be proposed and for the one making the proposal to receive confirmation. Or wouldn't it? My original view was that it wasn't likely people knew about the Pre-Contract prior to Stillington's meeting with the Council, but there's definitely the possibility that it was known by a few. Possibly even a Woodville or two and, also possibly, Buckingham. I believe he was related to Eleanor Butler via his mother, and his status as royal might have lead to him being told..
FWIW, my personal view, and barring any further information, is that Richard didn't know about the Pre-Contract until Stillington's revelation, or possibly immediately before the Bishop made them. Had Richard been informed of the Pre-Contract at Northampton by Buckingham, he would have immediately understood the implications for himself. Which would have meant either the summoning of all sorts of people to London to verify, or disprove, what Richard had been told. Or, at the very least, a noticeable number of parties being dispatched to take sworn statements. Then there's Richard's letter of 10 June, after Hastings' plot had been foiled, to York requesting soldiers. If Richard had known all along that he was his brother's legal heir, why wait so long? Why wait until an attempt had actually been made on his life before summoning assistance? I admit that some of these activities might have taken place under the cover of the preparations for the up-coming coronation, but it seems more likely that, rather than confirming Stillington's charge before that Council meeting, any such meetings, sworn statements and the like, were what made it possible for the Three Estates to ask Richard to accept the crown enough well-regarded members of that body had already publicly acknowledged Richard's right to it during the follow-up to Hastings' plot. (I hope that makes sense?) I think we both agree that MB was always plotting to get her son back into England. Edward IV and Richard placed conditions on Henry's return that, for whatever reason, she felt were unacceptable. Buckingham, whether as a representative of Edward V or himself, needed as much support as he could get, so he agreed to MB's conditions. Then, and again it's only my personal view, after the failure of Buckingham's Rebellion, MB was no longer the person making the decisions on Henry Tudor's return, he himself was. And Margaret went along. Doug Mary wrote: So many things to consider. It is much more complicated than Richard was evil, plotting to take the throne from an early age, he murdered the Princes and executed Hastings for no reason and didn't even give him a trial! Another point to put in to the mix, In his book about the death of Edward IV, Collins speculates that Buckingham was involved with Anthony Woodville's plotting. One of the reasons that he gives is that Brecon was quite near to Ludlow. Also Buckingham suddenly turns up at Northampton to meet Richard, why did he do that? I suppose that it could be a possibility that he had been persuaded by his wife to support the Woodvilles in their plans to have E5 crowned before Richard arrived in London. The question then is did he know about the pre-contract at that early stage or did he only learn about it after Stillington told Richard? I have always believed that MB was always plotting to make HT King but I am leaning towards h er just wanting to get Henry back into the country and siding with the person or persons who were most likely to make that happen. Keep speculating.
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Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Forum] Buckingham's Rebellion an
On Dec 31, 2017 5:15 AM, "Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... []" <> wrote:
I've been mulling this over during the last few days (which have been spent in the kitchen:)).
You know if the whole Richard story was a work of fiction your agent would send it back to you and tell you to take Buckingham out. He just doesn't fit. Everyone else, like them or loath them, acts rationally to support their own aims. Buckingham appears out of nowhere, I think the last time he met Richard was at the marriage of Richard of Shrewsbury, and suddenly becomes his best buddy. Out of affection? No. There must be something to be gained from it and that says to me that Buckingham knew that Richard would have the upper edge over the Woodvilles. How could he know that? Rivers hadn't even been arrested yet. The only piece of knowledge which would make him think that is if he knew about the Pre Contract and the likelihood of it now coming to light. Then he would be in exactly the right place at the right time. From whom - one of the ladies mentioned below? Which one? I don't know.
There's one other piece of knowledge we don't have which is very surprising given that this period is supposed to be rife with rumours. That is why Richard and Buckingham fell out. Richard's anguish over Buckingham's betrayal rings down through the centuries - the 'most untrue creature'. Rarely do we get the opportunity to come that close to the soul of any monarch. Some historians have it that Richard discovered he had killed the princes, but then as both of you say, why rebel in their name? Could it be that Richard found out that he had 'set up' Hastings? In other words he had made Richard kill an innocent man. I truly can't buy Hastings going over to the Woodvilles. His family had hated the Greys for generations and would continue to do so.
Finally, a lot of this comes from Croyland and John Russell has been named as a potential chronicler. I'd like to know more about him. If I could prove he was related to the Russells of Strensham (and they did have clerics in their family) then it puts him bang in the middle of the Talbot/Hampton/Berkshire rebels (and Stillington) set. He's very elusive to chase. We know he has the 'right' Wykhamist background - Winchester and New College Oxford - as did they, and his first prebendary was at Salisbury, but it's not helped by there being so many Russells and so many Johns. I reckon there needs to be more work on him.
Happy New Year all. H
On Sunday, 31 December 2017, 01:43:29 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <@ yahoogroups.com> wrote:
Nico wrote: Your theory does fit and I agree that timing was essential. Buckingham and/or Morton must have started the rumours,... Doug here: I'm likely arguing against what I've posted in the past, but what do you think of the possibility that the rumors were simply the result of that failed rescue attempt? I believe Croyland simply states that rumors were spread, thus giving the impression that the dissemination of the rumors was deliberate, but what if it wasn't? However, and once again, if the rumors were the result of the failed rescue attempt, and presuming the original intention of the rebellion was to return Edward V to the throne, then there had to be someone who knew Edward was still alive and was in a position to say the rumors were just that: rumors. Someone such as his mother? Who we know was in communications with Margaret Beaufort, trying to arrange support for re-instating Edward? We know Margaret had links with Croyland Abbey, so cold she be the source of that entry? Among the people who'd be in possession of knowledge about Edward's status, Margaret would, because of her links with Elizabeth Woodville, certainly be high on the list. Which would also, or so it seems to me, increase the chances that whenever the chronicler made that entry, no mention was made about the boys still being alive <b>because that knowledge was widespread and didn't need refuting</b>. In the bits of Margaret's Attainder Carol provided, Margaret was accused of ...[raising loans] of great sums, as well within the City of London, as in other places in this Realm... Could some of that money gone for the failed rescue attempt? Or am I off on another wild-goose chase? If the rumors were deliberately spread, however, then Buckingham and/or Morton are the most likely originators but, lacking the speedy means of communications available nowadays, for such a rumor to have maximum impact it would require coordination that I don't think would have been possible in 1483. It just seems to me to be an awfully risky venture, ginning up a rebellion only to announce half-way into it that the person you're asking others to die for is dead. Nico continued: ...but I am increasingly curious about whether Buckingham was ever really in favour of restoring Edward V. He may have been drawn into the plot through his wife, Catherine Woodville, but I can see where the temptation to pursue his own ambitions may have got the better of him at an early stage. After the revelation of the precontract, his own claim was better. The former Edward V was an illegitimate son of a former King and a child, whereas Buckingham was an adult with an undisputed claim through the Stafford line, and could he really rely on the Woodvilles to exceed or even match what he had from Richard? Playing a supporting role to an bastard boy King, who would have been under the control of the surviving male Woodvilles was an uncertain and unsatisfactory future. His relationship with the Woodville family can't have been good, especially after Stony Stratford and his collaboration in the deposition of Edward V. Doug here: As we don't have any concrete evidence one way or the other, I still tend towards the belief that, at least at the outset, Buckingham's involvement was intended to restore Edward V to the throne. Presuming Edward was re-instated, the Pre-Contract could, as it has since, been denounced as a forgery by Richard so he could take the throne. As for Edward being controlled by the surviving male Woodvilles, I can only think of one Dorset. Rivers, Grey and Vaughan had been executed at Pontrefact in June. In fact, and once married to Elizabeth of York, Henry would have been third in line to the throne...at least until Edward or Richard had any sons.
Nico continued: As for why he turned on Richard, ego and ambition surely played a part, but there was probably something else. However, If he thought the Edward V plot could be successful, he may have had a reasonable fear for his own safety. There could also have been area of tension between the two of them, that has been unrecorded by history. This could explain why Buckingham didn't simply expose the plot to Richard. Doug here: Well, if Buckingham's ego and ambition were great enough, mightn't he have first gotten involved by picturing himself as the new Kingmaker, stepping into Warwick's boots as it were? If those rumors did originate with Buckingham, or even Morton, then, at some point, Buckingham changed his aim from becoming the next Warwick to becoming the next King. Could any tension between Buckingham and Richard have been nothing more than Richard recognizing that Buckingham's ego just didn't represent his abilities? Which, FWIW, might have been Morton's line of attack: Here was Henry Stafford, of royal descent and sidelined again by a York! First Edward IV, then Richard and, if he continued his support of Edward V, there was the risk he'd be pushed aside yet again. Now, if he was king... Nico continued:
The Woodville factor is also relevant to the question of what Buckingham had to offer MB. The Woodvilles were an unpopular clique who worked for their own benefit. The marriage between Elizabeth and Henry would have been helpful in Woodville regime, as it would satisfy MB's main need, which was Henry's return. Being a brother in law of the King would certainly bring some rewards, but everything about the Woodvilles suggests that they were a close circle who wouldn't offer much power to outsiders, even inlaws - especially ones with such strong links to Henry VI. Buckingham with stronger ties of blood, affinity and possibly friendship would be certain to give Henry a more powerful position. The proposed marriage with EoY would be of less use at this point, but in the event of Edward V's successful restoration, it was a good plan B. Doug here: If the original aim of both Buckingham and Margaret Beaufort was to return Edward V, with Buckingham benefiting by taking what he considered his rightful place at the right hand of the king and Margaret benefiting by getting Henry back and Henry's marriage to Elizabeth of York forming a close connection to Edward V. And as the Woodvilles, other Edward and Richard, were down to only Dorset as the senior male, an alliance between the Woodvilles, Buckingham and Margaret Beaufort makes sense to me. There's also the support of the entire Stanley clan in the offing presuming Edward did get the throne back. Then there'd also be any non-Woodville, anti-Ricardian Yorkists to be gathered in. Plus any left-over Lancastrians that might follow Margaret and Henry into Edward's camp. Whether the remaining representative/s of the Woodvilles could manage all these differing groups, I really don't know; only that it was their only chance to return to power.
Nico concluded: A few months ago, there was a discussion about Peter Hancock's theory about Catesby and Hastings, and who knew about the precontract before it was revealed. There was some discussion about Anne Beauchamp. Of all the people who could have had access to information about the precontract, Buckingham's mother, the other Margaret Beaufort, was certainly well placed to have found out, being Eleanor Talbot's first cousin, who was around the same age as ET, and who lived near her. ET's mother appears to have been close to her sisters (of the whole blood). If Buckingham learned of the precontract from his mother, he may have told MB. Or perhaps she knew anyway, because, the other Margaret Beaufort was once her sister in law. I'm not sure where this fits in, and it is speculation but I'm wondering if this rather incestuous circle knowing such an important secret before Richard did was the source of problems between Richard and Buckingham. Maybe Richard was never entirely comfortable with MB or Buckingham having a close relationship with her. Doug here: As for where any knowledge of the Pre-Contract would fit in, mightn't that knowledge have been the reason the Council accepted whatever evidence Stillington produced? While Edward IV was king, knowledge of the Pre-Contract certainly wouldn't be a general topic of conversation. Or so one might think, but that wouldn't preclude various people being in possession of that knowledge; it would only mean they didn't talk about it. Once Edward IV was dead, however, possession of such knowledge became a life-or-death matter. If, for example, any of the Woodvilles had learned of it, it would definitely give them a reason to have Edward V crowned as quickly as possibly. A greater reason, to my way of thinking, than simply trying to out-maneuver Richard in his position as Protector. If word about the Pre-Contract got out before Edward was crowned; well, we know what happened. Now, what would have happened had Edward already been crowned? I don't think Richard would have believed, without some form of proof, the claim that his brother was secretly married to someone when he married Elizabeth Woodville; not even if the claim had come from Buckingham. Which is why Stillington's proofs, whatever they were, were so important. And if the proofs were then added to claims by reputable people that they had known of the Pre-Contract but, for obvious reasons, had said nothing at the time well, that would be a different matter. Knowledge of the Pre-Contract, even belatedly, for the Woodvilles, OTOH... Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Forum] Buckingham's Rebellion an
Sent from Yahoo Mail for iPhone
On Monday, January 1, 2018, 12:47 pm, Karen O karenoder4@... [] <> wrote:
I have been looking for a list of the actual people Richard had executed after the rebellion. How many? Is it on the internet anywhere?
On Dec 31, 2017 5:15 AM, "Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... []" <> wrote:
I've been mulling this over during the last few days (which have been spent in the kitchen:)).
You know if the whole Richard story was a work of fiction your agent would send it back to you and tell you to take Buckingham out. He just doesn't fit. Everyone else, like them or loath them, acts rationally to support their own aims. Buckingham appears out of nowhere, I think the last time he met Richard was at the marriage of Richard of Shrewsbury, and suddenly becomes his best buddy. Out of affection? No. There must be something to be gained from it and that says to me that Buckingham knew that Richard would have the upper edge over the Woodvilles. How could he know that? Rivers hadn't even been arrested yet. The only piece of knowledge which would make him think that is if he knew about the Pre Contract and the likelihood of it now coming to light. Then he would be in exactly the right place at the right time. From whom - one of the ladies mentioned below? Which one? I don't know..
There's one other piece of knowledge we don't have which is very surprising given that this period is supposed to be rife with rumours. That is why Richard and Buckingham fell out. Richard's anguish over Buckingham's betrayal rings down through the centuries - the 'most untrue creature'. Rarely do we get the opportunity to come that close to the soul of any monarch. Some historians have it that Richard discovered he had killed the princes, but then as both of you say, why rebel in their name? Could it be that Richard found out that he had 'set up' Hastings? In other words he had made Richard kill an innocent man. I truly can't buy Hastings going over to the Woodvilles. His family had hated the Greys for generations and would continue to do so.
Finally, a lot of this comes from Croyland and John Russell has been named as a potential chronicler. I'd like to know more about him. If I could prove he was related to the Russells of Strensham (and they did have clerics in their family) then it puts him bang in the middle of the Talbot/Hampton/Berkshire rebels (and Stillington) set. He's very elusive to chase. We know he has the 'right' Wykhamist background - Winchester and New College Oxford - as did they, and his first prebendary was at Salisbury, but it's not helped by there being so many Russells and so many Johns. I reckon there needs to be more work on him.
Happy New Year all. H
On Sunday, 31 December 2017, 01:43:29 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <@ yahoogroups.com> wrote:
Nico wrote: Your theory does fit and I agree that timing was essential. Buckingham and/or Morton must have started the rumours,... Doug here: I'm likely arguing against what I've posted in the past, but what do you think of the possibility that the rumors were simply the result of that failed rescue attempt? I believe Croyland simply states that rumors were spread, thus giving the impression that the dissemination of the rumors was deliberate, but what if it wasn't? However, and once again, if the rumors were the result of the failed rescue attempt, and presuming the original intention of the rebellion was to return Edward V to the throne, then there had to be someone who knew Edward was still alive and was in a position to say the rumors were just that: rumors. Someone such as his mother? Who we know was in communications with Margaret Beaufort, trying to arrange support for re-instating Edward? We know Margaret had links with Croyland Abbey, so cold she be the source of that entry? Among the people who'd be in possession of knowledge about Edward's status, Margaret would, because of her links with Elizabeth Woodville, certainly be high on the list. Which would also, or so it seems to me, increase the chances that whenever the chronicler made that entry, no mention was made about the boys still being alive <b>because that knowledge was widespread and didn't need refuting</b>. In the bits of Margaret's Attainder Carol provided, Margaret was accused of ...[raising loans] of great sums, as well within the City of London, as in other places in this Realm... Could some of that money gone for the failed rescue attempt? Or am I off on another wild-goose chase? If the rumors were deliberately spread, however, then Buckingham and/or Morton are the most likely originators but, lacking the speedy means of communications available nowadays, for such a rumor to have maximum impact it would require coordination that I don't think would have been possible in 1483. It just seems to me to be an awfully risky venture, ginning up a rebellion only to announce half-way into it that the person you're asking others to die for is dead. Nico continued: ...but I am increasingly curious about whether Buckingham was ever really in favour of restoring Edward V. He may have been drawn into the plot through his wife, Catherine Woodville, but I can see where the temptation to pursue his own ambitions may have got the better of him at an early stage. After the revelation of the precontract, his own claim was better. The former Edward V was an illegitimate son of a former King and a child, whereas Buckingham was an adult with an undisputed claim through the Stafford line, and could he really rely on the Woodvilles to exceed or even match what he had from Richard? Playing a supporting role to an bastard boy King, who would have been under the control of the surviving male Woodvilles was an uncertain and unsatisfactory future. His relationship with the Woodville family can't have been good, especially after Stony Stratford and his collaboration in the deposition of Edward V. Doug here: As we don't have any concrete evidence one way or the other, I still tend towards the belief that, at least at the outset, Buckingham's involvement was intended to restore Edward V to the throne. Presuming Edward was re-instated, the Pre-Contract could, as it has since, been denounced as a forgery by Richard so he could take the throne. As for Edward being controlled by the surviving male Woodvilles, I can only think of one Dorset. Rivers, Grey and Vaughan had been executed at Pontrefact in June. In fact, and once married to Elizabeth of York, Henry would have been third in line to the throne...at least until Edward or Richard had any sons.
Nico continued: As for why he turned on Richard, ego and ambition surely played a part, but there was probably something else. However, If he thought the Edward V plot could be successful, he may have had a reasonable fear for his own safety. There could also have been area of tension between the two of them, that has been unrecorded by history. This could explain why Buckingham didn't simply expose the plot to Richard. Doug here: Well, if Buckingham's ego and ambition were great enough, mightn't he have first gotten involved by picturing himself as the new Kingmaker, stepping into Warwick's boots as it were? If those rumors did originate with Buckingham, or even Morton, then, at some point, Buckingham changed his aim from becoming the next Warwick to becoming the next King. Could any tension between Buckingham and Richard have been nothing more than Richard recognizing that Buckingham's ego just didn't represent his abilities? Which, FWIW, might have been Morton's line of attack: Here was Henry Stafford, of royal descent and sidelined again by a York! First Edward IV, then Richard and, if he continued his support of Edward V, there was the risk he'd be pushed aside yet again. Now, if he was king... Nico continued:
The Woodville factor is also relevant to the question of what Buckingham had to offer MB. The Woodvilles were an unpopular clique who worked for their own benefit. The marriage between Elizabeth and Henry would have been helpful in Woodville regime, as it would satisfy MB's main need, which was Henry's return. Being a brother in law of the King would certainly bring some rewards, but everything about the Woodvilles suggests that they were a close circle who wouldn't offer much power to outsiders, even inlaws - especially ones with such strong links to Henry VI. Buckingham with stronger ties of blood, affinity and possibly friendship would be certain to give Henry a more powerful position. The proposed marriage with EoY would be of less use at this point, but in the event of Edward V's successful restoration, it was a good plan B. Doug here: If the original aim of both Buckingham and Margaret Beaufort was to return Edward V, with Buckingham benefiting by taking what he considered his rightful place at the right hand of the king and Margaret benefiting by getting Henry back and Henry's marriage to Elizabeth of York forming a close connection to Edward V. And as the Woodvilles, other Edward and Richard, were down to only Dorset as the senior male, an alliance between the Woodvilles, Buckingham and Margaret Beaufort makes sense to me. There's also the support of the entire Stanley clan in the offing presuming Edward did get the throne back. Then there'd also be any non-Woodville, anti-Ricardian Yorkists to be gathered in. Plus any left-over Lancastrians that might follow Margaret and Henry into Edward's camp. Whether the remaining representative/s of the Woodvilles could manage all these differing groups, I really don't know; only that it was their only chance to return to power.
Nico concluded: A few months ago, there was a discussion about Peter Hancock's theory about Catesby and Hastings, and who knew about the precontract before it was revealed. There was some discussion about Anne Beauchamp. Of all the people who could have had access to information about the precontract, Buckingham's mother, the other Margaret Beaufort, was certainly well placed to have found out, being Eleanor Talbot's first cousin, who was around the same age as ET, and who lived near her. ET's mother appears to have been close to her sisters (of the whole blood). If Buckingham learned of the precontract from his mother, he may have told MB. Or perhaps she knew anyway, because, the other Margaret Beaufort was once her sister in law. I'm not sure where this fits in, and it is speculation but I'm wondering if this rather incestuous circle knowing such an important secret before Richard did was the source of problems between Richard and Buckingham. Maybe Richard was never entirely comfortable with MB or Buckingham having a close relationship with her. Doug here: As for where any knowledge of the Pre-Contract would fit in, mightn't that knowledge have been the reason the Council accepted whatever evidence Stillington produced? While Edward IV was king, knowledge of the Pre-Contract certainly wouldn't be a general topic of conversation. Or so one might think, but that wouldn't preclude various people being in possession of that knowledge; it would only mean they didn't talk about it. Once Edward IV was dead, however, possession of such knowledge became a life-or-death matter. If, for example, any of the Woodvilles had learned of it, it would definitely give them a reason to have Edward V crowned as quickly as possibly. A greater reason, to my way of thinking, than simply trying to out-maneuver Richard in his position as Protector. If word about the Pre-Contract got out before Edward was crowned; well, we know what happened. Now, what would have happened had Edward already been crowned? I don't think Richard would have believed, without some form of proof, the claim that his brother was secretly married to someone when he married Elizabeth Woodville; not even if the claim had come from Buckingham. Which is why Stillington's proofs, whatever they were, were so important. And if the proofs were then added to claims by reputable people that they had known of the Pre-Contract but, for obvious reasons, had said nothing at the time well, that would be a different matter. Knowledge of the Pre-Contract, even belatedly, for the Woodvilles, OTOH... Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebellio
Mary
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Nico concluded: Some people must have known about the pre-contract, but in Edward's reign it would have been confined to certain circles, but once the Woodvilles knew of it, they would be very aftraid of the news spreading or being taken seriously. For this reason, Buckingham had much to fear since he was so closely related to Eleanor that it is more probable than not that he knew. If Edward V was restored to the throne, the Woodvilles would most likely have found an excuse to hasten his demise, as well as anyone else who was likely to know, including MB. Ankaret Twyhno and the possible 'victims' suggested by J-AH come to mind. I'm not sure what difference being crowned would make. Since previous anointed Kings, such as Edward II and Henry VI, had been deposed, if Edward V's illegitimacy were revealed at any time, he was vulnerable. Wishing every one a Happy New Year, Doug here: To a certain extent I still find the idea that nobody knew of the Pre-Contract until Stillington informed the Council, but I think I'll have to amend that to no general knowledge of the Pre-Contract before that Council meeting. We do know that two people, Edward and Eleanor, knew of the marriage, and there's the supposition that there was a third person involved, a priest, but not Stillington, who performed the ceremony. I say supposition because, if I understand the law correctly, a simple statement, something on the order of I take thee as my wife/husband, even without a priest present, would have made a legal marriage. As far as we know, Edward kept his mouth shut. So who, if anyone, would Eleanor have told? Not only would the person or persons have to have been someone Eleanor trusted completely, they would also have to be someone who, if later asked about the marriage, were of sufficient importance to have their word taken as the truth. I'm not competent to say who that might, or might not, have been, only that I suspect the number was very limited; say, two or three at the most. Further than that, I have no idea. I will say that, while Buckingham may, somehow, have learned about the Pre-Contract, I would say he wasn't one of the original two or three Eleanor told. It's possible that, after the death of Edward IV, word of the Pre-Contract began circulating as those few who knew of it began to speak out. I doubt Rivers had heard anything about the Pre-Contract, or else his trip from Ludlow to London wouldn't have been so leisurely, surely? He'd have taken Edward and headed for London as fast as possible. Unless Buckingham managed to get all the non-Woodville Yorkists on his side, unlikely considering his betrayal of Richard, I can't see him as any sort of threat to a restored Edward V. So, while the Woodvilles might have considered him dangerous, I don't think it would have been likely. One never knows, of course... Edward being an anointed wouldn't, in and of itself, have protected him if knowledge of the Pre-Contract became known. What would have protected him was the timing of his coronation and anointing before Richard had taken up his position as Protector. During that period, even if for only a day or two, the Woodvilles and their adherents would be in a position to change the composition of the Council, appoint a Constable, an Admiral, summon a Parliament and, most importantly, threaten anyone who mentioned the Pre-Contract with the same punishments that mentioning it while Edward IV was alive. It was that stacking of the deck, so to speak, that mattered. And that could only happen before Richard reached London. Doug Who also hopes everyone has a Happy New Year!
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Forum] Buckingham
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Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Forum] Buckingham's Rebellion an
"I think the last time he met Richard was at the marriage of Richard of Shrewsbury"
Carol responds:
The marriage of the two children took place January 15 1478. but Richard saw Buckingham again soon after that during the trial (such as it was) of George of Clarence, when Buckingham temporarily took Richard's place as constable. George was executed February 18, 1478, and Richard left for the north soon afterwards. So that would be more than five years during which they didn't see each other (and Buckingham's role in George's trial would give Richard no reason to like him). Whether Buckingham remained at court (in close contact with the Woodvilles through his wife) or went home to Brecon at that point, I don't know.
Hilary wrote:
"Finally, a lot of this comes from Croyland and John Russell has been named as a potential chronicler."
Carol responds:
If I recall correctly, Russell has been pretty much ruled out as the chronicler. For one thing, he worked closely with Richard and must have played an active role in all the policies and decisions that Croyland decried. His draft for a speech at Edward V's coronation (never delivered, of course) asks Richard to continue his role as Protector, with increased powers, after the coronation until EV comes of age, and he must have had a say in the decision to try Anthony Woodville, Richard Gray, et al., for treason (with the guilty verdict a foregone conclusion). He would certainly have known that the investiture of Edward of Middleham as Prince of Wales was not a second coronation. The story that Richard deprived Russell of the Great Seal at the last minute is just a fiction. He needed it and Russell couldn't deliver it in person. Richard, had he lived, would have returned it to his chancellor's custody.
Whoever wrote the continuation of the Croyland chronicle knew a great deal less than Russell did and had more reason to be hostile--probably because, unlike Russell, he was not at the center of affairs after the death of Edward IV.
Carol
Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebellio
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Forum] Buckingham's Rebellion an
At Exeter Thomas St Leger, Richard's brother-in-law and Woodville/Haute relativeand Thomas Rameney, MB's messenger
Salisbury none (which is very lenient considering the number of rebels)
Kent George Browne MP Ex-Sheriff of Kent (but his brothers were only attainted) and William Clifford Squire of the Body
Newbury None
Devon and Cornwall None (like Salisbury pretty lenient)
London Ralph Clifford, Stephen Ireland (Tower Wardrober), William Davy (Pardoner), Robert Rushe (Sarjeant of London), John Smith (Groom of the Stirrup) and Henry Stafford - to do with plot to break into the Tower
That should add up to 10 out of 164. As Horrox says, apart from St Leger and the Tower 'gang' no-one really knows why the others were singled out because the Commission papers have conveniently 'vanished'. Hope this helps. H
On Monday, 1 January 2018, 12:47:01 GMT, Karen O karenoder4@... [] <> wrote:
I have been looking for a list of the actual people Richard had executed after the rebellion. How many? Is it on the internet anywhere?
On Dec 31, 2017 5:15 AM, "Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... []" <> wrote:
I've been mulling this over during the last few days (which have been spent in the kitchen:)).
You know if the whole Richard story was a work of fiction your agent would send it back to you and tell you to take Buckingham out. He just doesn't fit. Everyone else, like them or loath them, acts rationally to support their own aims. Buckingham appears out of nowhere, I think the last time he met Richard was at the marriage of Richard of Shrewsbury, and suddenly becomes his best buddy. Out of affection? No. There must be something to be gained from it and that says to me that Buckingham knew that Richard would have the upper edge over the Woodvilles. How could he know that? Rivers hadn't even been arrested yet. The only piece of knowledge which would make him think that is if he knew about the Pre Contract and the likelihood of it now coming to light. Then he would be in exactly the right place at the right time. From whom - one of the ladies mentioned below? Which one? I don't know..
There's one other piece of knowledge we don't have which is very surprising given that this period is supposed to be rife with rumours. That is why Richard and Buckingham fell out. Richard's anguish over Buckingham's betrayal rings down through the centuries - the 'most untrue creature'. Rarely do we get the opportunity to come that close to the soul of any monarch. Some historians have it that Richard discovered he had killed the princes, but then as both of you say, why rebel in their name? Could it be that Richard found out that he had 'set up' Hastings? In other words he had made Richard kill an innocent man. I truly can't buy Hastings going over to the Woodvilles. His family had hated the Greys for generations and would continue to do so.
Finally, a lot of this comes from Croyland and John Russell has been named as a potential chronicler. I'd like to know more about him. If I could prove he was related to the Russells of Strensham (and they did have clerics in their family) then it puts him bang in the middle of the Talbot/Hampton/Berkshire rebels (and Stillington) set. He's very elusive to chase. We know he has the 'right' Wykhamist background - Winchester and New College Oxford - as did they, and his first prebendary was at Salisbury, but it's not helped by there being so many Russells and so many Johns. I reckon there needs to be more work on him.
Happy New Year all. H
On Sunday, 31 December 2017, 01:43:29 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <@ yahoogroups.com> wrote:
Nico wrote: Your theory does fit and I agree that timing was essential. Buckingham and/or Morton must have started the rumours,... Doug here: I'm likely arguing against what I've posted in the past, but what do you think of the possibility that the rumors were simply the result of that failed rescue attempt? I believe Croyland simply states that rumors were spread, thus giving the impression that the dissemination of the rumors was deliberate, but what if it wasn't? However, and once again, if the rumors were the result of the failed rescue attempt, and presuming the original intention of the rebellion was to return Edward V to the throne, then there had to be someone who knew Edward was still alive and was in a position to say the rumors were just that: rumors. Someone such as his mother? Who we know was in communications with Margaret Beaufort, trying to arrange support for re-instating Edward? We know Margaret had links with Croyland Abbey, so cold she be the source of that entry? Among the people who'd be in possession of knowledge about Edward's status, Margaret would, because of her links with Elizabeth Woodville, certainly be high on the list. Which would also, or so it seems to me, increase the chances that whenever the chronicler made that entry, no mention was made about the boys still being alive <b>because that knowledge was widespread and didn't need refuting</b>. In the bits of Margaret's Attainder Carol provided, Margaret was accused of ...[raising loans] of great sums, as well within the City of London, as in other places in this Realm... Could some of that money gone for the failed rescue attempt? Or am I off on another wild-goose chase? If the rumors were deliberately spread, however, then Buckingham and/or Morton are the most likely originators but, lacking the speedy means of communications available nowadays, for such a rumor to have maximum impact it would require coordination that I don't think would have been possible in 1483. It just seems to me to be an awfully risky venture, ginning up a rebellion only to announce half-way into it that the person you're asking others to die for is dead. Nico continued: ...but I am increasingly curious about whether Buckingham was ever really in favour of restoring Edward V. He may have been drawn into the plot through his wife, Catherine Woodville, but I can see where the temptation to pursue his own ambitions may have got the better of him at an early stage. After the revelation of the precontract, his own claim was better. The former Edward V was an illegitimate son of a former King and a child, whereas Buckingham was an adult with an undisputed claim through the Stafford line, and could he really rely on the Woodvilles to exceed or even match what he had from Richard? Playing a supporting role to an bastard boy King, who would have been under the control of the surviving male Woodvilles was an uncertain and unsatisfactory future. His relationship with the Woodville family can't have been good, especially after Stony Stratford and his collaboration in the deposition of Edward V. Doug here: As we don't have any concrete evidence one way or the other, I still tend towards the belief that, at least at the outset, Buckingham's involvement was intended to restore Edward V to the throne. Presuming Edward was re-instated, the Pre-Contract could, as it has since, been denounced as a forgery by Richard so he could take the throne. As for Edward being controlled by the surviving male Woodvilles, I can only think of one Dorset. Rivers, Grey and Vaughan had been executed at Pontrefact in June. In fact, and once married to Elizabeth of York, Henry would have been third in line to the throne...at least until Edward or Richard had any sons.
Nico continued: As for why he turned on Richard, ego and ambition surely played a part, but there was probably something else. However, If he thought the Edward V plot could be successful, he may have had a reasonable fear for his own safety. There could also have been area of tension between the two of them, that has been unrecorded by history. This could explain why Buckingham didn't simply expose the plot to Richard. Doug here: Well, if Buckingham's ego and ambition were great enough, mightn't he have first gotten involved by picturing himself as the new Kingmaker, stepping into Warwick's boots as it were? If those rumors did originate with Buckingham, or even Morton, then, at some point, Buckingham changed his aim from becoming the next Warwick to becoming the next King. Could any tension between Buckingham and Richard have been nothing more than Richard recognizing that Buckingham's ego just didn't represent his abilities? Which, FWIW, might have been Morton's line of attack: Here was Henry Stafford, of royal descent and sidelined again by a York! First Edward IV, then Richard and, if he continued his support of Edward V, there was the risk he'd be pushed aside yet again. Now, if he was king... Nico continued:
The Woodville factor is also relevant to the question of what Buckingham had to offer MB. The Woodvilles were an unpopular clique who worked for their own benefit. The marriage between Elizabeth and Henry would have been helpful in Woodville regime, as it would satisfy MB's main need, which was Henry's return. Being a brother in law of the King would certainly bring some rewards, but everything about the Woodvilles suggests that they were a close circle who wouldn't offer much power to outsiders, even inlaws - especially ones with such strong links to Henry VI. Buckingham with stronger ties of blood, affinity and possibly friendship would be certain to give Henry a more powerful position. The proposed marriage with EoY would be of less use at this point, but in the event of Edward V's successful restoration, it was a good plan B. Doug here: If the original aim of both Buckingham and Margaret Beaufort was to return Edward V, with Buckingham benefiting by taking what he considered his rightful place at the right hand of the king and Margaret benefiting by getting Henry back and Henry's marriage to Elizabeth of York forming a close connection to Edward V. And as the Woodvilles, other Edward and Richard, were down to only Dorset as the senior male, an alliance between the Woodvilles, Buckingham and Margaret Beaufort makes sense to me. There's also the support of the entire Stanley clan in the offing presuming Edward did get the throne back. Then there'd also be any non-Woodville, anti-Ricardian Yorkists to be gathered in. Plus any left-over Lancastrians that might follow Margaret and Henry into Edward's camp. Whether the remaining representative/s of the Woodvilles could manage all these differing groups, I really don't know; only that it was their only chance to return to power.
Nico concluded: A few months ago, there was a discussion about Peter Hancock's theory about Catesby and Hastings, and who knew about the precontract before it was revealed. There was some discussion about Anne Beauchamp. Of all the people who could have had access to information about the precontract, Buckingham's mother, the other Margaret Beaufort, was certainly well placed to have found out, being Eleanor Talbot's first cousin, who was around the same age as ET, and who lived near her. ET's mother appears to have been close to her sisters (of the whole blood). If Buckingham learned of the precontract from his mother, he may have told MB. Or perhaps she knew anyway, because, the other Margaret Beaufort was once her sister in law. I'm not sure where this fits in, and it is speculation but I'm wondering if this rather incestuous circle knowing such an important secret before Richard did was the source of problems between Richard and Buckingham. Maybe Richard was never entirely comfortable with MB or Buckingham having a close relationship with her. Doug here: As for where any knowledge of the Pre-Contract would fit in, mightn't that knowledge have been the reason the Council accepted whatever evidence Stillington produced? While Edward IV was king, knowledge of the Pre-Contract certainly wouldn't be a general topic of conversation. Or so one might think, but that wouldn't preclude various people being in possession of that knowledge; it would only mean they didn't talk about it. Once Edward IV was dead, however, possession of such knowledge became a life-or-death matter. If, for example, any of the Woodvilles had learned of it, it would definitely give them a reason to have Edward V crowned as quickly as possibly. A greater reason, to my way of thinking, than simply trying to out-maneuver Richard in his position as Protector. If word about the Pre-Contract got out before Edward was crowned; well, we know what happened. Now, what would have happened had Edward already been crowned? I don't think Richard would have believed, without some form of proof, the claim that his brother was secretly married to someone when he married Elizabeth Woodville; not even if the claim had come from Buckingham. Which is why Stillington's proofs, whatever they were, were so important. And if the proofs were then added to claims by reputable people that they had known of the Pre-Contract but, for obvious reasons, had said nothing at the time well, that would be a different matter. Knowledge of the Pre-Contract, even belatedly, for the Woodvilles, OTOH... Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Forum] Buckingham
Going back to Hastings you know there is another motive for the Woodvilles wanting to get rid of him other than his support of Richard and potential influence on Edward V.
As I've said many times, the Greys (of Groby) and the Hastings family had been in gang warfare for the dominance of Leicestershire for a long time (and were still marauding in 1515). The squabbling High Sheriffs in neighbouring Warwickshire had just been contained by the Beauchamps and then Richard Neville. When Clarence took over Edward continually meddled to undermine his control and did this by virtually inviting Hastings and the Greys to step in. After the death of Clarence, Hastings's influence had extended to Coventry - then one of the top ten cities which made him virtually Lord of the Midlands south of the Trent.
That was some prize (and probably another reason why after the death of Hastings Richard lost Bosworth)! With Hastings out of the way and attainted that left the way wide open for the Greys. H
On Monday, 1 January 2018, 16:31:14 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary wrote: I've been mulling this over during the last few days (which have been spent in the kitchen:)). Doug here: Hope the result were satisfactory? Hilary continued: You know if the whole Richard story was a work of fiction your agent would send it back to you and tell you to take Buckingham out. He just doesn't fit. Everyone else, like them or loath them, acts rationally to support their own aims. Buckingham appears out of nowhere, I think the last time he met Richard was at the marriage of Richard of Shrewsbury, and suddenly becomes his best buddy. Out of affection? No. There must be something to be gained from it and that says to me that Buckingham knew that Richard would have the upper edge over the Woodvilles. How could he know that? Rivers hadn't even been arrested yet. The only piece of knowledge which would make him think that is if he knew about the Pre Contract and the likelihood of it now coming to light. Then he would be in exactly the right place at the right time. From whom - one of the ladies mentioned below? Which one? I don't know Doug here: What if the rumors about Buckingham not particularly liking his having been married to Catherine Woodville? Wouldn't that give him a reason? I mentioned in another post the possibility that at Northampton Buckingham informed Richard of a plot by the Woodvilles to capture, or even kill, Richard. Is it possible that Buckingham, having learned of the Woodville plot, hurried to meet Richard at Northampton, not only to forestall the plot, but also to, well, get in good with Richard? If the plot did encompass Richard's death, couldn't Buckingham have expected Richard's gratitude, at the least? A two-fer, so to speak; dishing the Woodvilles and making nice with the new Protector-to-be. What's not to like? Currently I rather lean towards Buckingham knowing of some plot against Richard, rather than possessing any knowledge of the Pre-Contract. However, it wouldn't be the first time I've been wrong! Hilary continued: There's one other piece of knowledge we don't have which is very surprising given that this period is supposed to be rife with rumours. That is why Richard and Buckingham fell out. Richard's anguish over Buckingham's betrayal rings down through the centuries - the 'most untrue creature'. Rarely do we get the opportunity to come that close to the soul of any monarch. Some historians have it that Richard discovered he had killed the princes, but then as both of you say, why rebel in their name? Could it be that Richard found out that he had 'set up' Hastings? In other words he had made Richard kill an innocent man. I truly can't buy Hastings going over to the Woodvilles. His family had hated the Greys for generations and would continue to do so. Doug here: In response to your remark about Hastings and the Greys, might I suggest Warwick and Margaret of Anjou? IOW, strictly, very strictly, a political marriage of convenience? Hastings, as later did Buckingham, discovered Richard wasn't going to include him in the governing inner circle and allied himself with those who needed him, desperately? Hilary concluded: Finally, a lot of this comes from Croyland and John Russell has been named as a potential chronicler. I'd like to know more about him. If I could prove he was related to the Russells of Strensham (and they did have clerics in their family) then it puts him bang in the middle of the Talbot/Hampton/Berkshire rebels (and Stillington) set. He's very elusive to chase. We know he has the 'right' Wykhamist background - Winchester and New College Oxford - as did they, and his first prebendary was at Salisbury, but it's not helped by there being so many Russells and so many Johns. I reckon there needs to be more work on him. Happy New Year all. Doug here: I may very well be going out on a limb here, but aren't there errors in Croyland that, if Russell was the Continuator, shouldn't be there? Especially omissions and facts that Russell should have both included and known to be false? My personal view is that whoever the Continuator was, it wasn't anyone in an appointed position such as Chancellor, but rather someone well-placed in the household of some such appointee. Do we know any members of Russell's household? And, more importantly, how they faired under Henry? Doug And a Happy New Year to you, too!
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Forum] Buckingham
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Forum] Buckingham
On Tuesday, 2 January 2018, 11:37:20 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary, that fits in with my theory that after Edward died there were certain people who couldn't be allowed to live. My theory was always based on the assumption that MB was plotting to put her darling son on the throne, but now I am not so sure it could possibly have been the Woodvilles. Part of my theory was that Hastings had to go because he would never put up with HT as King, he would have wanted E5 as King so that he could use his influence over him. However, your post throws up another reason for his demise. Curiouser and curiouser.
Mary
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Doug: I find it interesting that you use the word desperate to describe Anthony Woodville's actions, because the impression I get is that, while Edward's overall health mightn't give cause for any particular worries about this disease or that, if one's position was so completely dependent on that one particular person, as Woodville's was, then it would make sense to prepare for the worst ... As Protector, Richard would be charged with running the kingdom, but did the Protectorship automatically carry with it the control of Edward V's person?
I am inclined to agree with you here, and I don't think it would make sense for AW or any of the Woodvilles to murder EIV or hasten his demise in any way. Becoming more insular and not being able to sit on a horse suggests that whatever was wrong with EIV was serious, and would have been known by those close to him. The horse reference is also suggestive of diabetes because of the tendency towards ulceration in sensitive areas such as the groin and upper thighs. Actually, I would also speculate that there was a family history of diabetes because other Plantagenets who were tall and overweight in middle age had similar undefined health problems. John of Gaunt was obese and had ulceration in the groin area (often suggested as an STI, but diabetes is a better fit), the Black Prince may have had something similar and Henry VIII was also obese and had leg ulcers. Therefore, the circumstantial evidence does indicate that his health had been in general decline for some time, which has a lot of relevance to AW's intentions, and stopping Richard becoming Protector would have been essential to maintaining his position. As far as I know, as Protector, Richard would have had control of Edward V's person, and AW had every reason to fear being completely left out in the cold. If not exactly desperate, AW had every reason to be extremely concerned.
Doug:While Buckingham might have known of the Pre-Contract, it seems more likely to me that any information Buckingham might have passed on to Richard at Northampton was about a Woodville plot to either capture or kill Richard. Which also explains why the Rivers, Scales and Vaughan were executed after Hastings' plot was foiled they'd already been involved in one plot against Richard and, depending on how closely they'd been guarded, may have been involved, or at least had information, about Hastings' plot as well. Even if their being in custody prevented them from taking an active part in the plot, failure to inform Richard of the plot would have been treason.
Even if he wasn't actively involved in a Woodville plot, if Buckingham was in contract with AW, he may have deduced something from his behaviour, things he said or something someone else such as Catherine Woodville told him that made him certain that he would take drastic action to prevent Richard's protectorship. Given the events leading up to Stony Stratford, warning Richard would have been Buckingham's priority at the point. I have always been sceptical that Hastings would get involved with a conspiracy with the Woodvilles, given the history between them, but that would depend on how strongly Hastings felt about EV.
Doug:The only thing I can currently come up with is that Buckingham had not only had Morton placed in his custody but, after the coronation was also in Morton's company in Brecon and, quite likely, open to manipulation by Morton. Such manipulation would, or so it seems to me, have been based on Buckingham's ego at not being included in Richard's inner circle. ... The only male Woodville remaining was Dorset. Henry Tudor was a nobody whose support would be gained by his marriage to Elizabeth of York. Obviously, the only person capable of taking the role of advising (even managing?) Edward V would have been Buckingham himself. Thus an alliance of Buckingham and the Woodvilles would satisfy the interests of both parties
Buckingham may have seen himself in a 'Kingmaker' role after having 'rescued' Richard from the Woodville plot (possibly also giving information that led to the disclosure of the precontract) and felt Richard owed him a huge debt of gratitude which was not repaid when Buckingham was left out of his 'inner circle.' Anyone could feel slighted under the circumstances, but an impulsive and egotistical person could easily be turned especially if manipulated by someone like Morton. However, I'm not convinced Buckingham was ever really interesting in restoring Edward V. If Richard's rewards were unsatisfactory, it was equally predictable that Woodvilles would close ranks too. The problem with the Woodvilles in 1483, was that while Dorset may have taken his place, along with EW as EV's most senior advisor, Lionel, Edward and Richard Woodville were all still alive (until 1484, 1488 and 1491 respectively.) Richard of Shrewsbury would play major role later on. This is the Woodville clique that I envision as ultimately sidelining both Buckingham and HT. Lionel, as a Bishop could expect a particularly central role, and Edward, Richard and RofS would probably marry and have their own heirs, while the Woodville sisters and their husbands would be rewarded but kept at bay because they may have their own agendas. I also suspect that MB may have felt the same way, and the marriage of HT and EofY was something that would only go ahead if circumstances worked out in a way that it was in her and HT's best interests.
Doug: As far as we know, Edward kept his mouth shut. So who, if anyone, would Eleanor have told? I would say he wasn't one of the original two or three Eleanor told. I doubt Rivers had heard anything about the Pre-Contract, or else his trip from Ludlow to London wouldn't have been so leisurely, surely? He'd have taken Edward and headed for London as fast as possible. Edward being an anointed wouldn't, in and of itself, have protected him if knowledge of the Pre-Contract became known. What would have protected him was the timing of his coronation and anointing before Richard had taken up his position as Protector. During that period, even if for only a day or two, the Woodvilles and their adherents would be in a position to change the composition of the Council, appoint a Constable, an Admiral, summon a Parliament and, most importantly, threaten anyone who mentioned the Pre-Contract..
I think Buckingham would have been told the 'family secret' by his mother. If Eleanor told anyone, it would probably be her immediate family and possibly the Catesby family who were consulted for legal advice. While they may have felt powerless to protest, when the precontract was revealed, the Talbot family never objected to a story that would have been a slur on Eleanor's memory, which implied that they knew. Buckingham may not have known whether what he had been told was credible, but he may have passed what he knew onto Richard, who then investigated the matter - while supporting EV, assuming it wasn't true until provable. Then, Stillington came forward with the proof...As for AW, if he was worried about the precontract, it would have made sense to move even faster to make sure EV was crowned, then suppressed the information as you say. However, Clarence's suspicions about EW's paranoia in 1470s are also interesting, and if it was the precontract that caused her insecurity, then the other Woodvilles probably did know. Perhaps AW was overconfident and too focused on pushing out Richard to worry about the precontract.
Nico
Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckin
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Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Forum] Buckingham's Rebellion an
On Jan 2, 2018 5:58 AM, "Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... []" <> wrote:
Hi Karen, Here we go:
At Exeter Thomas St Leger, Richard's brother-in-law and Woodville/Haute relativeand Thomas Rameney, MB's messenger
Salisbury none (which is very lenient considering the number of rebels)
Kent George Browne MP Ex-Sheriff of Kent (but his brothers were only attainted) and William Clifford Squire of the Body
Newbury None
Devon and Cornwall None (like Salisbury pretty lenient)
London Ralph Clifford, Stephen Ireland (Tower Wardrober), William Davy (Pardoner), Robert Rushe (Sarjeant of London), John Smith (Groom of the Stirrup) and Henry Stafford - to do with plot to break into the Tower
That should add up to 10 out of 164. As Horrox says, apart from St Leger and the Tower 'gang' no-one really knows why the others were singled out because the Commission papers have conveniently 'vanished'. Hope this helps. H
On Monday, 1 January 2018, 12:47:01 GMT, Karen O karenoder4@... [] <@ yahoogroups.com> wrote:
I have been looking for a list of the actual people Richard had executed after the rebellion. How many? Is it on the internet anywhere?
On Dec 31, 2017 5:15 AM, "Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... []" <@ yahoogroups.com> wrote:
I've been mulling this over during the last few days (which have been spent in the kitchen:)).
You know if the whole Richard story was a work of fiction your agent would send it back to you and tell you to take Buckingham out. He just doesn't fit. Everyone else, like them or loath them, acts rationally to support their own aims. Buckingham appears out of nowhere, I think the last time he met Richard was at the marriage of Richard of Shrewsbury, and suddenly becomes his best buddy. Out of affection? No. There must be something to be gained from it and that says to me that Buckingham knew that Richard would have the upper edge over the Woodvilles. How could he know that? Rivers hadn't even been arrested yet. The only piece of knowledge which would make him think that is if he knew about the Pre Contract and the likelihood of it now coming to light. Then he would be in exactly the right place at the right time. From whom - one of the ladies mentioned below? Which one? I don't know...
There's one other piece of knowledge we don't have which is very surprising given that this period is supposed to be rife with rumours. That is why Richard and Buckingham fell out. Richard's anguish over Buckingham's betrayal rings down through the centuries - the 'most untrue creature'. Rarely do we get the opportunity to come that close to the soul of any monarch. Some historians have it that Richard discovered he had killed the princes, but then as both of you say, why rebel in their name? Could it be that Richard found out that he had 'set up' Hastings? In other words he had made Richard kill an innocent man. I truly can't buy Hastings going over to the Woodvilles. His family had hated the Greys for generations and would continue to do so.
Finally, a lot of this comes from Croyland and John Russell has been named as a potential chronicler. I'd like to know more about him. If I could prove he was related to the Russells of Strensham (and they did have clerics in their family) then it puts him bang in the middle of the Talbot/Hampton/Berkshire rebels (and Stillington) set. He's very elusive to chase.. We know he has the 'right' Wykhamist background - Winchester and New College Oxford - as did they, and his first prebendary was at Salisbury, but it's not helped by there being so many Russells and so many Johns. I reckon there needs to be more work on him.
Happy New Year all. H
On Sunday, 31 December 2017, 01:43:29 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <@ yahoogroups.com> wrote:
Nico wrote: Your theory does fit and I agree that timing was essential. Buckingham and/or Morton must have started the rumours,... Doug here: I'm likely arguing against what I've posted in the past, but what do you think of the possibility that the rumors were simply the result of that failed rescue attempt? I believe Croyland simply states that rumors were spread, thus giving the impression that the dissemination of the rumors was deliberate, but what if it wasn't? However, and once again, if the rumors were the result of the failed rescue attempt, and presuming the original intention of the rebellion was to return Edward V to the throne, then there had to be someone who knew Edward was still alive and was in a position to say the rumors were just that: rumors. Someone such as his mother? Who we know was in communications with Margaret Beaufort, trying to arrange support for re-instating Edward? We know Margaret had links with Croyland Abbey, so cold she be the source of that entry? Among the people who'd be in possession of knowledge about Edward's status, Margaret would, because of her links with Elizabeth Woodville, certainly be high on the list. Which would also, or so it seems to me, increase the chances that whenever the chronicler made that entry, no mention was made about the boys still being alive <b>because that knowledge was widespread and didn't need refuting</b>. In the bits of Margaret's Attainder Carol provided, Margaret was accused of ...[raising loans] of great sums, as well within the City of London, as in other places in this Realm... Could some of that money gone for the failed rescue attempt? Or am I off on another wild-goose chase? If the rumors were deliberately spread, however, then Buckingham and/or Morton are the most likely originators but, lacking the speedy means of communications available nowadays, for such a rumor to have maximum impact it would require coordination that I don't think would have been possible in 1483. It just seems to me to be an awfully risky venture, ginning up a rebellion only to announce half-way into it that the person you're asking others to die for is dead. Nico continued: ...but I am increasingly curious about whether Buckingham was ever really in favour of restoring Edward V. He may have been drawn into the plot through his wife, Catherine Woodville, but I can see where the temptation to pursue his own ambitions may have got the better of him at an early stage. After the revelation of the precontract, his own claim was better. The former Edward V was an illegitimate son of a former King and a child, whereas Buckingham was an adult with an undisputed claim through the Stafford line, and could he really rely on the Woodvilles to exceed or even match what he had from Richard? Playing a supporting role to an bastard boy King, who would have been under the control of the surviving male Woodvilles was an uncertain and unsatisfactory future. His relationship with the Woodville family can't have been good, especially after Stony Stratford and his collaboration in the deposition of Edward V. Doug here: As we don't have any concrete evidence one way or the other, I still tend towards the belief that, at least at the outset, Buckingham's involvement was intended to restore Edward V to the throne. Presuming Edward was re-instated, the Pre-Contract could, as it has since, been denounced as a forgery by Richard so he could take the throne. As for Edward being controlled by the surviving male Woodvilles, I can only think of one Dorset. Rivers, Grey and Vaughan had been executed at Pontrefact in June. In fact, and once married to Elizabeth of York, Henry would have been third in line to the throne...at least until Edward or Richard had any sons.
Nico continued: As for why he turned on Richard, ego and ambition surely played a part, but there was probably something else. However, If he thought the Edward V plot could be successful, he may have had a reasonable fear for his own safety. There could also have been area of tension between the two of them, that has been unrecorded by history. This could explain why Buckingham didn't simply expose the plot to Richard. Doug here: Well, if Buckingham's ego and ambition were great enough, mightn't he have first gotten involved by picturing himself as the new Kingmaker, stepping into Warwick's boots as it were? If those rumors did originate with Buckingham, or even Morton, then, at some point, Buckingham changed his aim from becoming the next Warwick to becoming the next King. Could any tension between Buckingham and Richard have been nothing more than Richard recognizing that Buckingham's ego just didn't represent his abilities? Which, FWIW, might have been Morton's line of attack: Here was Henry Stafford, of royal descent and sidelined again by a York! First Edward IV, then Richard and, if he continued his support of Edward V, there was the risk he'd be pushed aside yet again. Now, if he was king... Nico continued:
The Woodville factor is also relevant to the question of what Buckingham had to offer MB. The Woodvilles were an unpopular clique who worked for their own benefit. The marriage between Elizabeth and Henry would have been helpful in Woodville regime, as it would satisfy MB's main need, which was Henry's return. Being a brother in law of the King would certainly bring some rewards, but everything about the Woodvilles suggests that they were a close circle who wouldn't offer much power to outsiders, even inlaws - especially ones with such strong links to Henry VI. Buckingham with stronger ties of blood, affinity and possibly friendship would be certain to give Henry a more powerful position. The proposed marriage with EoY would be of less use at this point, but in the event of Edward V's successful restoration, it was a good plan B. Doug here: If the original aim of both Buckingham and Margaret Beaufort was to return Edward V, with Buckingham benefiting by taking what he considered his rightful place at the right hand of the king and Margaret benefiting by getting Henry back and Henry's marriage to Elizabeth of York forming a close connection to Edward V. And as the Woodvilles, other Edward and Richard, were down to only Dorset as the senior male, an alliance between the Woodvilles, Buckingham and Margaret Beaufort makes sense to me. There's also the support of the entire Stanley clan in the offing presuming Edward did get the throne back. Then there'd also be any non-Woodville, anti-Ricardian Yorkists to be gathered in. Plus any left-over Lancastrians that might follow Margaret and Henry into Edward's camp. Whether the remaining representative/s of the Woodvilles could manage all these differing groups, I really don't know; only that it was their only chance to return to power.
Nico concluded: A few months ago, there was a discussion about Peter Hancock's theory about Catesby and Hastings, and who knew about the precontract before it was revealed. There was some discussion about Anne Beauchamp. Of all the people who could have had access to information about the precontract, Buckingham's mother, the other Margaret Beaufort, was certainly well placed to have found out, being Eleanor Talbot's first cousin, who was around the same age as ET, and who lived near her. ET's mother appears to have been close to her sisters (of the whole blood). If Buckingham learned of the precontract from his mother, he may have told MB. Or perhaps she knew anyway, because, the other Margaret Beaufort was once her sister in law. I'm not sure where this fits in, and it is speculation but I'm wondering if this rather incestuous circle knowing such an important secret before Richard did was the source of problems between Richard and Buckingham. Maybe Richard was never entirely comfortable with MB or Buckingham having a close relationship with her. Doug here: As for where any knowledge of the Pre-Contract would fit in, mightn't that knowledge have been the reason the Council accepted whatever evidence Stillington produced? While Edward IV was king, knowledge of the Pre-Contract certainly wouldn't be a general topic of conversation. Or so one might think, but that wouldn't preclude various people being in possession of that knowledge; it would only mean they didn't talk about it. Once Edward IV was dead, however, possession of such knowledge became a life-or-death matter. If, for example, any of the Woodvilles had learned of it, it would definitely give them a reason to have Edward V crowned as quickly as possibly. A greater reason, to my way of thinking, than simply trying to out-maneuver Richard in his position as Protector. If word about the Pre-Contract got out before Edward was crowned; well, we know what happened. Now, what would have happened had Edward already been crowned? I don't think Richard would have believed, without some form of proof, the claim that his brother was secretly married to someone when he married Elizabeth Woodville; not even if the claim had come from Buckingham. Which is why Stillington's proofs, whatever they were, were so important. And if the proofs were then added to claims by reputable people that they had known of the Pre-Contract but, for obvious reasons, had said nothing at the time well, that would be a different matter. Knowledge of the Pre-Contract, even belatedly, for the Woodvilles, OTOH... Doug
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
On Dec 28, 2017 9:37 AM, "nico11238@... []" <> wrote:
Doug wrote:
Doug wrote: Who Margaret actually supported seems to me to boil down to when the rumors were spread and, even more importantly, by whom... I rule out Richard because he'd promised their mother he'd take care of the boys and Elizabeth Woodville's later actions support the view that Richard did. That would leave Morton or Buckingham as likely originators of the rumor. And for either of them, once again, timing would have been all. I firmly believe the original intention of those involved was to restore Edward to the throne, possibly with Buckingham assuming a Kingmaker role. In that case, rumors about the boys' deaths would be disastrous! Supposing Buckingham decided to use the rebellion as a means for him to get throne, then the rumors make sense. What did Buckingham have to offer Margaret that was better than Henry becoming the brother-in-law of the king?Your theory does fit and I agree that timing was essential. Buckingham and/or Morton must have started the rumours, but I am increasingly curious about whether Buckingham was ever really in favour of restoring Edward V. He may have been drawn into the plot through his wife, Catherine Woodville, but I can see where the temptation to pursue his own ambitions may have got the better of him at an early stage. After the revelation of the precontract, his own claim was better. The former Edward V was an illegitimate son of a former King and a child, whereas Buckingham was an adult with an undisputed claim through the Stafford line, and could he really rely on the Woodvilles to exceed or even match what he had from Richard? Playing a supporting role to an bastard boy King, who would have been under the control of the surviving male Woodvilles was an uncertain and unsatisfactory future. His relationship with the Woodville family can't have been good, especially after Stony Stratford and his collaboration in the deposition of Edward V.
As for why he turned on Richard, ego and ambition surely played a part, but there was probably something else. However, If he thought the Edward V plot could be successful, he may have had a reasonable fear for his own safety. There could also have been area of tension between the two of them, that has been unrecorded by history. This could explain why Buckingham didn't simply expose the plot to Richard.
The Woodville factor is also relevant to the question of what Buckingham had to offer MB. The Woodvilles were an unpopular clique who worked for their own benefit. The marriage between Elizabeth and Henry would have been helpful in Woodville regime, as it would satisfy MB's main need, which was Henry's return. Being a brother in law of the King would certainly bring some rewards, but everything about the Woodvilles suggests that they were a close circle who wouldn't offer much power to outsiders, even inlaws - especially ones with such strong links to Henry VI. Buckingham with stronger ties of blood, affinity and possibly friendship would be certain to give Henry a more powerful position. The proposed marriage with EoY would be of less use at this point, but in the event of Edward V's successful restoration, it was a good plan B.
A few months ago, there was a discussion about Peter Hancock's theory about Catesby and Hastings, and who knew about the precontract before it was revealed. There was some discussion about Anne Beauchamp. Of all the people who could have had access to information about the precontract, Buckingham's mother, the other Margaret Beaufort, was certainly well placed to have found out, being Eleanor Talbot's first cousin, who was around the same age as ET, and who lived near her. ET's mother appears to have been close to her sisters (of the whole blood). If Buckingham learned of the precontract from his mother, he may have told MB. Or perhaps she knew anyway, because, the other Margaret Beaufort was once her sister in law. I'm not sure where this fits in, and it is speculation but I'm wondering if this rather incestuous circle knowing such an important secret before Richard did was the source of problems between Richard and Buckingham. Maybe Richard was never entirely comfortable with MB or Buckingham having a close relationship with her.
Nico
Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Forum] Buckingham's Rebellion an
If you are looking at the numbers of rebels executed, it is necessary to bear in mind the numbers who escaped after the failure of the rebellion. The fact that a rebel was not executed does not imply leniency when that rebel was not available. Many of the leaders escaped, especially from the west country.
Examples - Dorset, Courtenay, Sir Robert Willoughby and his brother, Edgcombe...
RegardsDavid
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On Tue, 2 Jan 2018 at 16:41, Karen O karenoder4@... []<> wrote:
Thank you so much. Is this from Horrox? How do these numbers compare to other kings?
On Jan 2, 2018 5:58 AM, "Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... []" <> wrote:
Hi Karen, Here we go:
At Exeter Thomas St Leger, Richard's brother-in-law and Woodville/Haute relativeand Thomas Rameney, MB's messenger
Salisbury none (which is very lenient considering the number of rebels)
Kent George Browne MP Ex-Sheriff of Kent (but his brothers were only attainted) and William Clifford Squire of the Body
Newbury None
Devon and Cornwall None (like Salisbury pretty lenient)
London Ralph Clifford, Stephen Ireland (Tower Wardrober), William Davy (Pardoner), Robert Rushe (Sarjeant of London), John Smith (Groom of the Stirrup) and Henry Stafford - to do with plot to break into the Tower
That should add up to 10 out of 164. As Horrox says, apart from St Leger and the Tower 'gang' no-one really knows why the others were singled out because the Commission papers have conveniently 'vanished'. Hope this helps. H
On Monday, 1 January 2018, 12:47:01 GMT, Karen O karenoder4@... [] <@ yahoogroups..com> wrote:
I have been looking for a list of the actual people Richard had executed after the rebellion. How many? Is it on the internet anywhere?
On Dec 31, 2017 5:15 AM, "Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... []" <@ yahoogroups..com> wrote:
I've been mulling this over during the last few days (which have been spent in the kitchen:)).
You know if the whole Richard story was a work of fiction your agent would send it back to you and tell you to take Buckingham out. He just doesn't fit. Everyone else, like them or loath them, acts rationally to support their own aims. Buckingham appears out of nowhere, I think the last time he met Richard was at the marriage of Richard of Shrewsbury, and suddenly becomes his best buddy. Out of affection? No. There must be something to be gained from it and that says to me that Buckingham knew that Richard would have the upper edge over the Woodvilles. How could he know that? Rivers hadn't even been arrested yet. The only piece of knowledge which would make him think that is if he knew about the Pre Contract and the likelihood of it now coming to light. Then he would be in exactly the right place at the right time. From whom - one of the ladies mentioned below? Which one? I don't know...
There's one other piece of knowledge we don't have which is very surprising given that this period is supposed to be rife with rumours. That is why Richard and Buckingham fell out. Richard's anguish over Buckingham's betrayal rings down through the centuries - the 'most untrue creature'. Rarely do we get the opportunity to come that close to the soul of any monarch.. Some historians have it that Richard discovered he had killed the princes, but then as both of you say, why rebel in their name? Could it be that Richard found out that he had 'set up' Hastings? In other words he had made Richard kill an innocent man. I truly can't buy Hastings going over to the Woodvilles. His family had hated the Greys for generations and would continue to do so.
Finally, a lot of this comes from Croyland and John Russell has been named as a potential chronicler. I'd like to know more about him. If I could prove he was related to the Russells of Strensham (and they did have clerics in their family) then it puts him bang in the middle of the Talbot/Hampton/Berkshire rebels (and Stillington) set. He's very elusive to chase.. We know he has the 'right' Wykhamist background - Winchester and New College Oxford - as did they, and his first prebendary was at Salisbury, but it's not helped by there being so many Russells and so many Johns. I reckon there needs to be more work on him.
Happy New Year all. H
On Sunday, 31 December 2017, 01:43:29 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <@ yahoogroups.com> wrote:
Nico wrote: Your theory does fit and I agree that timing was essential. Buckingham and/or Morton must have started the rumours,... Doug here: I'm likely arguing against what I've posted in the past, but what do you think of the possibility that the rumors were simply the result of that failed rescue attempt? I believe Croyland simply states that rumors were spread, thus giving the impression that the dissemination of the rumors was deliberate, but what if it wasn't? However, and once again, if the rumors were the result of the failed rescue attempt, and presuming the original intention of the rebellion was to return Edward V to the throne, then there had to be someone who knew Edward was still alive and was in a position to say the rumors were just that: rumors. Someone such as his mother? Who we know was in communications with Margaret Beaufort, trying to arrange support for re-instating Edward? We know Margaret had links with Croyland Abbey, so cold she be the source of that entry? Among the people who'd be in possession of knowledge about Edward's status, Margaret would, because of her links with Elizabeth Woodville, certainly be high on the list. Which would also, or so it seems to me, increase the chances that whenever the chronicler made that entry, no mention was made about the boys still being alive <b>because that knowledge was widespread and didn't need refuting</b>. In the bits of Margaret's Attainder Carol provided, Margaret was accused of ...[raising loans] of great sums, as well within the City of London, as in other places in this Realm... Could some of that money gone for the failed rescue attempt? Or am I off on another wild-goose chase? If the rumors were deliberately spread, however, then Buckingham and/or Morton are the most likely originators but, lacking the speedy means of communications available nowadays, for such a rumor to have maximum impact it would require coordination that I don't think would have been possible in 1483. It just seems to me to be an awfully risky venture, ginning up a rebellion only to announce half-way into it that the person you're asking others to die for is dead. Nico continued: ...but I am increasingly curious about whether Buckingham was ever really in favour of restoring Edward V. He may have been drawn into the plot through his wife, Catherine Woodville, but I can see where the temptation to pursue his own ambitions may have got the better of him at an early stage. After the revelation of the precontract, his own claim was better. The former Edward V was an illegitimate son of a former King and a child, whereas Buckingham was an adult with an undisputed claim through the Stafford line, and could he really rely on the Woodvilles to exceed or even match what he had from Richard? Playing a supporting role to an bastard boy King, who would have been under the control of the surviving male Woodvilles was an uncertain and unsatisfactory future. His relationship with the Woodville family can't have been good, especially after Stony Stratford and his collaboration in the deposition of Edward V. Doug here: As we don't have any concrete evidence one way or the other, I still tend towards the belief that, at least at the outset, Buckingham's involvement was intended to restore Edward V to the throne. Presuming Edward was re-instated, the Pre-Contract could, as it has since, been denounced as a forgery by Richard so he could take the throne. As for Edward being controlled by the surviving male Woodvilles, I can only think of one Dorset. Rivers, Grey and Vaughan had been executed at Pontrefact in June. In fact, and once married to Elizabeth of York, Henry would have been third in line to the throne...at least until Edward or Richard had any sons.
Nico continued: As for why he turned on Richard, ego and ambition surely played a part, but there was probably something else. However, If he thought the Edward V plot could be successful, he may have had a reasonable fear for his own safety. There could also have been area of tension between the two of them, that has been unrecorded by history. This could explain why Buckingham didn't simply expose the plot to Richard. Doug here: Well, if Buckingham's ego and ambition were great enough, mightn't he have first gotten involved by picturing himself as the new Kingmaker, stepping into Warwick's boots as it were? If those rumors did originate with Buckingham, or even Morton, then, at some point, Buckingham changed his aim from becoming the next Warwick to becoming the next King. Could any tension between Buckingham and Richard have been nothing more than Richard recognizing that Buckingham's ego just didn't represent his abilities? Which, FWIW, might have been Morton's line of attack: Here was Henry Stafford, of royal descent and sidelined again by a York! First Edward IV, then Richard and, if he continued his support of Edward V, there was the risk he'd be pushed aside yet again. Now, if he was king... Nico continued:
The Woodville factor is also relevant to the question of what Buckingham had to offer MB. The Woodvilles were an unpopular clique who worked for their own benefit. The marriage between Elizabeth and Henry would have been helpful in Woodville regime, as it would satisfy MB's main need, which was Henry's return. Being a brother in law of the King would certainly bring some rewards, but everything about the Woodvilles suggests that they were a close circle who wouldn't offer much power to outsiders, even inlaws - especially ones with such strong links to Henry VI. Buckingham with stronger ties of blood, affinity and possibly friendship would be certain to give Henry a more powerful position. The proposed marriage with EoY would be of less use at this point, but in the event of Edward V's successful restoration, it was a good plan B. Doug here: If the original aim of both Buckingham and Margaret Beaufort was to return Edward V, with Buckingham benefiting by taking what he considered his rightful place at the right hand of the king and Margaret benefiting by getting Henry back and Henry's marriage to Elizabeth of York forming a close connection to Edward V. And as the Woodvilles, other Edward and Richard, were down to only Dorset as the senior male, an alliance between the Woodvilles, Buckingham and Margaret Beaufort makes sense to me. There's also the support of the entire Stanley clan in the offing presuming Edward did get the throne back. Then there'd also be any non-Woodville, anti-Ricardian Yorkists to be gathered in. Plus any left-over Lancastrians that might follow Margaret and Henry into Edward's camp. Whether the remaining representative/s of the Woodvilles could manage all these differing groups, I really don't know; only that it was their only chance to return to power.
Nico concluded: A few months ago, there was a discussion about Peter Hancock's theory about Catesby and Hastings, and who knew about the precontract before it was revealed. There was some discussion about Anne Beauchamp. Of all the people who could have had access to information about the precontract, Buckingham's mother, the other Margaret Beaufort, was certainly well placed to have found out, being Eleanor Talbot's first cousin, who was around the same age as ET, and who lived near her. ET's mother appears to have been close to her sisters (of the whole blood). If Buckingham learned of the precontract from his mother, he may have told MB. Or perhaps she knew anyway, because, the other Margaret Beaufort was once her sister in law. I'm not sure where this fits in, and it is speculation but I'm wondering if this rather incestuous circle knowing such an important secret before Richard did was the source of problems between Richard and Buckingham. Maybe Richard was never entirely comfortable with MB or Buckingham having a close relationship with her. Doug here: As for where any knowledge of the Pre-Contract would fit in, mightn't that knowledge have been the reason the Council accepted whatever evidence Stillington produced? While Edward IV was king, knowledge of the Pre-Contract certainly wouldn't be a general topic of conversation. Or so one might think, but that wouldn't preclude various people being in possession of that knowledge; it would only mean they didn't talk about it. Once Edward IV was dead, however, possession of such knowledge became a life-or-death matter. If, for example, any of the Woodvilles had learned of it, it would definitely give them a reason to have Edward V crowned as quickly as possibly. A greater reason, to my way of thinking, than simply trying to out-maneuver Richard in his position as Protector. If word about the Pre-Contract got out before Edward was crowned; well, we know what happened. Now, what would have happened had Edward already been crowned? I don't think Richard would have believed, without some form of proof, the claim that his brother was secretly married to someone when he married Elizabeth Woodville; not even if the claim had come from Buckingham. Which is why Stillington's proofs, whatever they were, were so important. And if the proofs were then added to claims by reputable people that they had known of the Pre-Contract but, for obvious reasons, had said nothing at the time well, that would be a different matter. Knowledge of the Pre-Contract, even belatedly, for the Woodvilles, OTOH... Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Forum] Buckingham's Rebellion an
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On Tuesday, January 2, 2018, 10:14 pm, Durose David daviddurose2000@... [] <> wrote:
Karen and Hilary,
If you are looking at the numbers of rebels executed, it is necessary to bear in mind the numbers who escaped after the failure of the rebellion. The fact that a rebel was not executed does not imply leniency when that rebel was not available. Many of the leaders escaped, especially from the west country.
Examples - Dorset, Courtenay, Sir Robert Willoughby and his brother, Edgcombe...
RegardsDavid
Sent from Yahoo Mail on Android
On Tue, 2 Jan 2018 at 16:41, Karen O karenoder4@... []<> wrote:
Thank you so much. Is this from Horrox? How do these numbers compare to other kings?
On Jan 2, 2018 5:58 AM, "Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... []" <> wrote:
Hi Karen, Here we go:
At Exeter Thomas St Leger, Richard's brother-in-law and Woodville/Haute relativeand Thomas Rameney, MB's messenger
Salisbury none (which is very lenient considering the number of rebels)
Kent George Browne MP Ex-Sheriff of Kent (but his brothers were only attainted) and William Clifford Squire of the Body
Newbury None
Devon and Cornwall None (like Salisbury pretty lenient)
London Ralph Clifford, Stephen Ireland (Tower Wardrober), William Davy (Pardoner), Robert Rushe (Sarjeant of London), John Smith (Groom of the Stirrup) and Henry Stafford - to do with plot to break into the Tower
That should add up to 10 out of 164. As Horrox says, apart from St Leger and the Tower 'gang' no-one really knows why the others were singled out because the Commission papers have conveniently 'vanished'. Hope this helps. H
On Monday, 1 January 2018, 12:47:01 GMT, Karen O karenoder4@... [] <@ yahoogroups..com> wrote:
I have been looking for a list of the actual people Richard had executed after the rebellion. How many? Is it on the internet anywhere?
On Dec 31, 2017 5:15 AM, "Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... []" <@ yahoogroups..com> wrote:
I've been mulling this over during the last few days (which have been spent in the kitchen:)).
You know if the whole Richard story was a work of fiction your agent would send it back to you and tell you to take Buckingham out. He just doesn't fit. Everyone else, like them or loath them, acts rationally to support their own aims. Buckingham appears out of nowhere, I think the last time he met Richard was at the marriage of Richard of Shrewsbury, and suddenly becomes his best buddy. Out of affection? No. There must be something to be gained from it and that says to me that Buckingham knew that Richard would have the upper edge over the Woodvilles. How could he know that? Rivers hadn't even been arrested yet. The only piece of knowledge which would make him think that is if he knew about the Pre Contract and the likelihood of it now coming to light. Then he would be in exactly the right place at the right time. From whom - one of the ladies mentioned below? Which one? I don't know....
There's one other piece of knowledge we don't have which is very surprising given that this period is supposed to be rife with rumours. That is why Richard and Buckingham fell out. Richard's anguish over Buckingham's betrayal rings down through the centuries - the 'most untrue creature'. Rarely do we get the opportunity to come that close to the soul of any monarch.. Some historians have it that Richard discovered he had killed the princes, but then as both of you say, why rebel in their name? Could it be that Richard found out that he had 'set up' Hastings? In other words he had made Richard kill an innocent man. I truly can't buy Hastings going over to the Woodvilles. His family had hated the Greys for generations and would continue to do so.
Finally, a lot of this comes from Croyland and John Russell has been named as a potential chronicler. I'd like to know more about him. If I could prove he was related to the Russells of Strensham (and they did have clerics in their family) then it puts him bang in the middle of the Talbot/Hampton/Berkshire rebels (and Stillington) set. He's very elusive to chase.. We know he has the 'right' Wykhamist background - Winchester and New College Oxford - as did they, and his first prebendary was at Salisbury, but it's not helped by there being so many Russells and so many Johns. I reckon there needs to be more work on him.
Happy New Year all. H
On Sunday, 31 December 2017, 01:43:29 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <@ yahoogroups.com> wrote:
Nico wrote: Your theory does fit and I agree that timing was essential. Buckingham and/or Morton must have started the rumours,... Doug here: I'm likely arguing against what I've posted in the past, but what do you think of the possibility that the rumors were simply the result of that failed rescue attempt? I believe Croyland simply states that rumors were spread, thus giving the impression that the dissemination of the rumors was deliberate, but what if it wasn't? However, and once again, if the rumors were the result of the failed rescue attempt, and presuming the original intention of the rebellion was to return Edward V to the throne, then there had to be someone who knew Edward was still alive and was in a position to say the rumors were just that: rumors. Someone such as his mother? Who we know was in communications with Margaret Beaufort, trying to arrange support for re-instating Edward? We know Margaret had links with Croyland Abbey, so cold she be the source of that entry? Among the people who'd be in possession of knowledge about Edward's status, Margaret would, because of her links with Elizabeth Woodville, certainly be high on the list. Which would also, or so it seems to me, increase the chances that whenever the chronicler made that entry, no mention was made about the boys still being alive <b>because that knowledge was widespread and didn't need refuting</b>. In the bits of Margaret's Attainder Carol provided, Margaret was accused of ...[raising loans] of great sums, as well within the City of London, as in other places in this Realm... Could some of that money gone for the failed rescue attempt? Or am I off on another wild-goose chase? If the rumors were deliberately spread, however, then Buckingham and/or Morton are the most likely originators but, lacking the speedy means of communications available nowadays, for such a rumor to have maximum impact it would require coordination that I don't think would have been possible in 1483. It just seems to me to be an awfully risky venture, ginning up a rebellion only to announce half-way into it that the person you're asking others to die for is dead. Nico continued: ...but I am increasingly curious about whether Buckingham was ever really in favour of restoring Edward V. He may have been drawn into the plot through his wife, Catherine Woodville, but I can see where the temptation to pursue his own ambitions may have got the better of him at an early stage. After the revelation of the precontract, his own claim was better. The former Edward V was an illegitimate son of a former King and a child, whereas Buckingham was an adult with an undisputed claim through the Stafford line, and could he really rely on the Woodvilles to exceed or even match what he had from Richard? Playing a supporting role to an bastard boy King, who would have been under the control of the surviving male Woodvilles was an uncertain and unsatisfactory future. His relationship with the Woodville family can't have been good, especially after Stony Stratford and his collaboration in the deposition of Edward V. Doug here: As we don't have any concrete evidence one way or the other, I still tend towards the belief that, at least at the outset, Buckingham's involvement was intended to restore Edward V to the throne. Presuming Edward was re-instated, the Pre-Contract could, as it has since, been denounced as a forgery by Richard so he could take the throne. As for Edward being controlled by the surviving male Woodvilles, I can only think of one Dorset. Rivers, Grey and Vaughan had been executed at Pontrefact in June. In fact, and once married to Elizabeth of York, Henry would have been third in line to the throne...at least until Edward or Richard had any sons.
Nico continued: As for why he turned on Richard, ego and ambition surely played a part, but there was probably something else. However, If he thought the Edward V plot could be successful, he may have had a reasonable fear for his own safety. There could also have been area of tension between the two of them, that has been unrecorded by history. This could explain why Buckingham didn't simply expose the plot to Richard. Doug here: Well, if Buckingham's ego and ambition were great enough, mightn't he have first gotten involved by picturing himself as the new Kingmaker, stepping into Warwick's boots as it were? If those rumors did originate with Buckingham, or even Morton, then, at some point, Buckingham changed his aim from becoming the next Warwick to becoming the next King. Could any tension between Buckingham and Richard have been nothing more than Richard recognizing that Buckingham's ego just didn't represent his abilities? Which, FWIW, might have been Morton's line of attack: Here was Henry Stafford, of royal descent and sidelined again by a York! First Edward IV, then Richard and, if he continued his support of Edward V, there was the risk he'd be pushed aside yet again. Now, if he was king... Nico continued:
The Woodville factor is also relevant to the question of what Buckingham had to offer MB. The Woodvilles were an unpopular clique who worked for their own benefit. The marriage between Elizabeth and Henry would have been helpful in Woodville regime, as it would satisfy MB's main need, which was Henry's return. Being a brother in law of the King would certainly bring some rewards, but everything about the Woodvilles suggests that they were a close circle who wouldn't offer much power to outsiders, even inlaws - especially ones with such strong links to Henry VI. Buckingham with stronger ties of blood, affinity and possibly friendship would be certain to give Henry a more powerful position. The proposed marriage with EoY would be of less use at this point, but in the event of Edward V's successful restoration, it was a good plan B. Doug here: If the original aim of both Buckingham and Margaret Beaufort was to return Edward V, with Buckingham benefiting by taking what he considered his rightful place at the right hand of the king and Margaret benefiting by getting Henry back and Henry's marriage to Elizabeth of York forming a close connection to Edward V. And as the Woodvilles, other Edward and Richard, were down to only Dorset as the senior male, an alliance between the Woodvilles, Buckingham and Margaret Beaufort makes sense to me. There's also the support of the entire Stanley clan in the offing presuming Edward did get the throne back. Then there'd also be any non-Woodville, anti-Ricardian Yorkists to be gathered in. Plus any left-over Lancastrians that might follow Margaret and Henry into Edward's camp. Whether the remaining representative/s of the Woodvilles could manage all these differing groups, I really don't know; only that it was their only chance to return to power.
Nico concluded: A few months ago, there was a discussion about Peter Hancock's theory about Catesby and Hastings, and who knew about the precontract before it was revealed. There was some discussion about Anne Beauchamp. Of all the people who could have had access to information about the precontract, Buckingham's mother, the other Margaret Beaufort, was certainly well placed to have found out, being Eleanor Talbot's first cousin, who was around the same age as ET, and who lived near her. ET's mother appears to have been close to her sisters (of the whole blood). If Buckingham learned of the precontract from his mother, he may have told MB. Or perhaps she knew anyway, because, the other Margaret Beaufort was once her sister in law. I'm not sure where this fits in, and it is speculation but I'm wondering if this rather incestuous circle knowing such an important secret before Richard did was the source of problems between Richard and Buckingham. Maybe Richard was never entirely comfortable with MB or Buckingham having a close relationship with her. Doug here: As for where any knowledge of the Pre-Contract would fit in, mightn't that knowledge have been the reason the Council accepted whatever evidence Stillington produced? While Edward IV was king, knowledge of the Pre-Contract certainly wouldn't be a general topic of conversation. Or so one might think, but that wouldn't preclude various people being in possession of that knowledge; it would only mean they didn't talk about it. Once Edward IV was dead, however, possession of such knowledge became a life-or-death matter. If, for example, any of the Woodvilles had learned of it, it would definitely give them a reason to have Edward V crowned as quickly as possibly. A greater reason, to my way of thinking, than simply trying to out-maneuver Richard in his position as Protector. If word about the Pre-Contract got out before Edward was crowned; well, we know what happened. Now, what would have happened had Edward already been crowned? I don't think Richard would have believed, without some form of proof, the claim that his brother was secretly married to someone when he married Elizabeth Woodville; not even if the claim had come from Buckingham. Which is why Stillington's proofs, whatever they were, were so important. And if the proofs were then added to claims by reputable people that they had known of the Pre-Contract but, for obvious reasons, had said nothing at the time well, that would be a different matter. Knowledge of the Pre-Contract, even belatedly, for the Woodvilles, OTOH... Doug
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Two little points:
Firstly notice that Dorset was in a real position of power. And to state the obvious Dorset was a Grey. Every reason to take the opportunity to get rid of Hastings and rule the Midlands
Secondly Horrox suggests that the Talbots tacitly supported the 1483 rebellions. I doubt this was to do with a slur on Eleanor. One wonders what overtures AW had been making to old Lancastrians (and indeed the Welsh given his relationship with the Stradlings) from his base at Ludlow. H
On Tuesday, 2 January 2018, 14:42:59 GMT, Nicholas Brown nico11238@... [] <> wrote:
Doug: I find it interesting that you use the word desperate to describe
Anthony Woodville's actions, because the impression I get is that, while
Edward's overall health mightn't give cause for any particular worries
about this disease or that, if one's position was so completely dependent on
that one particular person, as Woodville's was, then it would make sense to
prepare for the worst ... As Protector, Richard
would be charged with running the kingdom, but did the Protectorship
automatically carry with it the control of Edward V's person?
I am inclined to agree with you here, and I don't think it would make sense for AW or any of the Woodvilles to murder EIV or hasten his demise in any way. Becoming more insular and not being able to sit on a horse suggests that whatever was wrong with EIV was serious, and would have been known by those close to him. The horse reference is also suggestive of diabetes because of the tendency towards ulceration in sensitive areas such as the groin and upper thighs. Actually, I would also speculate that there was a family history of diabetes because other Plantagenets who were tall and overweight in middle age had similar undefined health problems. John of Gaunt was obese and had ulceration in the groin area (often suggested as an STI, but diabetes is a better fit), the Black Prince may have had something similar and Henry VIII was also obese and had leg ulcers. Therefore, the circumstantial evidence does indicate that his health had been in general decline for some time, which has a lot of relevance to AW's intentions, and stopping Richard becoming Protector would have been essential to maintaining his position. As far as I know, as Protector, Richard would have had control of Edward V's person, and AW had every reason to fear being completely left out in the cold. If not exactly desperate, AW had every reason to be extremely concerned..
Doug:While Buckingham might have known of the
Pre-Contract, it seems more likely to me that any information Buckingham might
have passed on to Richard at Northampton was about a Woodville plot to either
capture or kill Richard. Which also explains why the Rivers, Scales and Vaughan
were executed after Hastings' plot was foiled they'd already been
involved in one plot against Richard and, depending on how closely they'd been
guarded, may have been involved, or at least had information, about Hastings'
plot as well. Even if their being in custody prevented them from taking an
active part in the plot, failure to inform Richard of the plot would have been
treason.
Even if he wasn't actively involved in a Woodville plot, if Buckingham was in contract with AW, he may have deduced something from his behaviour, things he said or something someone else such as Catherine Woodville told him that made him certain that he would take drastic action to prevent Richard's protectorship. Given the events leading up to Stony Stratford, warning Richard would have been Buckingham's priority at the point. I have always been sceptical that Hastings would get involved with a conspiracy with the Woodvilles, given the history between them, but that would depend on how strongly Hastings felt about EV.
Doug:The only thing I can currently come up with is
that Buckingham had not only had Morton placed in his custody but, after the
coronation was also in Morton's company in Brecon and, quite likely, open to
manipulation by Morton. Such manipulation would, or so it seems to me, have been
based on Buckingham's ego at not being included in Richard's inner circle. ... The only male Woodville remaining was Dorset. Henry Tudor was a nobody
whose support would be gained by his marriage to Elizabeth of York. Obviously,
the only person capable of taking the role of advising (even
managing?) Edward V would have been Buckingham himself. Thus an alliance of
Buckingham and the Woodvilles would satisfy the interests of both parties
Buckingham may have seen himself in a 'Kingmaker' role after having 'rescued' Richard from the Woodville plot (possibly also giving information that led to the disclosure of the precontract) and felt Richard owed him a huge debt of gratitude which was not repaid when Buckingham was left out of his 'inner circle.' Anyone could feel slighted under the circumstances, but an impulsive and egotistical person could easily be turned especially if manipulated by someone like Morton. However, I'm not convinced Buckingham was ever really interesting in restoring Edward V. If Richard's rewards were unsatisfactory, it was equally predictable that Woodvilles would close ranks too. The problem with the Woodvilles in 1483, was that while Dorset may have taken his place, along with EW as EV's most senior advisor, Lionel, Edward and Richard Woodville were all still alive (until 1484, 1488 and 1491 respectively.) Richard of Shrewsbury would play major role later on. This is the Woodville clique that I envision as ultimately sidelining both Buckingham and HT. Lionel, as a Bishop could expect a particularly central role, and Edward, Richard and RofS would probably marry and have their own heirs, while the Woodville sisters and their husbands would be rewarded but kept at bay because they may have their own agendas. I also suspect that MB may have felt the same way, and the marriage of HT and EofY was something that would only go ahead if circumstances worked out in a way that it was in her and HT's best interests.
Doug: As far as we know, Edward kept his
mouth shut. So who, if anyone, would Eleanor have told? I would say he wasn't one of the original two or
three Eleanor told. I doubt Rivers had heard anything about the Pre-Contract, or else his trip
from Ludlow to London wouldn't have been so leisurely, surely? He'd have taken
Edward and headed for London as fast as possible. Edward being an anointed
wouldn't, in and of itself, have protected him if knowledge of the Pre-Contract
became known. What would have protected him was the timing of his
coronation and anointing before Richard had taken up his position as
Protector. During that period, even if for only a day or two, the Woodvilles and
their adherents would be in a position to change the composition of the Council,
appoint a Constable, an Admiral, summon a Parliament and, most importantly,
threaten anyone who mentioned the Pre-Contract..
I think Buckingham would have been told the 'family secret' by his mother. If Eleanor told anyone, it would probably be her immediate family and possibly the Catesby family who were consulted for legal advice. While they may have felt powerless to protest, when the precontract was revealed, the Talbot family never objected to a story that would have been a slur on Eleanor's memory, which implied that they knew. Buckingham may not have known whether what he had been told was credible, but he may have passed what he knew onto Richard, who then investigated the matter - while supporting EV, assuming it wasn't true until provable. Then, Stillington came forward with the proof...As for AW, if he was worried about the precontract, it would have made sense to move even faster to make sure EV was crowned, then suppressed the information as you say. However, Clarence's suspicions about EW's paranoia in 1470s are also interesting, and if it was the precontract that caused her insecurity, then the other Woodvilles probably did know. Perhaps AW was overconfident and too focused on pushing out Richard to worry about the precontract.
Nico
Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Forum] Buckingham's Rebellion an
On Tuesday, 2 January 2018, 16:41:41 GMT, Karen O karenoder4@... [] <> wrote:
Thank you so much. Is this from Horrox? How do these numbers compare to other kings?
On Jan 2, 2018 5:58 AM, "Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... []" <> wrote:
Hi Karen, Here we go:
At Exeter Thomas St Leger, Richard's brother-in-law and Woodville/Haute relativeand Thomas Rameney, MB's messenger
Salisbury none (which is very lenient considering the number of rebels)
Kent George Browne MP Ex-Sheriff of Kent (but his brothers were only attainted) and William Clifford Squire of the Body
Newbury None
Devon and Cornwall None (like Salisbury pretty lenient)
London Ralph Clifford, Stephen Ireland (Tower Wardrober), William Davy (Pardoner), Robert Rushe (Sarjeant of London), John Smith (Groom of the Stirrup) and Henry Stafford - to do with plot to break into the Tower
That should add up to 10 out of 164. As Horrox says, apart from St Leger and the Tower 'gang' no-one really knows why the others were singled out because the Commission papers have conveniently 'vanished'. Hope this helps. H
On Monday, 1 January 2018, 12:47:01 GMT, Karen O karenoder4@... [] <@ yahoogroups..com> wrote:
I have been looking for a list of the actual people Richard had executed after the rebellion. How many? Is it on the internet anywhere?
On Dec 31, 2017 5:15 AM, "Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... []" <@ yahoogroups..com> wrote:
I've been mulling this over during the last few days (which have been spent in the kitchen:)).
You know if the whole Richard story was a work of fiction your agent would send it back to you and tell you to take Buckingham out. He just doesn't fit. Everyone else, like them or loath them, acts rationally to support their own aims. Buckingham appears out of nowhere, I think the last time he met Richard was at the marriage of Richard of Shrewsbury, and suddenly becomes his best buddy. Out of affection? No. There must be something to be gained from it and that says to me that Buckingham knew that Richard would have the upper edge over the Woodvilles. How could he know that? Rivers hadn't even been arrested yet. The only piece of knowledge which would make him think that is if he knew about the Pre Contract and the likelihood of it now coming to light. Then he would be in exactly the right place at the right time. From whom - one of the ladies mentioned below? Which one? I don't know...
There's one other piece of knowledge we don't have which is very surprising given that this period is supposed to be rife with rumours. That is why Richard and Buckingham fell out. Richard's anguish over Buckingham's betrayal rings down through the centuries - the 'most untrue creature'. Rarely do we get the opportunity to come that close to the soul of any monarch.. Some historians have it that Richard discovered he had killed the princes, but then as both of you say, why rebel in their name? Could it be that Richard found out that he had 'set up' Hastings? In other words he had made Richard kill an innocent man. I truly can't buy Hastings going over to the Woodvilles. His family had hated the Greys for generations and would continue to do so.
Finally, a lot of this comes from Croyland and John Russell has been named as a potential chronicler. I'd like to know more about him. If I could prove he was related to the Russells of Strensham (and they did have clerics in their family) then it puts him bang in the middle of the Talbot/Hampton/Berkshire rebels (and Stillington) set. He's very elusive to chase.. We know he has the 'right' Wykhamist background - Winchester and New College Oxford - as did they, and his first prebendary was at Salisbury, but it's not helped by there being so many Russells and so many Johns. I reckon there needs to be more work on him.
Happy New Year all. H
On Sunday, 31 December 2017, 01:43:29 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <@ yahoogroups.com> wrote:
Nico wrote: Your theory does fit and I agree that timing was essential. Buckingham and/or Morton must have started the rumours,... Doug here: I'm likely arguing against what I've posted in the past, but what do you think of the possibility that the rumors were simply the result of that failed rescue attempt? I believe Croyland simply states that rumors were spread, thus giving the impression that the dissemination of the rumors was deliberate, but what if it wasn't? However, and once again, if the rumors were the result of the failed rescue attempt, and presuming the original intention of the rebellion was to return Edward V to the throne, then there had to be someone who knew Edward was still alive and was in a position to say the rumors were just that: rumors. Someone such as his mother? Who we know was in communications with Margaret Beaufort, trying to arrange support for re-instating Edward? We know Margaret had links with Croyland Abbey, so cold she be the source of that entry? Among the people who'd be in possession of knowledge about Edward's status, Margaret would, because of her links with Elizabeth Woodville, certainly be high on the list. Which would also, or so it seems to me, increase the chances that whenever the chronicler made that entry, no mention was made about the boys still being alive <b>because that knowledge was widespread and didn't need refuting</b>. In the bits of Margaret's Attainder Carol provided, Margaret was accused of ...[raising loans] of great sums, as well within the City of London, as in other places in this Realm... Could some of that money gone for the failed rescue attempt? Or am I off on another wild-goose chase? If the rumors were deliberately spread, however, then Buckingham and/or Morton are the most likely originators but, lacking the speedy means of communications available nowadays, for such a rumor to have maximum impact it would require coordination that I don't think would have been possible in 1483. It just seems to me to be an awfully risky venture, ginning up a rebellion only to announce half-way into it that the person you're asking others to die for is dead. Nico continued: ...but I am increasingly curious about whether Buckingham was ever really in favour of restoring Edward V. He may have been drawn into the plot through his wife, Catherine Woodville, but I can see where the temptation to pursue his own ambitions may have got the better of him at an early stage. After the revelation of the precontract, his own claim was better. The former Edward V was an illegitimate son of a former King and a child, whereas Buckingham was an adult with an undisputed claim through the Stafford line, and could he really rely on the Woodvilles to exceed or even match what he had from Richard? Playing a supporting role to an bastard boy King, who would have been under the control of the surviving male Woodvilles was an uncertain and unsatisfactory future. His relationship with the Woodville family can't have been good, especially after Stony Stratford and his collaboration in the deposition of Edward V. Doug here: As we don't have any concrete evidence one way or the other, I still tend towards the belief that, at least at the outset, Buckingham's involvement was intended to restore Edward V to the throne. Presuming Edward was re-instated, the Pre-Contract could, as it has since, been denounced as a forgery by Richard so he could take the throne. As for Edward being controlled by the surviving male Woodvilles, I can only think of one Dorset. Rivers, Grey and Vaughan had been executed at Pontrefact in June. In fact, and once married to Elizabeth of York, Henry would have been third in line to the throne...at least until Edward or Richard had any sons.
Nico continued: As for why he turned on Richard, ego and ambition surely played a part, but there was probably something else. However, If he thought the Edward V plot could be successful, he may have had a reasonable fear for his own safety. There could also have been area of tension between the two of them, that has been unrecorded by history. This could explain why Buckingham didn't simply expose the plot to Richard. Doug here: Well, if Buckingham's ego and ambition were great enough, mightn't he have first gotten involved by picturing himself as the new Kingmaker, stepping into Warwick's boots as it were? If those rumors did originate with Buckingham, or even Morton, then, at some point, Buckingham changed his aim from becoming the next Warwick to becoming the next King. Could any tension between Buckingham and Richard have been nothing more than Richard recognizing that Buckingham's ego just didn't represent his abilities? Which, FWIW, might have been Morton's line of attack: Here was Henry Stafford, of royal descent and sidelined again by a York! First Edward IV, then Richard and, if he continued his support of Edward V, there was the risk he'd be pushed aside yet again. Now, if he was king... Nico continued:
The Woodville factor is also relevant to the question of what Buckingham had to offer MB. The Woodvilles were an unpopular clique who worked for their own benefit. The marriage between Elizabeth and Henry would have been helpful in Woodville regime, as it would satisfy MB's main need, which was Henry's return. Being a brother in law of the King would certainly bring some rewards, but everything about the Woodvilles suggests that they were a close circle who wouldn't offer much power to outsiders, even inlaws - especially ones with such strong links to Henry VI. Buckingham with stronger ties of blood, affinity and possibly friendship would be certain to give Henry a more powerful position. The proposed marriage with EoY would be of less use at this point, but in the event of Edward V's successful restoration, it was a good plan B. Doug here: If the original aim of both Buckingham and Margaret Beaufort was to return Edward V, with Buckingham benefiting by taking what he considered his rightful place at the right hand of the king and Margaret benefiting by getting Henry back and Henry's marriage to Elizabeth of York forming a close connection to Edward V. And as the Woodvilles, other Edward and Richard, were down to only Dorset as the senior male, an alliance between the Woodvilles, Buckingham and Margaret Beaufort makes sense to me. There's also the support of the entire Stanley clan in the offing presuming Edward did get the throne back. Then there'd also be any non-Woodville, anti-Ricardian Yorkists to be gathered in. Plus any left-over Lancastrians that might follow Margaret and Henry into Edward's camp. Whether the remaining representative/s of the Woodvilles could manage all these differing groups, I really don't know; only that it was their only chance to return to power.
Nico concluded: A few months ago, there was a discussion about Peter Hancock's theory about Catesby and Hastings, and who knew about the precontract before it was revealed. There was some discussion about Anne Beauchamp. Of all the people who could have had access to information about the precontract, Buckingham's mother, the other Margaret Beaufort, was certainly well placed to have found out, being Eleanor Talbot's first cousin, who was around the same age as ET, and who lived near her. ET's mother appears to have been close to her sisters (of the whole blood). If Buckingham learned of the precontract from his mother, he may have told MB. Or perhaps she knew anyway, because, the other Margaret Beaufort was once her sister in law. I'm not sure where this fits in, and it is speculation but I'm wondering if this rather incestuous circle knowing such an important secret before Richard did was the source of problems between Richard and Buckingham. Maybe Richard was never entirely comfortable with MB or Buckingham having a close relationship with her. Doug here: As for where any knowledge of the Pre-Contract would fit in, mightn't that knowledge have been the reason the Council accepted whatever evidence Stillington produced? While Edward IV was king, knowledge of the Pre-Contract certainly wouldn't be a general topic of conversation. Or so one might think, but that wouldn't preclude various people being in possession of that knowledge; it would only mean they didn't talk about it. Once Edward IV was dead, however, possession of such knowledge became a life-or-death matter. If, for example, any of the Woodvilles had learned of it, it would definitely give them a reason to have Edward V crowned as quickly as possibly. A greater reason, to my way of thinking, than simply trying to out-maneuver Richard in his position as Protector. If word about the Pre-Contract got out before Edward was crowned; well, we know what happened. Now, what would have happened had Edward already been crowned? I don't think Richard would have believed, without some form of proof, the claim that his brother was secretly married to someone when he married Elizabeth Woodville; not even if the claim had come from Buckingham. Which is why Stillington's proofs, whatever they were, were so important. And if the proofs were then added to claims by reputable people that they had known of the Pre-Contract but, for obvious reasons, had said nothing at the time well, that would be a different matter. Knowledge of the Pre-Contract, even belatedly, for the Woodvilles, OTOH... Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckin
Like you, I'm still puzzled about the journey and the meetings, after all it wasn't as though they had mobile phones and could catch up with where they had all got to. And there is that sort of harmonious period which is implied by the piece of paper which contains Richard's and the young Edward's names. It does seem as though someone alerted Richard to the plot during the meeting and things took a different turn.
As for who knew about the Pre Contract, I do think there are things like 'old family secrets' which don't come out for years until someone has died, or until a crisis point makes them come out. I would still put money on Anne Beauchamp as Eleanor's aunt and someone who actually attended her mother's funeral and met her. It's the place where that sort of thing is discussed. Who else? I don't know, but MB (and Cis) were in the sort of Cranford afternoon tea circle. It wouldn't surprise me if it wasn't muttered there. It's very much a woman's thing. H
On Tuesday, 2 January 2018, 15:33:39 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary wrote: Doug, I agree about the routes. Before the MI the old "London Road" from the North and Midlands used to pass through Stony Stratford and is close to the A5 (Watling) which runs near Northampton and Milton Keynes. So Richard would have passed that way when he'd crossed from the AI from York. Same with Ludlow, in fact AW could have headed east towards what is now south of Birmingham and down the A5 at Nuneaton bringing him out on the old London Road at Stony Stratford. But you're right Brecon is a puzzle.I would have thought you would have come out much 'lower down', nowadays it would be the M4, and not need to touch the Midlands at all? Do we know he came from Brecon? His route would make much more sense if he came from Mancetter Staffs when he would be following the same route as the others. Doug here: It rather appears as if the determining factor would be who Buckingham meant to meet up with, and when, wouldn't it? Presuming, of course, that he meant to meet up with anyone! Because there's also the possibility, a very good one, that my idea that Buckingham ever intended to meet up with Richard is just that an idea with no basis in fact. If I recall it correctly, the Woodville party had already passed through Stony Stratford and were making preparations for their nightly bivouac when Richard arrived at the town. But I don't recall any mention of when Richard and Buckingham met. Did the two parties encounter each other as they each approached the town from different directions? Could it simply have been a matter of Buckingham merely following along behind the Woodville party? Thus his meeting with Richard would have been fortuitous. And if Buckingham's meeting with Richard was sheer chance, wouldn't that also likely mean that it was that letter from Hastings that first tipped Richard off about the Woodville plans? I have to admit that I'm puzzled by all this. If Richard was first informed of the Woodville plans for a hurried coronation of Edward by Hastings' letter, and if the meeting between Richard and Buckingham was by chance, then one possibility is that Buckingham was in the dark about the Woodville intentions until Richard told him. Which, while it doesn't rule out Buckingham knowing about the Pre-Contract, does seem to indicate to me that he didn't. If Buckingham knew about the Pre-Contract, whether he was in Brecon or Mancetter, wouldn't his first action after hearing of Edward IV's death have been to immediately head for London? But from what we know, he didn't. If the good Duke was in Brecon, the fastest way to London would have meant his crossing the Severn at Gloucester and heading east. If he was at Mancetter, why did he wait so long to depart that he was, apparently, following the Woodville party? Tis a puzzlement! Hilary continued: You make some very good points about communications, it would have been a very tedious route going from west to east, north to south. We're told that Edward's death took Richard by surprise but perhaps, as Nico suggests, some people had better knowledge of Edward's true state of health and Buckingham was in that loop? I'd not heard the diabetes theory before, Nico, nor did I know that its symptoms coincide with some of the things we know about Edward. The more you think about the young undefeated Edward, the more odd it is that he chose to hole himself up in London. Perhaps it's too easy to label someone with things like laziness? (Actually it's Ross who says he was one of the most hardworking monarchs when in came to legislation and paperwork - his writing is on a lot of documents). Doug here: If Edward was suffering from side-effects of diabetes, that would, as you say, help explain his actions. Circulatory problems are one symptom, so travel, other than by boat/barge on the Thames, would likely be avoided. It might also mean that, when Edward did travel, it would be for short distances and, once at his destination, Edward would likely stay for some time. I recall someone, somewhere saying that one of the reasons Richard distrusted Hastings was that Hastings was known for procuring women for Edward. Not just that Edward and Hastings went whoring together, but that Hastings brought women to Edward for his sexual pleasure. Perhaps another sign of Edward's increasing inability to move about on his own? Or not. OTOH, paperwork, meeting with officials and such activities wouldn't necessarily require Edward to move about that much; after all, subjects come to the King, not the other way round! Hilary continued: If Buckingham knew about the Pre Contract and about the fragility of Edward's health he could have pondered on this for some time. In fact both the Woodville actions and his actions bear the signs of pre-planning, as Collins says. It's only when the Hastings letter alerts Richard and leads to Rivers' arrest that the cat is thrown amongst the pigeons. FWIW I don't think Buckingham was working with the Woodvilles, I think he saw on opportunity for himself. After all, Edward had deprived him of some of his lands. Doug here: FWIW, I don't think either Buckingham or the Woodvilles knew about the Pre-Contract before Edward died. If any of the Woodvilles had known, why did Rivers shilli-shally around? Had he known, wouldn't his first, over-riding impulse have been to get Edward to London, get Edward crowned, have the newly-crowned king do a reshuffle of the Council members (under his uncles' supervision of course) and, should word of the Pre-Contract then get out, denounce it as just a plot against the king. If Buckingham had known about the Pre-Contract, why wouldn't he have headed straight for London and travelled as fast as possible? If only to prevent the coronation of someone he knew to be a bastard? Literally. Even if he himself could only produce rumors or recount whispered conversations, that would be enough to halt any attempts to rush through Edward's coronation. Wouldn't responsible people make at least some sort of mental plan for what they'd do when Edward died, but limit making overt plans for that eventuality? Openly making plans for when the king died would have been risky, wouldn't it? An enemy might even call it imagining the King's death... Hilary concluded: And Richard? I'm with you and I don't reckon he had a clue about any of this. For one thing he'd been away with his mind on other things really since the death of Clarence and it could have been that he felt Buckingham, as a cousin, might have filled the Clarence void? What is even more intriguing is how long all this had been going on and what part it might well have played in the demise of Clarence. Just my musings. Doug here: The idea that Richard may have considered Buckingham in the role of some sort of advisor makes sense. Members of the royal family were expected to fill various roles in government; some of which were almost entirely ornamental, others with actual responsibilities. From his later actions, it would appear that Buckingham thought so anyway and was apparently, to put it mildly, miffed when he was excluded from the latter. Perhaps Richard viewed Buckingham as being too much like George? Buckingham's position as a royal Duke would mean that Richard would have to give him various honors befitting that rank, but not necessarily place him in any position of great responsibility. Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Forum] Buckingham's Rebellion an
Thomas Brandon, Humphrey Cheney, John Cheney, Robert Cheney, Giles Daubeny, William Berkeley, Thomas Arundel (later), Edward Courtenay, Bishop Peter Courtenay, John Welles, Robert Willoughby, William Brandon, John Gainsford, Nicholas Gainsford (Usher to EW), Edward Poynings, Richard Edgecombe.
No real surprises among that bunch. I think one has to look the many leading rebels who got away with just attainder - Thomas Bourchier, Walter Hungerford, Hugh Luttrell to name but a tiny number of the remaining 130 and that of the original 164 only 40 are known to have fought at Bosworth.
It would seem that the numbers who defected to HT have been much exaggerated in the latter telling. Hope this helps..H
On Tuesday, 2 January 2018, 22:14:05 GMT, Durose David daviddurose2000@... [] <> wrote:
Karen and Hilary,
If you are looking at the numbers of rebels executed, it is necessary to bear in mind the numbers who escaped after the failure of the rebellion. The fact that a rebel was not executed does not imply leniency when that rebel was not available. Many of the leaders escaped, especially from the west country.
Examples - Dorset, Courtenay, Sir Robert Willoughby and his brother, Edgcombe...
RegardsDavid
Sent from Yahoo Mail on Android
On Tue, 2 Jan 2018 at 16:41, Karen O karenoder4@... []<> wrote:
Thank you so much. Is this from Horrox? How do these numbers compare to other kings?
On Jan 2, 2018 5:58 AM, "Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... []" <> wrote:
Hi Karen, Here we go:
At Exeter Thomas St Leger, Richard's brother-in-law and Woodville/Haute relativeand Thomas Rameney, MB's messenger
Salisbury none (which is very lenient considering the number of rebels)
Kent George Browne MP Ex-Sheriff of Kent (but his brothers were only attainted) and William Clifford Squire of the Body
Newbury None
Devon and Cornwall None (like Salisbury pretty lenient)
London Ralph Clifford, Stephen Ireland (Tower Wardrober), William Davy (Pardoner), Robert Rushe (Sarjeant of London), John Smith (Groom of the Stirrup) and Henry Stafford - to do with plot to break into the Tower
That should add up to 10 out of 164. As Horrox says, apart from St Leger and the Tower 'gang' no-one really knows why the others were singled out because the Commission papers have conveniently 'vanished'. Hope this helps. H
On Monday, 1 January 2018, 12:47:01 GMT, Karen O karenoder4@... [] <@ yahoogroups..com> wrote:
I have been looking for a list of the actual people Richard had executed after the rebellion. How many? Is it on the internet anywhere?
On Dec 31, 2017 5:15 AM, "Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... []" <@ yahoogroups..com> wrote:
I've been mulling this over during the last few days (which have been spent in the kitchen:)).
You know if the whole Richard story was a work of fiction your agent would send it back to you and tell you to take Buckingham out. He just doesn't fit. Everyone else, like them or loath them, acts rationally to support their own aims. Buckingham appears out of nowhere, I think the last time he met Richard was at the marriage of Richard of Shrewsbury, and suddenly becomes his best buddy. Out of affection? No. There must be something to be gained from it and that says to me that Buckingham knew that Richard would have the upper edge over the Woodvilles. How could he know that? Rivers hadn't even been arrested yet. The only piece of knowledge which would make him think that is if he knew about the Pre Contract and the likelihood of it now coming to light. Then he would be in exactly the right place at the right time. From whom - one of the ladies mentioned below? Which one? I don't know....
There's one other piece of knowledge we don't have which is very surprising given that this period is supposed to be rife with rumours. That is why Richard and Buckingham fell out. Richard's anguish over Buckingham's betrayal rings down through the centuries - the 'most untrue creature'. Rarely do we get the opportunity to come that close to the soul of any monarch.. Some historians have it that Richard discovered he had killed the princes, but then as both of you say, why rebel in their name? Could it be that Richard found out that he had 'set up' Hastings? In other words he had made Richard kill an innocent man. I truly can't buy Hastings going over to the Woodvilles. His family had hated the Greys for generations and would continue to do so.
Finally, a lot of this comes from Croyland and John Russell has been named as a potential chronicler. I'd like to know more about him. If I could prove he was related to the Russells of Strensham (and they did have clerics in their family) then it puts him bang in the middle of the Talbot/Hampton/Berkshire rebels (and Stillington) set. He's very elusive to chase.. We know he has the 'right' Wykhamist background - Winchester and New College Oxford - as did they, and his first prebendary was at Salisbury, but it's not helped by there being so many Russells and so many Johns. I reckon there needs to be more work on him.
Happy New Year all. H
On Sunday, 31 December 2017, 01:43:29 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <@ yahoogroups.com> wrote:
Nico wrote: Your theory does fit and I agree that timing was essential. Buckingham and/or Morton must have started the rumours,... Doug here: I'm likely arguing against what I've posted in the past, but what do you think of the possibility that the rumors were simply the result of that failed rescue attempt? I believe Croyland simply states that rumors were spread, thus giving the impression that the dissemination of the rumors was deliberate, but what if it wasn't? However, and once again, if the rumors were the result of the failed rescue attempt, and presuming the original intention of the rebellion was to return Edward V to the throne, then there had to be someone who knew Edward was still alive and was in a position to say the rumors were just that: rumors. Someone such as his mother? Who we know was in communications with Margaret Beaufort, trying to arrange support for re-instating Edward? We know Margaret had links with Croyland Abbey, so cold she be the source of that entry? Among the people who'd be in possession of knowledge about Edward's status, Margaret would, because of her links with Elizabeth Woodville, certainly be high on the list. Which would also, or so it seems to me, increase the chances that whenever the chronicler made that entry, no mention was made about the boys still being alive <b>because that knowledge was widespread and didn't need refuting</b>. In the bits of Margaret's Attainder Carol provided, Margaret was accused of ...[raising loans] of great sums, as well within the City of London, as in other places in this Realm... Could some of that money gone for the failed rescue attempt? Or am I off on another wild-goose chase? If the rumors were deliberately spread, however, then Buckingham and/or Morton are the most likely originators but, lacking the speedy means of communications available nowadays, for such a rumor to have maximum impact it would require coordination that I don't think would have been possible in 1483. It just seems to me to be an awfully risky venture, ginning up a rebellion only to announce half-way into it that the person you're asking others to die for is dead. Nico continued: ...but I am increasingly curious about whether Buckingham was ever really in favour of restoring Edward V. He may have been drawn into the plot through his wife, Catherine Woodville, but I can see where the temptation to pursue his own ambitions may have got the better of him at an early stage. After the revelation of the precontract, his own claim was better. The former Edward V was an illegitimate son of a former King and a child, whereas Buckingham was an adult with an undisputed claim through the Stafford line, and could he really rely on the Woodvilles to exceed or even match what he had from Richard? Playing a supporting role to an bastard boy King, who would have been under the control of the surviving male Woodvilles was an uncertain and unsatisfactory future. His relationship with the Woodville family can't have been good, especially after Stony Stratford and his collaboration in the deposition of Edward V. Doug here: As we don't have any concrete evidence one way or the other, I still tend towards the belief that, at least at the outset, Buckingham's involvement was intended to restore Edward V to the throne. Presuming Edward was re-instated, the Pre-Contract could, as it has since, been denounced as a forgery by Richard so he could take the throne. As for Edward being controlled by the surviving male Woodvilles, I can only think of one Dorset. Rivers, Grey and Vaughan had been executed at Pontrefact in June. In fact, and once married to Elizabeth of York, Henry would have been third in line to the throne...at least until Edward or Richard had any sons.
Nico continued: As for why he turned on Richard, ego and ambition surely played a part, but there was probably something else. However, If he thought the Edward V plot could be successful, he may have had a reasonable fear for his own safety. There could also have been area of tension between the two of them, that has been unrecorded by history. This could explain why Buckingham didn't simply expose the plot to Richard. Doug here: Well, if Buckingham's ego and ambition were great enough, mightn't he have first gotten involved by picturing himself as the new Kingmaker, stepping into Warwick's boots as it were? If those rumors did originate with Buckingham, or even Morton, then, at some point, Buckingham changed his aim from becoming the next Warwick to becoming the next King. Could any tension between Buckingham and Richard have been nothing more than Richard recognizing that Buckingham's ego just didn't represent his abilities? Which, FWIW, might have been Morton's line of attack: Here was Henry Stafford, of royal descent and sidelined again by a York! First Edward IV, then Richard and, if he continued his support of Edward V, there was the risk he'd be pushed aside yet again. Now, if he was king... Nico continued:
The Woodville factor is also relevant to the question of what Buckingham had to offer MB. The Woodvilles were an unpopular clique who worked for their own benefit. The marriage between Elizabeth and Henry would have been helpful in Woodville regime, as it would satisfy MB's main need, which was Henry's return. Being a brother in law of the King would certainly bring some rewards, but everything about the Woodvilles suggests that they were a close circle who wouldn't offer much power to outsiders, even inlaws - especially ones with such strong links to Henry VI. Buckingham with stronger ties of blood, affinity and possibly friendship would be certain to give Henry a more powerful position. The proposed marriage with EoY would be of less use at this point, but in the event of Edward V's successful restoration, it was a good plan B. Doug here: If the original aim of both Buckingham and Margaret Beaufort was to return Edward V, with Buckingham benefiting by taking what he considered his rightful place at the right hand of the king and Margaret benefiting by getting Henry back and Henry's marriage to Elizabeth of York forming a close connection to Edward V. And as the Woodvilles, other Edward and Richard, were down to only Dorset as the senior male, an alliance between the Woodvilles, Buckingham and Margaret Beaufort makes sense to me. There's also the support of the entire Stanley clan in the offing presuming Edward did get the throne back. Then there'd also be any non-Woodville, anti-Ricardian Yorkists to be gathered in. Plus any left-over Lancastrians that might follow Margaret and Henry into Edward's camp. Whether the remaining representative/s of the Woodvilles could manage all these differing groups, I really don't know; only that it was their only chance to return to power.
Nico concluded: A few months ago, there was a discussion about Peter Hancock's theory about Catesby and Hastings, and who knew about the precontract before it was revealed. There was some discussion about Anne Beauchamp. Of all the people who could have had access to information about the precontract, Buckingham's mother, the other Margaret Beaufort, was certainly well placed to have found out, being Eleanor Talbot's first cousin, who was around the same age as ET, and who lived near her. ET's mother appears to have been close to her sisters (of the whole blood). If Buckingham learned of the precontract from his mother, he may have told MB. Or perhaps she knew anyway, because, the other Margaret Beaufort was once her sister in law. I'm not sure where this fits in, and it is speculation but I'm wondering if this rather incestuous circle knowing such an important secret before Richard did was the source of problems between Richard and Buckingham. Maybe Richard was never entirely comfortable with MB or Buckingham having a close relationship with her. Doug here: As for where any knowledge of the Pre-Contract would fit in, mightn't that knowledge have been the reason the Council accepted whatever evidence Stillington produced? While Edward IV was king, knowledge of the Pre-Contract certainly wouldn't be a general topic of conversation. Or so one might think, but that wouldn't preclude various people being in possession of that knowledge; it would only mean they didn't talk about it. Once Edward IV was dead, however, possession of such knowledge became a life-or-death matter. If, for example, any of the Woodvilles had learned of it, it would definitely give them a reason to have Edward V crowned as quickly as possibly. A greater reason, to my way of thinking, than simply trying to out-maneuver Richard in his position as Protector. If word about the Pre-Contract got out before Edward was crowned; well, we know what happened. Now, what would have happened had Edward already been crowned? I don't think Richard would have believed, without some form of proof, the claim that his brother was secretly married to someone when he married Elizabeth Woodville; not even if the claim had come from Buckingham. Which is why Stillington's proofs, whatever they were, were so important. And if the proofs were then added to claims by reputable people that they had known of the Pre-Contract but, for obvious reasons, had said nothing at the time well, that would be a different matter. Knowledge of the Pre-Contract, even belatedly, for the Woodvilles, OTOH... Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckin
For the rest I reckon it was 6 of one and half a dozen of the other. Yes George had married Isabel but Edward had forbidden a Burgundian marriage. Edward had married who he wanted. Yes George had betrayed Edward but so had Warwick who had been let down by Edward and had supported the House of York through good times and bad.
And it was almost as though Edward had deliberately set up George to fail viz undermining and belittling him in Warwickshire. I know you disagree, but of the two I find George by far the most human - possibly because of his very real devotion to Isabel. H
On Wednesday, 3 January 2018, 04:05:03 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary wrote: Forgot to add. I think Richard was the forgotten heir, maybe because some thought that with the scoliosis he might not live that long (they didn't have our medical knowledge). That would make Clarence as the true heir a real target, either as someone to court, or as someone to eliminate depending who you were. Doug here: Would George need any other enemy than his brother, Edward? George had not only gone against Edward's wishes when he married Isabel Neville, he'd gone on to betray Edward, possibly even helping to spread the rumor that Edward was illegitimate. Considering the times, and the possibility that, for whatever reason/s, Edward and George just didn't get along (not unusual, really), have we ever consider that Edward's treatment of George wasn't all that unusual? Up to that incident at the Tower, of course... Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Fo
The only time I can think of of Hastings acting on his own was in Calais, when he sent troops to help Margaret. For that he received a sharp slap on the wrists and was called home immediately. Can anyone else think of anything?
The Tudors, on the other hand (there was a post about Mary) had to give power to build support and a new gentry-based aristocracy. But they counterbalanced this by a huge intelligence network. So use your power wrong and it was the block. H
On Wednesday, 3 January 2018, 05:45:58 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary wrote: Re your first question Doug I reckon there should be another degree of difficulty in Masterchef when two squabbling five year olds are inserted into the kitchen. Luckily they have now be 'posted' home! Doug here: And here I thought it was hard just trying to get everything to the table at the same time! Hilary concluded: Going back to Hastings you know there is another motive for the Woodvilles wanting to get rid of him other than his support of Richard and potential influence on Edward V. As I've said many times, the Greys (of Groby) and the Hastings family had been in gang warfare for the dominance of Leicestershire for a long time (and were still marauding in 1515). The squabbling High Sheriffs in neighbouring Warwickshire had just been contained by the Beauchamps and then Richard Neville. When Clarence took over Edward continually meddled to undermine his control and did this by virtually inviting Hastings and the Greys to step in. After the death of Clarence, Hastings's influence had extended to Coventry - then one of the top ten cities which made him virtually Lord of the Midlands south of the Trent. That was some prize (and probably another reason why after the death of Hastings Richard lost Bosworth)! With Hastings out of the way and attainted that left the way wide open for the Greys. Doug here: Well, the saying is Politics makes strange bedfellows! We know that, with Richard as king, so the Woodvilles would definitely be out. We also know that Richard held Hastings' reputation as a womanizer and his cavortings with Edward against him. So he'd almost certainly be out, or definitely removed from his lucrative positions as Lord Chamberlain, Lieutenant of Calais, Chamberlain of the Exchequer, and Master of the Mint. Then there were all those properties in the Midlands possibly at risk. The only way forward, if they wanted to retain the positions they either currently held or had held, was getting rid of the one person who stood in their way Richard. I really think there was more than enough of a common interest to get them to act together, at least in the short term. Now, what would have happened after Richard was dead is something else. If they were were still fighting in 1515, then I'd say the honeymoon period would have likely been a short one. Doug
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Fo
Mary
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
On Wednesday, 3 January 2018, 14:04:10 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
Ah, the Stradlings again! In a position to guard the Glamorgan coast and we know that AW had written to Dymock asking for letters to prove he had the right to raise troups in Wales.
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Fo
On Wednesday, 3 January 2018, 14:12:42 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
Am I right in thinking that Richard supported Hastings in this?
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} [Richard
FWIW Hastings' brothers, Richard and Ralph fought for Richard at Bosworth, as did his nephew Sir John Ferrers, who died there.
Any time you want a bit of amusement take a look in the Leicestershire archives, the feud is very entertaining - fights in the street, forest ambushes, raiding of boat-sheds at Henley on Thames. Something which a monarch probably wouldn't be too bothered about but which must have been extremely annoying to the locals. Like the regular Saturday night pub brawl.
I suppose the other thing which convinces me that Hastings was essentially a 'good egg' is that he is everywhere in Leicestershire - schools, roads. The Greys, not really. H
On Wednesday, 3 January 2018, 17:10:33 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary, I quite agree with you concerning the Plantagenets holding onto power, but what about money? And lands? The positions Edward had bestowed on Hastings were money-makers; literally in regards to being Master of the Mint, possibly as well with Chamberlain of the Exchequer. Then there were those properties in the Midlands; how many would Richard want back? Perhaps none, but could Hastings count on that? Especially if, as I suspect, those properties hadn't been deeded to Hastings, rather he'd only been given their income. Was that the case? Your point about the squabbling/fighting continuing into the next century is a good example of what did happen, and while it's certainly likely squabbling would have continued (had Edward remained king), perhaps the fighting might not have? It certainly would have been in the Woodvilles' interests to limit hostilities between two such important supporters. Whether the Woodvilles would have tried to do so is another thing, of course. It would likely have come down to who was the most dedicated supporter of the Woodvilles' interests. The same, I think, applies to the point I made about the marriage of convenience between Margaret of Anjou and Warwick. It was obviously centered on removing Edward from the throne and reinstating Henrbrothery, and both were united, for slightly different reasons possibly, on those goals. Once Henry had been restored, however, the question would then become; Who was to be Henry's main advisor? I'd be more than willing to bet that thought crossed the minds of both Warwick or Margaret! But, once again, that was a question to be answered after the immediate problem was solved. Which, in Warwick's and Margaret's case, was the removal of Edward and his replacement with Henry. In the Woodville's and Hastings' case it was the removal of Richard as a potential King, with the subsequent squashing of any official support concerning the validity of the Pre-Contract. Doug Hilary wrote: I think we overestimate any power Hastings had. Plantagenets gave titles, they didn't give power and that's probably one reason for Buckingham's defection.. He realised he was just Poo Bah but could do nothing. The only time I can think of of Hastings acting on his own was in Calais, when he sent troops to help Margaret. For that he received a sharp slap on the wrists and was called home immediately.. Can anyone else think of anything? The Tudors, on the other hand (there was a post about Mary) had to give power to build support and a new gentry-based aristocracy. But they counterbalanced this by a huge intelligence network. So use your power wrong and it was the block.
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} [Richard
Mary
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
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On Thu, 4 Jan 2018 at 10:24, Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... []<> wrote:
Indeed. Have I been daft here wasn't AW also at one point Lord of the Wight - which would explain the connection between the Woodvilles and the Southampton rebels? And of course he was Lord of Caernarvon. I wonder how long the Woodvilles had been playing a double game - and more importantly with whom? H
On Wednesday, 3 January 2018, 14:04:10 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
Ah, the Stradlings again! In a position to guard the Glamorgan coast and we know that AW had written to Dymock asking for letters to prove he had the right to raise troups in Wales.
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} [Richard
Maud and John had three daughters, one of whom was Anne, who married as her second husband Gyles Wellesbourne. I hadn't heard of him but he was a retainer of William Stonor (of Hampton and 1483 rebel fame) and, on Richard's behalf, he escorted Buckingham to Salisbury for his execution. Meanwhile his brother Christopher had located Buckingham's wife and son for Richard. Seems to be right - Richard rewarded them.
Now these folk were operating deep in old Lancaster/Woodville territory. Were they spies, like the Brechers, or does this indicate that the Woodvilles wanted Buckingham out of the way fast? H
On Thursday, 4 January 2018, 15:41:22 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
Why would you fight for someone who supposedly executed your brother without a trial? You will note that I have said supposedly because I don't think that Richard would have done that. Also I am beginning to lean more and more towards the Woodvilles being the arch plotters and MB just tagging along.Obviously we can't be certain but lots of bits of the jigsaw would fit that scenario.
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
Nico continued: Buckingham may have seen himself in a 'Kingmaker' role after having 'rescued' Richard from the Woodville plot (possibly also giving information that led to the disclosure of the precontract) and felt Richard owed him a huge debt of gratitude which was not repaid when Buckingham was left out of his 'inner circle.' Anyone could feel slighted under the circumstances, but an impulsive and egotistical person could easily be turned especially if manipulated by someone like Morton. However, I'm not convinced Buckingham was ever really interesting in restoring Edward V. If Richard's rewards were unsatisfactory, it was equally predictable that Woodvilles would close ranks too. The problem with the Woodvilles in 1483, was that while Dorset may have taken his place, along with EW as EV's most senior advisor, Lionel, Edward and Richard Woodville were all still alive (until 1484, 1488 and 1491 respectively.) Richard of Shrewsbury would play major role later on. This is the Woodville clique that I envision as ultimately sidelining both Buckingham and HT. Lionel, as a Bishop could expect a particularly central role, and Edward, Richard and RofS would probably marry and have their own heirs, while the Woodville sisters and their husbands would be rewarded but kept at bay because they may have their own agendas. I also suspect that MB may have felt the same way, and the marriage of HT and EofY was something that would only go ahead if circumstances worked out in a way that it was in her and HT's best interests. Doug here: I hadn't realized so many Woodville males were still alive after August 1483! Much would depend, of course, on just who got which position. I can't see Buckingham as Treasurer or Lord Chancellor and there's simply no way the Woodvilles would allow him to be Lord Chamberlain. so perhaps that was the thrust of Morton's arguments? I do believe, however, that Buckingham's original intention was the return of Edward V, with the question being when he decided he himself would make a better monarch. It would be so nice to be able to actually pin down when and where those rumors about the boys' deaths first started!
Nic concluded: I think Buckingham would have been told the 'family secret' by his mother. If Eleanor told anyone, it would probably be her immediate family and possibly the Catesby family who were consulted for legal advice. While they may have felt powerless to protest, when the precontract was revealed, the Talbot family never objected to a story that would have been a slur on Eleanor's memory, which implied that they knew. Buckingham may not have known whether what he had been told was credible, but he may have passed what he knew onto Richard, who then investigated the matter - while supporting EV, assuming it wasn't true until provable. Then, Stillington came forward with the proof...As for AW, if he was worried about the precontract, it would have made sense to move even faster to make sure EV was crowned, then suppressed the information as you say. However, Clarence's suspicions about EW's paranoia in 1470s are also interesting, and if it was the precontract that caused her insecurity, then the other Woodvilles probably did know. Perhaps AW was overconfident and too focused on pushing out Richard to worry about the precontract. Doug here: Maybe it's an inability on my part to comprehend the medieval mode of thinking, but wouldn't any slur be on Edward, and not Eleanor? Any attempt by the Talbots to make known the true status of Edward's marriage with Elizabeth Woodville, while Edward was alive anyway, would mean imprisonment at best and most likely the block. Because wouldn't the Talbots be charging Edward, Edward the King, with not only abandoning his actual wife, but also living in sin with Elizabeth Woodville for all those years, and, even more importantly, deliberately planning to pass his bastard off as the legitimate heir? I'd keep my mouth shut too! What do you think of the idea that it may have Buckingham's statement, as well as eventually those by the Talbots and even Catesby, by confirming what Stillington alleged at the Council meeting, may have led to more desperate idea of killing Richard? If I remember correctly, even after Stillington met the Council, plans were still going forward for Edward V's coronation. IOW, no final decision had yet been made concerning Stillington's claim. Perhaps the Council was waiting for those confirmations? And the plot kill Richard was to forestall the Council from deciding against Edward's claim to the throne and in favor Richard's? The Woodvilles actions, prior to the events at Stony Stratford anyway, lead to believe they likely didn't know about the PreContract. Or else, as you say, were over-confident. Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} [Richard
"FWIW Hastings' brothers, Richard and Ralph fought for Richard at Bosworth, as did his nephew Sir John Ferrers, who died there."
Carol responds:
It's worth a lot! It shows that key supporters of Hastings remained supporters of Richard. They must have thought (or known) he had good reason for executing their brother/uncle. (I don't share your conviction of Hastings's innocence. Richard would not have executed him without good reason, and just the word of, say, Buckingham, would not have been sufficient for someone as steeped in the law and legalities as Richard was.)
The rebellion at Hammes may have resulted from the execution of Hastings, but I suspect there were other reasons as well, such as the doubtful loyalties of the Blounts. I'd be interested in other people's ideas on the subject, especially Marie's.
But if Hastings's own relatives didn't rebel against Richard, the discontent must not have been widespread.
Carol
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
On Thursday, 4 January 2018, 16:12:26 GMT, Durose David daviddurose2000@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary
Edward Woodville was made Lord of the Isle of Wight by Henry after Bosworth. When he took 500 archers to Brittany in 1488 they were all from the island. It appears to have been against Henry's wishes. There was only one survivor.David
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On Thu, 4 Jan 2018 at 10:24, Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... []<> wrote:
Indeed. Have I been daft here wasn't AW also at one point Lord of the Wight - which would explain the connection between the Woodvilles and the Southampton rebels? And of course he was Lord of Caernarvon. I wonder how long the Woodvilles had been playing a double game - and more importantly with whom? H
On Wednesday, 3 January 2018, 14:04:10 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
Ah, the Stradlings again! In a position to guard the Glamorgan coast and we know that AW had written to Dymock asking for letters to prove he had the right to raise troups in Wales.
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
"I remember reading that one of the Woodvilles, I can't recall whether it was Dorset or Rivers, bragged about how they (the Woodvilles) were in the driver's seat and could do anything they wanted."
Carol responds:
It was Dorset, quoted by the Croyland Continuator as saying, "'we are so important, that even without the king's uncle we can make and enforce these decisions." That was, of course, before the events at Stony Stratford sent Dorset into sanctuary (strong evidence that he and his family were up to something).
Carol
Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} [Richard
That and the establishment of the College of Arms are the only things I can come up with which can in any way have made his reign unpopular. Forget the 'princes' look at other controversial kings:
Edward II - favouritism and perhaps homosexualityRichard II - favouritism and elitismHenry VI - incompetence due to ill healthCharles I - taxation and religionJames II - religion
Richard - well nothing really apart from accepting a crown which had been legally offered by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal.
Which is why rebellions against him make no sense whatsoever, unless those involved stood to make personal gains. Cheers H On Thursday, 4 January 2018, 22:25:58 GMT, justcarol67@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary wrote:
"FWIW Hastings' brothers, Richard and Ralph fought for Richard at Bosworth, as did his nephew Sir John Ferrers, who died there."
Carol responds:
It's worth a lot! It shows that key supporters of Hastings remained supporters of Richard. They must have thought (or known) he had good reason for executing their brother/uncle. (I don't share your conviction of Hastings's innocence. Richard would not have executed him without good reason, and just the word of, say, Buckingham, would not have been sufficient for someone as steeped in the law and legalities as Richard was.)
The rebellion at Hammes may have resulted from the execution of Hastings, but I suspect there were other reasons as well, such as the doubtful loyalties of the Blounts. I'd be interested in other people's ideas on the subject, especially Marie's.
But if Hastings's own relatives didn't rebel against Richard, the discontent must not have been widespread.
Carol
Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
I agree with you. Richard found out something from Buckingham at Northampton, and I think it could well have been plans for an ambush. If not that, he probably discovered that the Woodvilles were planning to hold onto power at any cost, and try to obstruct Richard from carrying out his duties as Protector as Dorset's boast about having so much power clearly indicates. I think it was that, not the precontract. I don't know if Mancini was reporting Dorset's exact words or just the essence of what he said, but it was this comment that made me think that the Woodvilles were so overconfident that they needn't worry about the precontract, but AW was a different (and I think more intelligent) person, so if he was aware of it, he would have been in more of a panic to get to London, and would push for a coronation earlier than May 4. I also wish we did know more about Buckingham's route though, where he was coming from and when he was last likely to have been in contact with AW. Croyland says that Hastings wrote to Buckingham as well as Richard to inform him that E4 had died, so if that is correct and he would normally have been at Brecon, then he most likely came from there.
Doug: Perhaps his deal with the Woodvilles was over those properties? And the Woodvilles would also need all the support on the Council they could get; at least until Edward V took over the actual governing of the country. Then there's Morton. Might he have played on Hastings' fears of losing his position/s?
Hastings did potentially have a lot to lose, and that could have been an important factor that pushed him into colluding with the Woodvilles, even more so than the strength of his feelings about E5. I don't know what to make of Morton, as I'm not sure what his role in the Hasting's incident was. However, I could picture him figuring out someone's achilles heel and exploiting it. If he felt that manipulating the council in E5's favour was to his ultimate benefit, I have no doubt he would have done that.
Doug: I do believe, however, that Buckingham's original intention was the return of Edward V, with the question being when he decided he himself would make a better monarch. It would be so nice to be able to actually pin down when and where those rumors about the boys' deaths first started!
That is such a important question, and depends on a lot of factors, especially Buckingham's reason for turning against Richard, as well as the motivations of other people involved. Personally, I think the catalyst was Buckingham's disappointment at being excluded from a powerful position, and Morton capitalized on his bitterness. I'm still not convinced that he had a serious interest in restoring E5 once Richard was King. While he would have liked a better position in the King's circle, I'm not convinced he would have thought the Woodvilles had anything to offer. Something was revealed at Northampton, and he appears to have been central to it, whatever it was. That would surely have burned his bridges with them, so I can't see them seriously working together after that point, either in a conspiracy or in government. Therefore, imho, he went straight from supporting Richard, to furthering his own agenda. Because I think that Morton and MB would have preferred him to a Dorset dominated Woodville council, my suspicion is that Morton got to work on him while he was in his custody, MB carried on with her EofY/HT plans, but once Buckingham turned, both privately supported him. If Buckingham promised Henry's return plus a genuinely powerful position, I think MB would supported him without hesitation, especially since the Woodvilles were unlikely to offer more than an ornamental title outside the King's inner circle. As for the rumours, it is possible all three may have bee responsible for spreading them.
Doug: Maybe it's an inability on my part to comprehend the medieval mode of thinking, but wouldn't any slur be on Edward, and not Eleanor? Any attempt by the Talbots to make known the true status of Edward's marriage with Elizabeth Woodville, while Edward was alive anyway, would mean imprisonment at best and most likely the block...What do you think of the idea that it may have Buckingham's statement, as well as eventually those by the Talbots and even Catesby, by confirming what Stillington alleged at the Council meeting, may have led to more desperate idea of killing Richard? If I remember correctly, even after Stillington met the Council, plans were still going forward for Edward V's coronation. IOW, no final decision had yet been made concerning Stillington's claim. Perhaps the Council was waiting for those confirmations? And the plot kill Richard was to forestall the Council from deciding against Edward's claim to the throne and in favor Richard's?
The 'slur' that I referred to would be from after the precontract was revealed. I think that if they genuinely believed that the story was not true they would have said challenged Stillington. While Edward was at fault, I don't think they would want Eleanor's name dragged through the mud in a scandalous story if she had nothing to do with it. While he was alive, it would have been a closely guarded secret, too dangerous to travel outside the family except to people like Catesby if he gave legal advice. Since a secret is only as good as people you tell, the Talbots had to be very careful during Edward's reign, but after he was dead and the story out, they had nothing to lose.
I think it is possible that Buckingham, the Talbots and even Catesby may have given statements backing Stillington's claims could have triggered an attempt to kill Richard. Are you suggesting that the evidence was being presented and Hastings lashed out? If was what happpened, I would think there must have been after some collusion with other E5 supporters, such as the Woodvilles and maybe Morton that Richard would have to be assassinated, E5 crowned quickly and the information suppressed.
Nico
On Thursday, 4 January 2018, 22:38:06 GMT, justcarol67@... [] <> wrote:
Doug wrote:
"I remember reading that one of the Woodvilles, I can't recall whether it was Dorset or Rivers, bragged about how they (the Woodvilles) were in the driver's seat and could do anything they wanted."
Carol responds:
It was Dorset, quoted by the Croyland Continuator as saying, "'we are so important, that even without the king's uncle we can make and enforce these decisions." That was, of course, before the events at Stony Stratford sent Dorset into sanctuary (strong evidence that he and his family were up to something).
Carol
Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Fo
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Fo
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
"It was Dorset, quoted by the Croyland Continuator as saying, "'we are so
important, that even without the king's uncle we can make and enforce these
decisions." That was, of course, before the events at Stony Stratford sent
Dorset into sanctuary (strong evidence that he and his family were up to
something)."
Thank you! It didn't sound as if it was something Rivers would have said,
but I couldn't remember of find where I'd read it.
Interesting that the source is Croyland, which is usually fairly
anti-Richard. Of course, I suppose that could also be read as implying how
little power Richard had.
Fooled 'em, didn't he?
Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Fo
George was forbidden to go to Burgundy twice. Once when Margaret first went there, that is before Isabel and secondly, after her death. Perhaps the other thing that influences me in this is that Margaret was devoted to George - she dedicated a book on chess to him. I'd be interested in a psychological assessment of George. He seemed to get very attached to the women in his life - Margaret and Isabel, almost reliant on them. We don't know so much about his relationship with his mother, but we know she quite liked the marriage - Warwick was her favorite nephew, Isabel her goddaughter. She went to see them at Sandwich before they left to marry in France.
BTW I'd also be interested in an updated one on Richard now we know about his scoliosis. Although it probably didn't interfere with him that much on a daily basis, the knowledge that he was 'flawed' and the impact that times of extreme stress might have had on him does I think justify a revised assessment. And perhaps the exile to Utrecht at such an early age had longstanding effects on both Richard and George? H
On Saturday, 6 January 2018, 13:55:32 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary wrote: If Edward really had diabetes (and it does sound highly likely) then George's supposed conjoring the death of the King must have touched a very raw nerve.. And he was the rightful heir, however much Edward buried his head in the sand! Doug here: Might some of Edward's actions towards George have been due to knowing that George was his legal, if unacknowledged, heir? Edward simply didn't want to have to daily face the person he, Edward, the King, was trying to disinherit? I'm sure there must be a psychological term for it, but I don't know what it is. Hilary continued: For the rest I reckon it was 6 of one and half a dozen of the other. Yes George had married Isabel but Edward had forbidden a Burgundian marriage. Edward had married who he wanted. Yes George had betrayed Edward but so had Warwick who had been let down by Edward and had supported the House of York through good times and bad. Doug here: While Edward's treatment of George may have been partly based on what I surmised above, George really had betrayed Edward, as had Warwick. Warwick died in battle, so Edward didn't have to worry about the possibility of having to deal with a living Warwick after regaining the throne. However, he did have to deal with a brother who'd not only allied himself with Warwick, Margaret of Anjou and Henry VI, but with people who, had they regained power would, at best, have put Edward in perpetual confinement or, likely if Margaret had her way, placed his head on the block. If that wouldn't give Edward a reason for distrusting George I don't know what would. Wasn't that proposed Burgundian marriage after Isabel's death? Which would also have been after George's betrayal of Edward in 1470/71. Perhaps Edward simply didn't trust George to be sufficiently pro-Edward? George had, after all, once very clearly demonstrated that he'd put his own interests above Edward's and, if one accepted the general view that Edward's interests were the same as England's, the country Edward ruled? It looks to me as if what we have here are the differing faults of two people feeding back onto each other's perception and treatment of the other. Yes, Edward was the King and, within legal limits, could do what he wanted. There was no legal reason for Edward to not marry Elizabeth Woodville; presuming, of course, he wasn't already married. There were, however, various political and social reasons for Edward not doing so. Reasons many might see as just as important as the legal one. Perhaps Edward's refusal to abide by those other-than-legal norms, by placing him in a defensive position in regards to his marriage, also affected how he treated anyone not an out-and-out supporter of his actions? And we know George's opinion of Edward's union with Elizabeth Woodville. George, though, and however much he may have resented it, was both Edward's subject and brother, and as such owed certain legal and familial duties to Edward. And it was his refusal to act, according to law and a sense of familial obligation as he should, that helped keep the brothers at odds. I hope that makes sense! Hilary concluded: And it was almost as though Edward had deliberately set up George to fail viz undermining and belittling him in Warwickshire. I know you disagree, but of the two I find George by far the most human - possibly because of his very real devotion to Isabel. Doug here: Well, if Edward, for whatever reason/s, didn't trust George, to expect him to place George in a position where trust in the person's loyalty would have been the determining factor, wouldn't make sense. And if Edward didn't trust George, then it would also make sense for Edward to also prevent George from building up a powerbase. Hence, Edward's actions in regards to giving Hastings properties in the Midlands and possibly even urging the Greys to action might be understandable(?) even while not particularly reflecting well on Edward. Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Fo
The Catesbys were of course long-term lawyers to the Beauchamps and to George so I would agree it is likely that they would have been aware of rumours if not proof. Anne Beauchamp could of course bring gravity to this if she were able to confirm it and she would have a vested interest because it meant one of her grandsons would in due course become king.
Re anointing, that takes place at the Coronation. There's always been a 'thing' that uncrowned kings, and indeed their consorts, were of a sort of lesser value than those who had been touched with the holy oil. It's something often said about Edward VIII (and Edward V). The anointing and crowning are the moment when you become a being set aside by God. I would have thought the Woodviles would have wanted that crown on young Edward's head asap, if only to make him more 'untouchable'. H
PS if you watch The Crown there's a moment when Elizabeth gets very upset with the Government because they delay her coronation for over a year.
On Friday, 5 January 2018, 17:39:27 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary wrote: ":I would agree that the Woodvilles don't seem to have known anything about the Pre Contract. As you say they would have acted with greater haste. I think an anointed king does have more significance. Like you, I'm still puzzled about the journey and the meetings, after all it wasn't as though they had mobile phones and could catch up with where they had all got to. And there is that sort of harmonious period which is implied by the piece of paper which contains Richard's and the young Edward's names. It does seem as though someone alerted Richard to the plot during the meeting and things took a different turn. Doug here: To elaborate on that anointed king a bit; wouldn't the fact that Edward had been anointed mean that there d been some sort of coronation ceremony, however hurried? And doesn't the usual coronation ceremony also include the swearing of an oath to the new monarch? While I realize that by the 15th century, oaths weren't quite as sacrosanct as in previous times, they were still taken fairly seriously. Not to mention that, as an anointed and crowned king, Edward, and his mother's relatives, would be in position to remake the composition of the Council however they wished as long as the reshaping occurred before Richard could take up his duties as Protector. It's also possible, however, that the Woodvilles simply may have believed that in any confrontation with Richard over who controlled the young king, they would have the support of a majority of the Council. And the mere fact of their having possession of the newly-crowned king would also likely help the Woodvilles in any dispute with Richard. For one thing, the Woodvilles, if came down to getting the backing of some waverers, could likely outbid Richard for their support. What if Rivers believed Richard couldn't assume the Protectorate until confirmed as Protector by the Council? Perhaps that might explain both his delay in departing Ludlow and unhurried journey to London? And if Richard understood the Protectorate to have commenced with the death of his brother, might that explain why he apparently also made no attempt to hurry to London? We don't know exactly when or where Richard received that letter from Hastings, do we? For that matter, and if I'm not mistaken(!), we don't have an exact date for Richard learning of his brother's death; only that, upon receiving the news, Richard instructed a chaplain to say requiem masses. Nor do we have a date for Richard's departure from York. All of which leads me think that Richard's meeting up with Rivers & Co., not to mention Buckingham, was sheer chance. If a major point in the Woodvilles' plans was to get Edward crowned before Richard arrived in London, the necessity in getting to London as rapidly as possible, St. George's Day notwithstanding, was paramount. If, on the other hand, Rivers believed the Woodvilles had sufficient support on the Council to delay Richard's confirmation as Protector, at least until until a day or so after Edward had been crowned, then the leisurely pace might be explained. And if Richard received Hastings' letter while either en route to Northampton or on his arrival there, the contents of the letter, outlining what the Woodvilles intended, may have been the cause for the arrests of Rivers, Grey and Vaughan. Boy, talk about speculating! Hilary concluded: As for who knew about the Pre Contract, I do think there are things like 'old family secrets' which don't come out for years until someone has died, or until a crisis point makes them come out. I would still put money on Anne Beauchamp as Eleanor's aunt and someone who actually attended her mother's funeral and met her. It's the place where that sort of thing is discussed. Who else? I don't know, but MB (and Cis) were in the sort of Cranford afternoon tea circle. It wouldn't surprise me if it wasn't muttered there. It's very much a woman's thing. Doug here: I can envision a limited number of people either knowing for certain about the Pre-Contract or having heard of it from a well-placed, reliable source. Anne Beauchamp would certainly be an excellent possibility as one. Did Eleanor have any closer surviving relatives? Nico mentioned in another post that Catesby, as the family lawyer, might also have been aware of what had happened. I can't imagine such news remaining secret for long if too many were in on it. At the same time, once the secret was officially out, and knowledge of it no longer a deadly threat, if very many people had known, why isn't there greater confirmation of it? Or, perhaps, there were numerous, post-revelation confirmations in those missing Council records? If, however, there were such confirmations, they'd almost certainly have had to have been by notable and trustworthy people. People exactly such as Anne Beauchamp and, to a lesser degree, Catesby. Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Fo
Mary
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On Sunday, 7 January 2018, 12:23:57 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
Just to say, I know that Richard has been described as flawed but surely if this is the case then George was also flawed in the same way as they both shared the flight to Burgundy when they were young. The horrific death of their father and Edmund must have scarred them as well as Edward. In the same way as soldiers nowadays have PTSD they must have been affected by what they saw and did in battles. So I would suggest that Edward would have had issues too as well as his problems with multiple wives and mistresses. Also why isn't HT described as flawed? He was taken from his mother at an early age, who herself was definitely flawed by the horrific experience she had with his birth at an early age. HT's exile must have scarred him though I doubt he suffered from PTSD as he never fought in a battle in his life. It just annoys me that HT is seen as the saviour when in reality he brought over a hundred years of horror to this country and is probably responsible for the Divine Right of Kings because of his insistence at being called Your Majesty instead of your Grace (see Audrey Williams "Mystery of the Princes"). Rant over but I think that compared with some people involved in the WOTR Richard was remarkably human and normal, certainly more so than the Tudors.
Mary
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I honestly don't think it would be Richard who wanted lands back, after all he got Warwick and Kenilworth castles which were the chief prize in the region. Why would he seek to alienate Hastings who like himself had been a good servant to his brother - and a good soldier? On the other hand Richard wouldn't have much problem upsetting the Greys, who in his mind were responsible for Edward's irresponsible marriage.
Doug here:
I didn't mean that Richard would automatically demand Hastings return any properties he held at the King's pleasure, or whatever the term would be, but that Morton may very well have played on any such fears Hastings may have had. With Edward's death, and even presuming Edward V remained on the throne, Hastings position changed greatly with Edward IV's death. Whether it was the Woodvilles or the Protector who ruled, Hastings was certain to lose his position as Lord Chamberlain to the king. Unless Hastings was the exception to the rule, he almost certainly extracted fees for setting up appointments with the king. So there's the first financial blow. Then, especiallyif they were as remunerative as they sound, he'd also likely lose those posts as Master of the Mint and Chamberlain of the Exchequer. Blows two and three. Nor was it likely he'd retain his position as Captain of Calais; the post was just too sensitive not to be held by someone completely trusted. With the arrangements that had been put in place for paying the garrison, it would be unlikely that the Captaincy didn't also bring in something. Which tells me that, after Edward's death, Hastings would have known that, for a while anyway, from that point on his income would be from what ever properties he held; many of which, possibly even most, may have been gifts from Edward and, as I mentioned above, were held at the king's pleasure and subject to being taken back.
From what we know, it appears that, as Richard would later do as king with Buckingham, as Protector he excluded Hastings from membership in that much sought-after inner circle. We also know that Richard seems to have felt that, at the very least, Hastings could have done more to divert Edward from indulging himself so thoroughly in wine, women and song. That Hastings also participated in those indulgences with Edward likely wouldn't have made Hastings any more acceptable to Richard, whether as Protector or King.
Enter the villain: John Morton, Bishop of Ely. We know both Morton and Hastings were sitting with that part of the Council concerned with arranging the coronation. We also know that, whether as an originator or as a later addition, Hastings joined the plot to kill Richard. Why? And especially, when?
When I first joined this forum, my thought was that Hastings just didn't believe in the Pre-Contract. Edward IV had been his friend as much if not more than being his king. Thus Hastings' support for the plot was solely due to the affection he'd held for his dead friend and his determination to ensure his friend's son wasn't illegally disinherited.
Now, what if we add to any doubts Hastings may have had about the validity of the Pre-Contract, to his worries about just what was going to happen to him? It's a perfectly natural response. He'd lost not only his best friend, but the protector that friend, as king, had been. He'd lost those positions that had not only made him, as Lord Chamberlain, the second most powerful position in the realm (the King might make the decisions, but if you controlled who provided the input for those decisions...) and provided probably a very tidy annual income. Which left those properties as Hastings' remaining bulwark against becoming just another fairly well-off county magnate.
It's almost a certainty that Morton managed to either convert Buckingham to supporting an attempt to return Edward V to the throne or make a grab for it for himself. Why would it be too implausible to consider that Morton may have done something similar with regards to Hastings? Particularly if Hastings may not have been all that convinced about the Pre-Contract?
I think I may have something here, but...
Hilary continued:
FWIW Hastings' brothers, Richard and Ralph fought for Richard at Bosworth, as did his nephew Sir John Ferrers, who died there.
Doug here:
I can only think of two possible reasons for Hastings' brothers and nephew to continue to support Richard: Either they were solely worried about being on the winning side, or else they felt Lord Hastings' execution had been, however unfortunately, deserved.
Hilary continued:
Any time you want a bit of amusement take a look in the Leicestershire archives, the feud is very entertaining - fights in the street, forest ambushes, raiding of boat-sheds at Henley on Thames. Something which a monarch probably wouldn't be too bothered about but which must have been extremely annoying to the locals. Like the regular Saturday night pub brawl.
Doug here:
My regular must have been a neutral zone!
Hilary concluded:
I suppose the other thing which convinces me that Hastings was essentially a 'good egg' is that he is everywhere in Leicestershire - schools, roads. The Greys, not really.
Doug here:
Are they named Lord Hastings or some such? Because there was that battle down south...
Doug
Who devoutly hopes that emoticon comes through!
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Fo
Mary
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Mary
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Nico continued: That [Buckingham's original intentions] is such a important question, and depends on a lot of factors, especially Buckingham's reason for turning against Richard, as well as the motivations of other people involved. Personally, I think the catalyst was Buckingham's disappointment at being excluded from a powerful position, and Morton capitalized on his bitterness. I'm still not convinced that he had a serious interest in restoring E5 once Richard was King. While he would have liked a better position in the King's circle, I'm not convinced he would have thought the Woodvilles had anything to offer. Something was revealed at Northampton, and he appears to have been central to it, whatever it was. That would surely have burned his bridges with them, so I can't see them seriously working together after that point, either in a conspiracy or in government. Therefore, imho, he went straight from supporting Richard, to furthering his own agenda. Because I think that Morton and MB would have preferred him to a Dorset dominated Woodville council, my suspicion is that Morton got to work on him while he was in his custody, MB carried on with her EofY/HT plans, but once Buckingham turned, both privately supported him. If Buckingham promised Henry's return plus a genuinely powerful position, I think MB would supported him without hesitation, especially since the Woodvilles were unlikely to offer more than an ornamental title outside the King's inner circle. As for the rumours, it is possible all three may have bee responsible for spreading them. Doug here: What do you think of the idea that Morton, while aiming to gain Buckingham's support for a rebellion to restore Edward, overdid playing on Buckingham's ego so that Buckingham came to believe that he could get the throne for himself? Of course, if a rebellion is begun in favor of someone, how, presuming that person is still alive, do you his supporters to switch their allegiance to you; without the rebellion collapsing anyway? Which, interestingly enough, is exactly what occurred to Buckingham's Rebellion. My personal view is that, mad as it sounds, Buckingham somehow got the idea he could divert the rebellion from supporting Edward to supporting himself. However, to successfully divert the rebellion to his own aims would require two near-impossibilities the complete and devastating destruction of Richard and his forces and the removal of Edward (and his brother) as possible contenders. Perhaps Buckingham though he could square that circle and Morton knew it was impossible?
FWIW, and again it's only my opinion, but I tend to think that, at least until after the failure of Buckingham's rebellion, Margaret Beaufort only aim was getting Henry back into England, safe and sound and, more importantly, with no conditions attached. Now, after the rebellion failed, it looks more to me as if Margaret went along with Henry's plans, rather than being the instigator. And, interestingly, she may not have done much of anything until after the death of Richard's heir. Nico continued: The 'slur' that I referred to would be from after the precontract was revealed. I think that if they genuinely believed that the story was not true they would have said challenged Stillington. While Edward was at fault, I don't think they would want Eleanor's name dragged through the mud in a scandalous story if she had nothing to do with it. While he was alive, it would have been a closely guarded secret, too dangerous to travel outside the family except to people like Catesby if he gave legal advice.. Since a secret is only as good as people you tell, the Talbots had to be very careful during Edward's reign, but after he was dead and the story out, they had nothing to lose. Doug here: Ah, I see now. The slur was that Edward, with a perfectly good marriage already in place with Eleanor, bypassed acknowledging her and not only married Elizabeth Woodville, but also acknowledged her as his queen. IOW, what was wrong with Eleanor that she shouldn't have been good enough, while Elizabeth Woodville was? Nico concluded: I think it is possible that Buckingham, the Talbots and even Catesby may have given statements backing Stillington's claims could have triggered an attempt to kill Richard. Are you suggesting that the evidence was being presented and Hastings lashed out? If was what happpened, I would think there must have been after some collusion with other E5 supporters, such as the Woodvilles and maybe Morton that Richard would have to be assassinated, E5 crowned quickly and the information suppressed. Doug here: Personally, I believe that Hastings' actions were the result of his knowing that Stillington's allegations, plus any supporting statements, had enough support on the Council to be accepted as being true. I think that the attempt on Richard's life in June 1483 was to prevent his being available as a legitimate alternative to his nephew. IOW, remove Richard and the Council could claim that Stilligton's allegations had no basis in fact. Whether the Council would actually do that or not, I can't say. After all, Richard had an indisputably legitimate heir, even if there were doubts about his brother's. However, presuming Richard had died and the Council did decide to support Edward as being his father's legitimate heir, we also have to remember that anyone making any remarks/claims about Edwards legitimacy would have been committing treason and could face death for saying such remarks. Even though they were true... Doug
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Mary
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Now Stonor, as we know, was deep in old Lancaster territory - De Vere, Lovell (Francis's father), Greene, Latimer, Hampden and Woodville. For Edward or Richard to 'access' Giles and his brother must have taken quite some doing. Perhaps he went to uni? Or was Giles working for Stonor, who had rebelled on behalf of the Woodvilles and had orders from them to quickly get Buckingham out of the way? Richard rewarded the brothers but attainted Stonor so I don't think Stonor changed his coat.
Which brings me to our old friend Stillington. If you look at his Yorkshire background, his family, their friends, their wider family, everything points to him being part of what was to become the Neville/Richard set. Yes, he'd worked for Henry VI, but so had most people of his ability. And, unlike Morton and quite a few others, he didn't go into exile with MOA.
Could he possibly have been the biggest Yorkist plant of all? Even in 1464 the Bath and Wells diocese was bang in the middle of traditional Beaufort/Lancastrian support and it also contained several wider family of the Talbots - so knowledge of Edward's 'secret' could be monitored. Move on to 1472 and Clarence is also there and needs keeping an eye on. Then of course there is St Martin's, where quite a bit of London gossip would be rife. And the reward would of course have been the very lucrative marriage of his daughter Juliana into the 'Bytton inheritance'.
Just a thought. H
On Sunday, 7 January 2018, 18:49:12 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary wrote: I've found out a bit more today. If you read Marie's post you'll see she talks about Maud Wayte, the daughter of William (or Edward Wayte) and Margaret Popham. She rightly says that Maud married Sir John Chalers (Scales) - Maud had been married before to William Vyell, Constable of Tintagel Castle. And all can be confirmed via IPMs. Maud and John had three daughters, one of whom was Anne, who married as her second husband Gyles Wellesbourne. I hadn't heard of him but he was a retainer of William Stonor (of Hampton and 1483 rebel fame) and, on Richard's behalf, he escorted Buckingham to Salisbury for his execution. Meanwhile his brother Christopher had located Buckingham's wife and son for Richard. Seems to be right - Richard rewarded them. Now these folk were operating deep in old Lancaster/Woodville territory. Were they spies, like the Brechers, or does this indicate that the Woodvilles wanted Buckingham out of the w ay fast? Doug here: To me it would make sense to, if at all possible, scatter a few supporters in areas where it was known that locals didn't particularly favor you. Sort of breaking the bubble the locals may have been in concerning those so-and-so Yorkists by providing personal contacts? And, yes, if worst came to worst, spying. As for the Woodvilles wanting Buckingham out of the way, it does seem to me that once the rebellion had failed, they might very well feel the less chance Buckingham had to talk with Richard the better. Other than that, I can't say. Doug
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
PS I had a mad moment and wrote 'Anne' instead of 'Edward' in my post on scoliosis. However, the same would apply to Anne's death in the period leading up to Bosworth.
On Sunday, 7 January 2018, 22:24:35 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
Doug we know from Thomas Penn's book about HT, "The Winter King", that John, Earl of Lincoln's family tree did not consider E5 or his brother as heirs to the throne. What if Buckingham thought the same thing. After all he would be aware of Canon Law and of course if he knew something through his family about the pre-contract he would probably definitely think that E5 and his brother were not eligible to take the throne. So maybe Morton persuaded him that Richard would not be good for the nobility as he was already making laws to give rights to ordinary citizens. He might have reminded Buckingham that he had a claim to the throne and that it might be better for the nobility if he were King and not Richard. Aunt Margaret would approve as it would mean that her son could come home. Just speculating but it is probably as plausible as the theories that the trads put about.
Mary
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Again it's interesting how very like the Henry VIII scenario this is. As second son he grew up in a household of women and doted on his mother and sisters. But he of course didn't have to play second fiddle forever.
I think Richard was included in the party to persuade George - in fact isn't he credited with doing the persuasion? Is this in the 'Arrival'? Apart from their eloquence in arguing over the Warwick inheritance - which is to be expected, I can't think of any squabbles - you'd have thought rumour would have rejoiced in them. And they did both ride over together to see Margaret in France and both wanted to go to her aid later and were forbidden by Edward. So I never get the feel for any great enmity. I think a lot of that comes from fiction. H
On Sunday, 7 January 2018, 21:09:06 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary, Hilary, It's certainly nice to know we're, roughly anyway, in agreement. The more I contemplate Edward and George, the more it looks to me like two people at cross-purposes perhaps because they're too self-centered and lack the ability, or desire, to look at something from another's point of view. And, while the general view tends towards expecting family members to get along, I think we're all realists enough to realize that doesn't always happen. Thank you for that bit of information about George's first non-trip to Burgundy. FWIW, in this Wikipedia article: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Margaret_of_York#Marriage in the sixth paragraph under Marriage, it says Margaret left England 23 June, 1468 and that Despite Louis XI having ordered ships to seize her..., she arrived safely. However, if Edward had any idea that Louis intended to to seize the vessels carrying his sister and her entourage, the failure to allow George to go along looks different George was Edward's heir. While it might have entailed a risk, both to his sister and his relations with France and Burgundy, to have the French nab Margaret, the risk to England if Louis got hold of George was something else again. Perhaps George got along so well with women because he never looked on them as a threat? As a younger son in a noble family, trying to define one's position in the pecking order of his male relations might very well be difficult. Which is as far as this non-psychologist is willing to go. Except for the squabbling over their wives' inheritance, do we have any indications of how George and Richard got along otherwise? Wasn't Richard included in the party that met with George and talked him into switching from Warwick to Edward? Doug Hilary wrote: Hi Doug yes I do understand and actually agree with most of it. George was forbidden to go to Burgundy twice.. Once when Margaret first went there, that is before Isabel and secondly, after her death. Perhaps the other thing that influences me in this is that Margaret was devoted to George - she dedicated a book on chess to him. I'd be interested in a psychological assessment of George. He seemed to get very attached to the women in his life - Margaret and Isabel, almost reliant on them. We don't know so much about his relationship with his mother, but we know she quite liked the marriage - Warwick was her favorite nephew, Isabel her goddaughter. She went to see them at Sandwich before they left to marry in France. BTW I'd also be interested in an updated one on Richard now we know about his scoliosis. Although it probably didn't interfere with him that much on a daily basis, the knowledge that he was 'flawed' and the impact that times of extreme stress might have had on him does I think justify a revised assessment. And perhaps the exile to Utrecht at such an early age had longstanding effects on both Richard and George?
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Mary
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On Monday, 8 January 2018, 11:14:16 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
A very vague recollection of something going the rounds years ago. Something about Stillington being sent by Edward to spy on HT and something about a female spy too. I think someone wrote a novel based on it maybe Valerie Anand? However, I may not have remembered correctly.
Mary
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Mary
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
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Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebellio
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Hilary wrote:
"Margaret was devoted to George - she dedicated a book on chess to him."
Carol responds:
I'm not sure that means she was devoted to him. Maybe she just knew that he liked chess--or the opposite. Maybe she thought he should improve his playing to learn strategy. In any case, it's just one piece of evidence. Yes, she urged him to go back to Edward for his own good and the good of the realm, but so did Stillington and at least two of the other York women (his mother and his sister Elizabeth, Duchess of Suffolk).
Carol
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
If I have missed it, perhaps you could point it out.
Kind regardsDavid
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Re your reasoning on the rest I think it makes a great deal of sense and would explain George's actions. If Anne Beauchamp also told Anne, then I don't reckon Anne told Richard. But perhaps she was quite happy where she was with her life in the North, and neither would she at that point stand to be queen.
I've still to catch up on a lot of stuff and will be back later! H
On Monday, 8 January 2018, 16:38:44 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary, In regards to who might have known about the Pre-Contract, the only thing I'm fairly certain of is that they'd have met two criteria: there wouldn't have been too many, perhaps only four or five at most, and they'd also have been of sufficient probity(?) so that their statements could be considered trustworthy. Say, one or two Talbots, Anne Beauchamp and Catesby Sr., if not also his son. As none of them, as far as we know, participated in the marriage ceremony between Edward and Eleanor, their statements would have had to been legally hearsay, wouldn't they? So the degree to which the information in their statements would been taken seriously would have depended on from whom they'd gotten that information, wouldn't it? If we limit those knowing about the marriage to the above few, the best person to have done the informing would likely have been Eleanor herself. At least to her relatives and possible Anne Beauchamp, with one of Eleanor's relatives then contacting the Catesbys for advice. I'm still up in the air about George ever knowing about the Pre-Contract. It's possible, however, that among those detrimental statements about the King that George was accused of saying, he also mentioned Edward and Eleanor. I seem to recall that were rather general, but I could easily be mistaken. If, however, Edward's marriage with Eleanor was among George's detrimental statements, then it would also mean that there'd be even more people at least aware of the charge of bigamy against Edward, if only to ensure that particular statement of George's wasn't included. On the one hand, having more people, even if only one or two, who knew about the claim, and that making that claim was part of the charges against George, could certainly lend more credence to it once it was safe to speak. Any failure to immediately speak out when Edward IV died could be laid to the same reason nothing was said publicly before Edward died it was, until Richard arrived anyway, just too dangerous. What do you think of the idea that, if George had known about the Pre-Contract, perhaps he'd only learned about it shortly before his wife died? Could George knowing he was legally Edward's heir, followed almost immediately by his wife's death, have been what set him off? Especially if he'd learned about the Pre-Contract from Isabel? His reasoning being, I'd imagine, that Isabel knew and now she was dead. He knew and now his life, and his son's, were in jeopardy. It could certainly help explain his high-handed actions against those he thought had something to do with Isabel's death, as well as his attempt to get his son, now legally the spare, out of England. I hope that make sense! As for the anointing; while the act itself doesn't necessarily seem to have protected a monarch from being dethroned, it does often seem to have slowed the course of events if their removal was being contemplated. It seems to me that it was the coronation itself that the Woodvilles were after. A proclaimed king was one thing; a crowned, and anointed, king quite another. Any attempt by the former to, say, remake the Council, might run into enough opposition to derail the attempt. OTOH, once crowned, it would only be natural for the new king to make appointments; removing some people and replacing them with others. But to remake the Council so that it represented the Woodvilles' interests, required that remaking to be done before the Protector arrived and, basically, took over the governing of the realm from the newly-crowned king, wouldn't it? Doug Hilary wrote: Catesby could also have known via his father who had married into the Talbot (and dare I say Stillington) set. Whilst I don't buy Eleanor meandering up to see Mrs Catesby like a Jane Austen heroine (sorry Hammond) I would have thought either as a lawyer or a relative, Catesby senior would have come across it - even if he couldn't prove it. The Catesbys were of course long-term lawyers to the Beauchamps and to George so I would agree it is likely that they would have been aware of rumours if not proof. Anne Beauchamp could of course bring gravity to this if she were able to confirm it and she would have a vested interest because it meant one of her grandsons would in due course become king. Re anointing, that takes place at the Coronation. There's always been a 'thing' that uncrowned kings, and indeed their consorts, were of a sort of lesser value than those who had been touched with the holy oil.. It's something often said about Edward VIII (and Edward V). The anointing and crowning are the moment when you become a being set aside by God. I would have thought the Woodviles would have wanted that crown on young Edward's head asap, if only to make him more 'untouchable'.
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
If Buckingham's ego was big enough and it probably was, that could have been the case, but would really seriously considered it without feeling assured that he would have considerable backing? Displacing one anointed King (Richard) as well as another contender (Edward V). This is why I suspect that Morton, after the precontract was revealed may have preferred Buckingham to the Edward V. After all, Buckingham was an adult, and the two previous child kings, Henry III and Richard II turned out to be weak and faction dominated. Therefore, Morton may have justified turning his attention to Buckingham for those reasons, as Edward V's Woodville dominated reign could easily have gone in that direction. There was also the Henry VI/MoA/old Lancaster factor. While Morton made his peace with Edward after Tewkesbury and got some prominent positions, they were away from the centre of power and he was never on Edward V's council. What he, Bray and MB all had in common were close connections to Henry VI's reign, which they all had good reason to feel some nostalgia for, so they may have decided that Buckingham with his Beaufort descent and his legal claim to the throne through the Stafford line was the heir to old Lancaster, expecting, of course, to be handsomely rewarded for their efforts.
As for the Woodvilles, while I could see Morton and some of the older Lancastrian families gravitating towards Anthony Woodville if the rewards were good enough, but I'm not sure about the situation once he was dead. AW was an accomplished intellectual and would have commanded considerable respect, but not all Woodvilles were created equal. However, a boy king dominated by the Marquis of Dorset may have been another story altogether. FWIW, the 'we are so powerful' comment speaks volumes about the MofD - arrogant, greedy, impulsive, short-sighted... to name just a few negative characteristics. Actually, Dorset typifies the unpleasant Woodville stereotype more than any of them. Despite all the titles, land and privilege, (enabled by EW), he never actually accomplished anything of note, probably wasn't very bright and was central to the sleazier aspects of Edward IV's life. It is also interesting that EIV chose his younger brother, Richard Grey to be a co-guardian of E5, rather than him. Not much to recommend for someone who would without doubt push his way to being EV's chief advisor. As for the other Woodvilles, Lionel was also intellectually accomplished, but the other two seem less so. Edward tried to escape with the treasury, and seems a bit of a law unto himself. It is harder to say about Richard jr, but he doesn't seem to have done much either. While AW and Lionel may have worked as guardians of young EV, the others would have given anyone doubts. They may even have ended up fighting amongst each other.
Margaret Beaufort intrigues me most here. I agree with you that her main intention was getting HT back, and may well have had no plans for him to be King. However, there is something about her personality that likes to be at the centre of things, to be involved and be in control which is evident in the prominent role she took on as 'The King's Mother.' Also, Welles was involved in the Tower assault, and she was clearly using her contacts at an early stage. I think she would have liked a Lancaster monarchy under Buckingham, with her and HT in prominent roles. However, I also think that HT's push for the throne was his own idea, not something he was pushed into by her.
Ah, I see now. The slur was that Edward, with a perfectly good marriage already in place with Eleanor, bypassed acknowledging her and not only married Elizabeth Woodville, but also acknowledged her as his queen. IOW, what was wrong with Eleanor that she shouldn't have been good enough, while Elizabeth Woodville was?
It was probably a combination of luck and circumstanc, plus whatever it was that encouraged Eleanor to withdraw from the scene. Firstly, accounts of EW's wedding say that it was at Grafton Regis with Jacquetta, among others as a witness. While he may have intended the circumstances to be more clandestine, it would be hard to challenge Jacquetta and her prominent family by denying it. Also, the 'secret' marriage to EW became public knowledge when he felt forced to give a reason for turning down Warwick's French alliance.
Personally, I believe that Hastings' actions were the result of his knowing that Stillington's allegations, plus any supporting statements, had enough support on the Council to be accepted as being true. I think that the attempt on Richard's life in June 1483 was to prevent his being available as a legitimate alternative to his nephew. IOW, remove Richard and the Council could claim that Stilligton's allegations had no basis in fact.
You are probably right about this. If manipulating the council to reject and suppress the precontract was the only way of holding on to what he had, then he may have felt that removing Richard was the only way.
Nico
On Tuesday, 9 January 2018, 08:35:01 GMT, Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... [] <> wrote:
Hi Doug, to take the anointing first, by pure co-incidence this week our current Queen has been speaking about her coronation. I think it's be be shown on US TV this weekend, it is on ours? She says in the 'trailer' that she felt her reign truly began at her coronation - which was more than a year after she succeeded to the throne. So it still has that mistique.She also says she likes the Black Prince's ruby - which Richard no doubt wore.
Re your reasoning on the rest I think it makes a great deal of sense and would explain George's actions. If Anne Beauchamp also told Anne, then I don't reckon Anne told Richard. But perhaps she was quite happy where she was with her life in the North, and neither would she at that point stand to be queen.
I've still to catch up on a lot of stuff and will be back later! H
On Monday, 8 January 2018, 16:38:44 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary, In regards to who might have known about the Pre-Contract, the only thing I'm fairly certain of is that they'd have met two criteria: there wouldn't have been too many, perhaps only four or five at most, and they'd also have been of sufficient probity(?) so that their statements could be considered trustworthy. Say, one or two Talbots, Anne Beauchamp and Catesby Sr., if not also his son. As none of them, as far as we know, participated in the marriage ceremony between Edward and Eleanor, their statements would have had to been legally hearsay, wouldn't they? So the degree to which the information in their statements would been taken seriously would have depended on from whom they'd gotten that information, wouldn't it? If we limit those knowing about the marriage to the above few, the best person to have done the informing would likely have been Eleanor herself. At least to her relatives and possible Anne Beauchamp, with one of Eleanor's relatives then contacting the Catesbys for advice. I'm still up in the air about George ever knowing about the Pre-Contract. It's possible, however, that among those detrimental statements about the King that George was accused of saying, he also mentioned Edward and Eleanor. I seem to recall that were rather general, but I could easily be mistaken. If, however, Edward's marriage with Eleanor was among George's detrimental statements, then it would also mean that there'd be even more people at least aware of the charge of bigamy against Edward, if only to ensure that particular statement of George's wasn't included. On the one hand, having more people, even if only one or two, who knew about the claim, and that making that claim was part of the charges against George, could certainly lend more credence to it once it was safe to speak. Any failure to immediately speak out when Edward IV died could be laid to the same reason nothing was said publicly before Edward died it was, until Richard arrived anyway, just too dangerous. What do you think of the idea that, if George had known about the Pre-Contract, perhaps he'd only learned about it shortly before his wife died? Could George knowing he was legally Edward's heir, followed almost immediately by his wife's death, have been what set him off? Especially if he'd learned about the Pre-Contract from Isabel? His reasoning being, I'd imagine, that Isabel knew and now she was dead. He knew and now his life, and his son's, were in jeopardy. It could certainly help explain his high-handed actions against those he thought had something to do with Isabel's death, as well as his attempt to get his son, now legally the spare, out of England. I hope that make sense! As for the anointing; while the act itself doesn't necessarily seem to have protected a monarch from being dethroned, it does often seem to have slowed the course of events if their removal was being contemplated. It seems to me that it was the coronation itself that the Woodvilles were after. A proclaimed king was one thing; a crowned, and anointed, king quite another. Any attempt by the former to, say, remake the Council, might run into enough opposition to derail the attempt. OTOH, once crowned, it would only be natural for the new king to make appointments; removing some people and replacing them with others. But to remake the Council so that it represented the Woodvilles' interests, required that remaking to be done before the Protector arrived and, basically, took over the governing of the realm from the newly-crowned king, wouldn't it? Doug Hilary wrote: Catesby could also have known via his father who had married into the Talbot (and dare I say Stillington) set. Whilst I don't buy Eleanor meandering up to see Mrs Catesby like a Jane Austen heroine (sorry Hammond) I would have thought either as a lawyer or a relative, Catesby senior would have come across it - even if he couldn't prove it. The Catesbys were of course long-term lawyers to the Beauchamps and to George so I would agree it is likely that they would have been aware of rumours if not proof. Anne Beauchamp could of course bring gravity to this if she were able to confirm it and she would have a vested interest because it meant one of her grandsons would in due course become king. Re anointing, that takes place at the Coronation. There's always been a 'thing' that uncrowned kings, and indeed their consorts, were of a sort of lesser value than those who had been touched with the holy oil.. It's something often said about Edward VIII (and Edward V). The anointing and crowning are the moment when you become a being set aside by God. I would have thought the Woodviles would have wanted that crown on young Edward's head asap, if only to make him more 'untouchable'.
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Hi,
Yahoo seems to be deleting posts, including Doug and Hilary's conversation about who knew about the precontract. I found it on my phone, but could yahoo have a look at what is going on?
Anyway, when it came to proving the precontract, the hearsay rule wouldn't have applied, as it wasn't used until a few centuries later, and even the (in England anyway) it was only for criminal cases. Therefore, if knowledge of the precontract came from people close to Eleanor, that testimony should have been acceptable. Also, while Stillington came forward with the evidence he may have been able to produce the actual priest involved to give first hand testimony, but if not, credible evidence as to how he came to learn of it, could be considered. Family members, such as her brother Humphrey and sister Elizabeth also would probably have been called to say what Eleanor told him (and perhaps her feelings about it) as would Catesby if he knew a anything about it. Cousins/aunts/uncles such as Buckingham (via his mother) and Anne Beauchamp may also have known and testified. It is unfortunate that there are no records of what the proof actually was, but knowledge probably was confined to that very small circle.
Anne Beauchamp is borderline. She was Eleanor's aunt, but she may have not been as close as others such as Buckingham's mother because of the Berkeley inheritance dispute, but there seems to have been some contact, so maybe she did know, and if so, was the most likely source of Clarence getting the information, and by extension ideas about his an Warwick's safety as the next legal heirs. What puzzles me if that if Isabel knew and told Clarence (and was murdered?), then Anne must have known too, but Richard doesn't appear to have been aware, and was supporting EV until the news came out. Maybe she withheld what she knew because she thought Richard might ask Edward about which would cause trouble for her mother.
As for the anointing, if the Woodvilles had managed to get the coronation done, it may have swayed enough council members to support EV, as they may have interpreted it as God's will. Even HT was uncomfortable about Lambert Simnel, believing that the coronation in Dublin gave him some sort of holy or priestly status.
Nico
On Tuesday, 9 January 2018, 13:29:29 GMT, Nicholas Brown <nico11238@...> wrote:
Doug:What do you think of the idea that Morton, while aiming to gain Buckingham's support for a rebellion to restore Edward, overdid playing on Buckingham's ego so that Buckingham came to believe that he could get the throne for himself?... . However, to successfully divert the rebellion to his own aims would require two near-impossibilities the complete and devastating destruction of Richard and his forces and the removal of Edward (and his brother) as possible contenders.
If Buckingham's ego was big enough and it probably was, that could have been the case, but would really seriously considered it without feeling assured that he would have considerable backing? Displacing one anointed King (Richard) as well as another contender (Edward V). This is why I suspect that Morton, after the precontract was revealed may have preferred Buckingham to the Edward V. After all, Buckingham was an adult, and the two previous child kings, Henry III and Richard II turned out to be weak and faction dominated. Therefore, Morton may have justified turning his attention to Buckingham for those reasons, as Edward V's Woodville dominated reign could easily have gone in that direction. There was also the Henry VI/MoA/old Lancaster factor. While Morton made his peace with Edward after Tewkesbury and got some prominent positions, they were away from the centre of power and he was never on Edward V's council. What he, Bray and MB all had in common were close connections to Henry VI's reign, which they all had good reason to feel some nostalgia for, so they may have decided that Buckingham with his Beaufort descent and his legal claim to the throne through the Stafford line was the heir to old Lancaster, expecting, of course, to be handsomely rewarded for their efforts.
As for the Woodvilles, while I could see Morton and some of the older Lancastrian families gravitating towards Anthony Woodville if the rewards were good enough, but I'm not sure about the situation once he was dead. AW was an accomplished intellectual and would have commanded considerable respect, but not all Woodvilles were created equal. However, a boy king dominated by the Marquis of Dorset may have been another story altogether. FWIW, the 'we are so powerful' comment speaks volumes about the MofD - arrogant, greedy, impulsive, short-sighted... to name just a few negative characteristics. Actually, Dorset typifies the unpleasant Woodville stereotype more than any of them. Despite all the titles, land and privilege, (enabled by EW), he never actually accomplished anything of note, probably wasn't very bright and was central to the sleazier aspects of Edward IV's life. It is also interesting that EIV chose his younger brother, Richard Grey to be a co-guardian of E5, rather than him. Not much to recommend for someone who would without doubt push his way to being EV's chief advisor. As for the other Woodvilles, Lionel was also intellectually accomplished, but the other two seem less so. Edward tried to escape with the treasury, and seems a bit of a law unto himself. It is harder to say about Richard jr, but he doesn't seem to have done much either. While AW and Lionel may have worked as guardians of young EV, the others would have given anyone doubts. They may even have ended up fighting amongst each other.
Margaret Beaufort intrigues me most here. I agree with you that her main intention was getting HT back, and may well have had no plans for him to be King. However, there is something about her personality that likes to be at the centre of things, to be involved and be in control which is evident in the prominent role she took on as 'The King's Mother.' Also, Welles was involved in the Tower assault, and she was clearly using her contacts at an early stage. I think she would have liked a Lancaster monarchy under Buckingham, with her and HT in prominent roles. However, I also think that HT's push for the throne was his own idea, not something he was pushed into by her.
Ah, I see now. The slur was that Edward, with a perfectly good marriage already in place with Eleanor, bypassed acknowledging her and not only married Elizabeth Woodville, but also acknowledged her as his queen. IOW, what was wrong with Eleanor that she shouldn't have been good enough, while Elizabeth Woodville was?
It was probably a combination of luck and circumstanc, plus whatever it was that encouraged Eleanor to withdraw from the scene. Firstly, accounts of EW's wedding say that it was at Grafton Regis with Jacquetta, among others as a witness. While he may have intended the circumstances to be more clandestine, it would be hard to challenge Jacquetta and her prominent family by denying it. Also, the 'secret' marriage to EW became public knowledge when he felt forced to give a reason for turning down Warwick's French alliance.
Personally, I believe that Hastings' actions were the result of his knowing that Stillington's allegations, plus any supporting statements, had enough support on the Council to be accepted as being true. I think that the attempt on Richard's life in June 1483 was to prevent his being available as a legitimate alternative to his nephew. IOW, remove Richard and the Council could claim that Stilligton's allegations had no basis in fact.
You are probably right about this. If manipulating the council to reject and suppress the precontract was the only way of holding on to what he had, then he may have felt that removing Richard was the only way.
Nico
On Tuesday, 9 January 2018, 08:35:01 GMT, Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... [] <> wrote:
Hi Doug, to take the anointing first, by pure co-incidence this week our current Queen has been speaking about her coronation. I think it's be be shown on US TV this weekend, it is on ours? She says in the 'trailer' that she felt her reign truly began at her coronation - which was more than a year after she succeeded to the throne. So it still has that mistique.She also says she likes the Black Prince's ruby - which Richard no doubt wore.
Re your reasoning on the rest I think it makes a great deal of sense and would explain George's actions. If Anne Beauchamp also told Anne, then I don't reckon Anne told Richard. But perhaps she was quite happy where she was with her life in the North, and neither would she at that point stand to be queen.
I've still to catch up on a lot of stuff and will be back later! H
On Monday, 8 January 2018, 16:38:44 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary, In regards to who might have known about the Pre-Contract, the only thing I'm fairly certain of is that they'd have met two criteria: there wouldn't have been too many, perhaps only four or five at most, and they'd also have been of sufficient probity(?) so that their statements could be considered trustworthy. Say, one or two Talbots, Anne Beauchamp and Catesby Sr., if not also his son. As none of them, as far as we know, participated in the marriage ceremony between Edward and Eleanor, their statements would have had to been legally hearsay, wouldn't they? So the degree to which the information in their statements would been taken seriously would have depended on from whom they'd gotten that information, wouldn't it? If we limit those knowing about the marriage to the above few, the best person to have done the informing would likely have been Eleanor herself. At least to her relatives and possible Anne Beauchamp, with one of Eleanor's relatives then contacting the Catesbys for advice. I'm still up in the air about George ever knowing about the Pre-Contract. It's possible, however, that among those detrimental statements about the King that George was accused of saying, he also mentioned Edward and Eleanor. I seem to recall that were rather general, but I could easily be mistaken. If, however, Edward's marriage with Eleanor was among George's detrimental statements, then it would also mean that there'd be even more people at least aware of the charge of bigamy against Edward, if only to ensure that particular statement of George's wasn't included. On the one hand, having more people, even if only one or two, who knew about the claim, and that making that claim was part of the charges against George, could certainly lend more credence to it once it was safe to speak. Any failure to immediately speak out when Edward IV died could be laid to the same reason nothing was said publicly before Edward died it was, until Richard arrived anyway, just too dangerous. What do you think of the idea that, if George had known about the Pre-Contract, perhaps he'd only learned about it shortly before his wife died? Could George knowing he was legally Edward's heir, followed almost immediately by his wife's death, have been what set him off? Especially if he'd learned about the Pre-Contract from Isabel? His reasoning being, I'd imagine, that Isabel knew and now she was dead. He knew and now his life, and his son's, were in jeopardy. It could certainly help explain his high-handed actions against those he thought had something to do with Isabel's death, as well as his attempt to get his son, now legally the spare, out of England. I hope that make sense! As for the anointing; while the act itself doesn't necessarily seem to have protected a monarch from being dethroned, it does often seem to have slowed the course of events if their removal was being contemplated. It seems to me that it was the coronation itself that the Woodvilles were after. A proclaimed king was one thing; a crowned, and anointed, king quite another. Any attempt by the former to, say, remake the Council, might run into enough opposition to derail the attempt. OTOH, once crowned, it would only be natural for the new king to make appointments; removing some people and replacing them with others. But to remake the Council so that it represented the Woodvilles' interests, required that remaking to be done before the Protector arrived and, basically, took over the governing of the realm from the newly-crowned king, wouldn't it? Doug Hilary wrote: Catesby could also have known via his father who had married into the Talbot (and dare I say Stillington) set. Whilst I don't buy Eleanor meandering up to see Mrs Catesby like a Jane Austen heroine (sorry Hammond) I would have thought either as a lawyer or a relative, Catesby senior would have come across it - even if he couldn't prove it. The Catesbys were of course long-term lawyers to the Beauchamps and to George so I would agree it is likely that they would have been aware of rumours if not proof. Anne Beauchamp could of course bring gravity to this if she were able to confirm it and she would have a vested interest because it meant one of her grandsons would in due course become king. Re anointing, that takes place at the Coronation. There's always been a 'thing' that uncrowned kings, and indeed their consorts, were of a sort of lesser value than those who had been touched with the holy oil.. It's something often said about Edward VIII (and Edward V). The anointing and crowning are the moment when you become a being set aside by God. I would have thought the Woodviles would have wanted that crown on young Edward's head asap, if only to make him more 'untouchable'.
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Couple of small points to add to a very good discussion
Firstly, Anthony is to me the ultimate poser - the expert jouster who is just always too busy to get his hands dirty. Imagine Richard in summer 1471 having been wounded at Barnet, fought at Tewkesbury and passed judgement on the Lancastrian leaders, being then sent to pursue Fauconberg because AW, who was originally requested to do so by Edward, was preparing to go on a pilgrimage. Did he go? No. Where was AW in Scotland - at least Percy was there? I think this is just another Victorian rendering of the persecuted poet. Hard - but that's how he grabs me.
As well as the unlovely Dorset, and perhaps Buckingham, the one who could also have had a will to get rid of Hastings was Thomas Stanley. The Stanleys had steadily expanded their 'empire' for generations. It now rivaled that of the Staffords in the North West. The Hastings, Buckingham (Stafford) and to a lesser extent Grey empires were all impinging on Stanley ambitions. Anyone clever enough to take out both Hastings and Buckingham whilst getting them conveniently attainted was doing the Stanleys an immense good turn. H
On Tuesday, 9 January 2018, 13:43:41 GMT, Nicholas Brown nico11238@... [] <> wrote:
Doug:What do you think of the idea that
Morton, while aiming to gain Buckingham's support for a rebellion to restore
Edward, overdid playing on Buckingham's ego so that Buckingham came to believe
that he could get the throne for himself?...
. However, to successfully divert the
rebellion to his own aims would require two near-impossibilities the complete
and devastating destruction of Richard and his forces and the
removal of Edward (and his brother) as possible contenders.
If Buckingham's ego was big enough and it probably was, that could have been the case, but would really seriously considered it without feeling assured that he would have considerable backing? Displacing one anointed King (Richard) as well as another contender (Edward V). This is why I suspect that Morton, after the precontract was revealed may have preferred Buckingham to the Edward V. After all, Buckingham was an adult, and the two previous child kings, Henry III and Richard II turned out to be weak and faction dominated. Therefore, Morton may have justified turning his attention to Buckingham for those reasons, as Edward V's Woodville dominated reign could easily have gone in that direction. There was also the Henry VI/MoA/old Lancaster factor. While Morton made his peace with Edward after Tewkesbury and got some prominent positions, they were away from the centre of power and he was never on Edward V's council. What he, Bray and MB all had in common were close connections to Henry VI's reign, which they all had good reason to feel some nostalgia for, so they may have decided that Buckingham with his Beaufort descent and his legal claim to the throne through the Stafford line was the heir to old Lancaster, expecting, of course, to be handsomely rewarded for their efforts..
As for the Woodvilles, while I could see Morton and some of the older Lancastrian families gravitating towards Anthony Woodville if the rewards were good enough, but I'm not sure about the situation once he was dead. AW was an accomplished intellectual and would have commanded considerable respect, but not all Woodvilles were created equal. However, a boy king dominated by the Marquis of Dorset may have been another story altogether. FWIW, the 'we are so powerful' comment speaks volumes about the MofD - arrogant, greedy, impulsive, short-sighted... to name just a few negative characteristics. Actually, Dorset typifies the unpleasant Woodville stereotype more than any of them. Despite all the titles, land and privilege, (enabled by EW), he never actually accomplished anything of note, probably wasn't very bright and was central to the sleazier aspects of Edward IV's life. It is also interesting that EIV chose his younger brother, Richard Grey to be a co-guardian of E5, rather than him. Not much to recommend for someone who would without doubt push his way to being EV's chief advisor. As for the other Woodvilles, Lionel was also intellectually accomplished, but the other two seem less so. Edward tried to escape with the treasury, and seems a bit of a law unto himself. It is harder to say about Richard jr, but he doesn't seem to have done much either. While AW and Lionel may have worked as guardians of young EV, the others would have given anyone doubts. They may even have ended up fighting amongst each other.
Margaret Beaufort intrigues me most here. I agree with you that her main intention was getting HT back, and may well have had no plans for him to be King. However, there is something about her personality that likes to be at the centre of things, to be involved and be in control which is evident in the prominent role she took on as 'The King's Mother.' Also, Welles was involved in the Tower assault, and she was clearly using her contacts at an early stage. I think she would have liked a Lancaster monarchy under Buckingham, with her and HT in prominent roles. However, I also think that HT's push for the throne was his own idea, not something he was pushed into by her.
Ah, I see now. The slur was that Edward, with a
perfectly good marriage already in place with Eleanor, bypassed acknowledging
her and not only married Elizabeth Woodville, but also acknowledged
her as his queen. IOW, what was wrong with Eleanor that she
shouldn't have been good enough, while Elizabeth Woodville was?
It was probably a combination of luck and circumstanc, plus whatever it was that encouraged Eleanor to withdraw from the scene. Firstly, accounts of EW's wedding say that it was at Grafton Regis with Jacquetta, among others as a witness. While he may have intended the circumstances to be more clandestine, it would be hard to challenge Jacquetta and her prominent family by denying it. Also, the 'secret' marriage to EW became public knowledge when he felt forced to give a reason for turning down Warwick's French alliance.
Personally, I believe that Hastings' actions were
the result of his knowing that Stillington's allegations, plus any supporting
statements, had enough support on the Council to be accepted as being true.
I think that the attempt on Richard's life in
June 1483 was to prevent his being available as a legitimate
alternative to his nephew. IOW, remove Richard and the Council could claim that
Stilligton's allegations had no basis in fact.
You are probably right about this. If manipulating the council to reject and suppress the precontract was the only way of holding on to what he had, then he may have felt that removing Richard was the only way.
Nico
On Tuesday, 9 January 2018, 08:35:01 GMT, Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... [] <> wrote:
Hi Doug, to take the anointing first, by pure co-incidence this week our current Queen has been speaking about her coronation. I think it's be be shown on US TV this weekend, it is on ours? She says in the 'trailer' that she felt her reign truly began at her coronation - which was more than a year after she succeeded to the throne. So it still has that mistique.She also says she likes the Black Prince's ruby - which Richard no doubt wore.
Re your reasoning on the rest I think it makes a great deal of sense and would explain George's actions. If Anne Beauchamp also told Anne, then I don't reckon Anne told Richard. But perhaps she was quite happy where she was with her life in the North, and neither would she at that point stand to be queen.
I've still to catch up on a lot of stuff and will be back later! H
On Monday, 8 January 2018, 16:38:44 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary, In regards to who might have known about the Pre-Contract, the only thing I'm fairly certain of is that they'd have met two criteria: there wouldn't have been too many, perhaps only four or five at most, and they'd also have been of sufficient probity(?) so that their statements could be considered trustworthy. Say, one or two Talbots, Anne Beauchamp and Catesby Sr., if not also his son. As none of them, as far as we know, participated in the marriage ceremony between Edward and Eleanor, their statements would have had to been legally hearsay, wouldn't they? So the degree to which the information in their statements would been taken seriously would have depended on from whom they'd gotten that information, wouldn't it? If we limit those knowing about the marriage to the above few, the best person to have done the informing would likely have been Eleanor herself. At least to her relatives and possible Anne Beauchamp, with one of Eleanor's relatives then contacting the Catesbys for advice. I'm still up in the air about George ever knowing about the Pre-Contract. It's possible, however, that among those detrimental statements about the King that George was accused of saying, he also mentioned Edward and Eleanor. I seem to recall that were rather general, but I could easily be mistaken. If, however, Edward's marriage with Eleanor was among George's detrimental statements, then it would also mean that there'd be even more people at least aware of the charge of bigamy against Edward, if only to ensure that particular statement of George's wasn't included. On the one hand, having more people, even if only one or two, who knew about the claim, and that making that claim was part of the charges against George, could certainly lend more credence to it once it was safe to speak. Any failure to immediately speak out when Edward IV died could be laid to the same reason nothing was said publicly before Edward died it was, until Richard arrived anyway, just too dangerous. What do you think of the idea that, if George had known about the Pre-Contract, perhaps he'd only learned about it shortly before his wife died? Could George knowing he was legally Edward's heir, followed almost immediately by his wife's death, have been what set him off? Especially if he'd learned about the Pre-Contract from Isabel? His reasoning being, I'd imagine, that Isabel knew and now she was dead. He knew and now his life, and his son's, were in jeopardy. It could certainly help explain his high-handed actions against those he thought had something to do with Isabel's death, as well as his attempt to get his son, now legally the spare, out of England. I hope that make sense! As for the anointing; while the act itself doesn't necessarily seem to have protected a monarch from being dethroned, it does often seem to have slowed the course of events if their removal was being contemplated. It seems to me that it was the coronation itself that the Woodvilles were after. A proclaimed king was one thing; a crowned, and anointed, king quite another. Any attempt by the former to, say, remake the Council, might run into enough opposition to derail the attempt. OTOH, once crowned, it would only be natural for the new king to make appointments; removing some people and replacing them with others. But to remake the Council so that it represented the Woodvilles' interests, required that remaking to be done before the Protector arrived and, basically, took over the governing of the realm from the newly-crowned king, wouldn't it? Doug Hilary wrote: Catesby could also have known via his father who had married into the Talbot (and dare I say Stillington) set. Whilst I don't buy Eleanor meandering up to see Mrs Catesby like a Jane Austen heroine (sorry Hammond) I would have thought either as a lawyer or a relative, Catesby senior would have come across it - even if he couldn't prove it. The Catesbys were of course long-term lawyers to the Beauchamps and to George so I would agree it is likely that they would have been aware of rumours if not proof. Anne Beauchamp could of course bring gravity to this if she were able to confirm it and she would have a vested interest because it meant one of her grandsons would in due course become king. Re anointing, that takes place at the Coronation. There's always been a 'thing' that uncrowned kings, and indeed their consorts, were of a sort of lesser value than those who had been touched with the holy oil.. It's something often said about Edward VIII (and Edward V). The anointing and crowning are the moment when you become a being set aside by God. I would have thought the Woodviles would have wanted that crown on young Edward's head asap, if only to make him more 'untouchable'.
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Mary
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Doug wrote:
Part of the trouble is that there are quite a few possibilities:1) Richard received Hastings' letter at Northampton and his meeting Buckingham there was by chance,2) Richard had already received Hastings' letter and meeting up with Buckingham was by chance ,3) Both Richard and Buckingham had received letters from Hastings and the meeting at Northampton was planned (although coordination might be a problem),4) Both had received their respective letters and the meeting was by chance (towards which I lean, currently anyway),"
Carol responds:
I don't think we even know that Hastings sent Richard a letter. Croyland says nothing about it, and Mancini purports to quote it as if he had seen it, which, of course, he could not have done (just as he purports to quote the conversation at Stony Stratford verbatim even though he could at best have heard a biased and translated paraphrase). These humanist "historians" take liberties to tell a good story and present a moral. We do ourselves, and history, a disservice if we take them at their word.
Now, of course, *someone* must have informed Richard that the Woodvilles were up to something and he needed to hurry and it makes sense that the someone would have been Hastings, but do we know that for sure? (The contents of the letter, of course, are pure speculation on Mancini's part.)
It might even have been Buckingham who informed him for all we know. That the Woodvilles were up to no good, attempting to run the government without the Lord High Constable and designated Protector (Richard), sending out ship's without Lord Admiral Richard's authorization, and taking control of the Tower and its treasures we know for sure. And we do have Croyland's remark that Hastings approved of Richard's handling of Stony Stratford "without so much blood as a cut finger" to quote from memory. But we need to take any letters quoted by Mancini with a grain of salt.
Carol
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
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Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebellio
"Right now I'm sticking with the idea that Buckingham's original intentions were the same as Morton's re-instate Edward."
Carol responds:
I can't think of anything more contrary to Buckingham's interests than reinstating EV considering how active he had been in spreading the information about Edward's illegitimacy, deposing him, and, in general, supporting Richard. So either he (for reasons incomprehensible to me) thought he would be better off under the claimless HT than he was under Richard or he wanted to be king himself, his own claim being flawless with regard to legitimacy though of course there were others who had a better claim with regard to descent (none interested in claiming the throne that we know of, aside from Richard who was already king).
Carol
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Mary wrote:
"David I apologise it may not have been in the book, however, it was definitely in the television programme that Thomas Penn did about his book. I definitely remember him saying that the Lincoln Roll does not consider the Princes as heirs to the throne due to their illegitimacy. I have a vague recollection that he mentioned that he was writing another book and bringing this into it. Does anyone else remember this? Note to self when watching television programmes on the WOTR write notes in order to be able to access any evidence produced."
Carol responds:
Hi, Mary. I haven't read "Winter King" so I don't know Penn's views on the subject, but the roll reflects the de la Pole's own claim as heirs of Richard III and Edward IV's oldest surviving sister Elizabeth, Duchess of Suffolk. Elizabeth and her husband supported Richard's claim, taking (especially in her case) a conspicuous part in Richard's coronation, as did their oldest son, John Earl of Lincoln, who was a key supporter (and had charge of both the Council of the North and the young Earl of Warwick). He, of course, died at the Battle of Stoke supporting Warwick's claim (via "Lambert Simnel") against HT, presumably intending to reverse the now inconvenient attainder.
But the roll was not made until after the deaths of both Warwick and "Perkin Warbeck," who may or may not have been Richard, Duke of York, at which point Edmund de la Pole and his brothers could safely claim to be the only surviving Yorkist heirs. They could reveal through the family tree what they probably believed all along, that Richard was the true king (with the boys as illegitimate) and John of Lincoln was (according to the Roll) his chosen heir, which meant that his surviving brothers were next in line.
You can be sure that HT would have been incensed if he had discovered the roll in their possession. Or maybe he knew about it and that's why Richard de la Pole spent his adult life in the Tower?
Guess I should read "The Winter King" to see what it says about the de la Poles.
For what it's worth, the roll probably also reflects the views of Margaret of York and Maximillian, both of whom also supported Richard.
Carol
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Sent from Mail for Windows 10
From: justcarol67@... []
Sent: 10 January 2018 17:47
To:
Subject: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Mary wrote:
"David I apologise it may not have been in the book, however, it was definitely in the television programme that Thomas Penn did about his book. I definitely remember him saying that the Lincoln Roll does not consider the Princes as heirs to the throne due to their illegitimacy. I have a vague recollection that he mentioned that he was writing another book and bringing this into it. Does anyone else remember this? Note to self when watching television programmes on the WOTR write notes in order to be able to access any evidence produced."
Carol responds:
Hi, Mary. I haven't read "Winter King" so I don't know Penn's views on the subject, but the roll reflects the de la Pole's own claim as heirs of Richard III and Edward IV's oldest surviving sister Elizabeth, Duchess of Suffolk. Elizabeth and her husband supported R ichard's claim, taking (especially in her case) a conspicuous part in Richard's coronation, as did their oldest son, John Earl of Lincoln, who was a key supporter (and had charge of both the Council of the North and the young Earl of Warwick). He, of course, died at the Battle of Stoke supporting Warwick's claim (via "Lambert Simnel") against HT, presumably intending to reverse the now inconvenient attainder.
But the roll was not made until after the deaths of both Warwick and "Perkin Warbeck," who may or may not have been Richard, Duke of York, at which point Edmund de la Pole and his brothers could safely claim to be the only surviving Yorkist heirs. They could reveal through the family tree what they probably believed all along, that Richard was the true king (with the boys as illegitimate) and John of Lincoln was (according to the Roll) his chosen heir, which meant that his surviving brothers were next in line.
You can be sure that HT would have been incensed if he had discovered the roll in their possession. Or maybe he knew about it and that's why Richard de la Pole spent his adult life in the Tower?
Guess I should read "The Winter King" to see what it says about the de la Poles.
For what it's worth, the roll probably also reflects the views of Margaret of York and Maximillian, both of whom also supported Richard.
Carol
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
"FWIW, I still rather wonder if many, if not all, of George's and Edward's problems with each other were simply due to George going from that status being just a younger son, to that of being, for a decade, Edward's heir?"
Carol responds:
I snipped your thoughtful observations on Richard and George for sake of space, but I agree with them. I would add that George went from being Edward's heir to being second and then third in line when Edward had sons, and he must have felt threatened by Edward's marriage (setting aside the problematic nature of that specific marriage) and by each successive pregnancy. His relief when the first three children were female would not completely still the anxiety that the next child might be male. Essentially, having been heir to the throne, he wanted to remain there by whatever means.
But also, he never seems to have undergone the sort of training or education for responsible leadership that Richard, three years younger, received from Warwick, nor does he seem to have had Richard's natural aptitude for work and responsibility.
I can only imagine the consequences if he had still been alive when Edward died and the precontract had been revealed, especially if Edward had appointed Richard, not George, as Protector. Feathers would have flown!
Carol
Carol
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Mary
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Carol, I would read the 'Winter King'. It is a very, very good book. But it starts with the death of EOY. H
On Wednesday, 10 January 2018, 17:47:15 GMT, justcarol67@... [] <> wrote:
Mary wrote:
"David I apologise it may not have been in the book, however, it was definitely in the television programme that Thomas Penn did about his book. I definitely remember him saying that the Lincoln Roll does not consider the Princes as heirs to the throne due to their illegitimacy. I have a vague recollection that he mentioned that he was writing another book and bringing this into it. Does anyone else remember this? Note to self when watching television programmes on the WOTR write notes in order to be able to access any evidence produced."
Carol responds:
Hi, Mary. I haven't read "Winter King" so I don't know Penn's views on the subject, but the roll reflects the de la Pole's own claim as heirs of Richard III and Edward IV's oldest surviving sister Elizabeth, Duchess of Suffolk. Elizabeth and her husband supported Richard's claim, taking (especially in her case) a conspicuous part in Richard's coronation, as did their oldest son, John Earl of Lincoln, who was a key supporter (and had charge of both the Council of the North and the young Earl of Warwick). He, of course, died at the Battle of Stoke supporting Warwick's claim (via "Lambert Simnel") against HT, presumably intending to reverse the now inconvenient attainder.
But the roll was not made until after the deaths of both Warwick and "Perkin Warbeck," who may or may not have been Richard, Duke of York, at which point Edmund de la Pole and his brothers could safely claim to be the only surviving Yorkist heirs. They could reveal through the family tree what they probably believed all along, that Richard was the true king (with the boys as illegitimate) and John of Lincoln was (according to the Roll) his chosen heir, which meant that his surviving brothers were next in line.
You can be sure that HT would have been incensed if he had discovered the roll in their possession. Or maybe he knew about it and that's why Richard de la Pole spent his adult life in the Tower?
Guess I should read "The Winter King" to see what it says about the de la Poles.
For what it's worth, the roll probably also reflects the views of Margaret of York and Maximillian, both of whom also supported Richard.
Carol
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
On Wednesday, 10 January 2018, 18:53:45 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
Interesting thought about Buckingham having informed Richard about the Woodville plot. That is a plausible reason for his being in Northampton to meet Richard. Hastings may well have written to Richard to tell him that Edward had died and that he should come to London as quickly as possible because the Woodvilles were trying to take over the Council. Buckingham probably had no idea that Hastings had written because presumably Hastings would have kept his letter a secret, especially as Buckingham was married to a Woodville. Buckingham could well have written to Richard too because he had discovered the plot to attack or kill Richard on his way to London and that is why he turned up in Northampton.
Mary
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
As well as the unlovely Dorset, and perhaps Buckingham, the one who could also have had a will to get rid of Hastings was Thomas Stanley. The Stanleys had steadily expanded their 'empire' for generations. It now rivaled that of the Staffords in the North West. The Hastings, Buckingham (Stafford) and to a lesser extent Grey empires were all impinging on Stanley ambitions. Anyone clever enough to take out both Hastings and Buckingham whilst getting them conveniently attainted was doing the Stanleys an immense good turn.
The Fauconberg incident is a very revealing insight into Anthony Woodville. You would think that someone who had been elevated beyond all expectation by the House of York would do anything to assist them and would drop the pilgrimage plans without hesitation. But not him, and then he doesn't bother to go on the pilgrimage anyway. That would suggest considerable arrogance, selfishness, possibly even a bit of contempt Assisting with the Scottish campaign may have been a way of making up for his earlier neglect, but he didn't do that either. Most likely his excuse for that one was that he was too busy educating the future Edward V, something that raises another question: what kind of king would a person like that turn out? Someone like Henry VI (without the mental illness), intellectual and cultured; but without the leadership qualities for a 15th century king. Surely, a seasoned warrior like Warwick would have been a better choice.
Stanley is another interesting observation. Some sources say that Buckingham was also an intended target. Clearly it was Hastings who took the first steps to an overt act of treason, but who else was involved? Stanley certainly stood to benefit if Hastings, Buckingham and ultimately the Woodvilles were out of the picture. According to Grafton, Lord Stanley sent to him [Hastings] a trusty and secret messenger at midnight in all the haste, requiring him to rise and ride away with him.'
https://mattlewisauthor.wordpress.com/2017/06/13/the-infamous-cou
Nico
On Thursday, 11 January 2018, 10:15:40 GMT, Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... [] <> wrote:
It is a good idea. Such a revelation by Buckingham would have put him in high favour with Richard and at the centre of future things. I could also see Buckingham and Hastings being in the same camp (for a time). One tends to forget that Hastings was Anne's uncle, so I still think Hastings would be more aligned with Richard than the Woodvilles. H
On Wednesday, 10 January 2018, 18:53:45 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
Interesting thought about Buckingham having informed Richard about the Woodville plot. That is a plausible reason for his being in Northampton to meet Richard. Hastings may well have written to Richard to tell him that Edward had died and that he should come to London as quickly as possible because the Woodvilles were trying to take over the Council. Buckingham probably had no idea that Hastings had written because presumably Hastings would have kept his letter a secret, especially as Buckingham was married to a Woodville. Buckingham could well have written to Richard too because he had discovered the plot to attack or kill Richard on his way to London and that is why he turned up in Northampton.
Mary
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
I don't think we even know that Hastings sent Richard a letter. Croyland says nothing about it, and Mancini purports to quote it as if he had seen it, which, of course, he could not have done (just as he purports to quote the conversation at Stony Stratford verbatim even though he could at best have heard a biased and translated paraphrase). These humanist "historians" take liberties to tell a good story and present a moral. We do ourselves, and history, a disservice if we take them at their word.
Now, of course, *someone* must have informed Richard that the Woodvilles were up to something and he needed to hurry and it makes sense that the someone would have been Hastings, but do we know that for sure? (The contents of the letter, of course, are pure speculation on Mancini's part.)
It might even have been Buckingham who informed him for all we know. That the Woodvilles were up to no good, attempting to run the government without the Lord High Constable and designated Protector (Richard), sending out ship's without Lord Admiral Richard's authorization, and taking control of the Tower and its treasures we know for sure. And we do have Croyland's remark that Hastings approved of Richard's handling of Stony Stratford "without so much blood as a cut finger" to quote from memory. But we need to take any letters quoted by Mancini with a grain of salt.
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Re: {Disarmed} [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebellio
"I can't think of anything more contrary to Buckingham's interests than
reinstating EV considering how active he had been in spreading the
information about Edward's illegitimacy, deposing him, and, in general,
supporting Richard. So either he (for reasons incomprehensible to me)
thought he would be better off under the claimless HT than he was under
Richard or he wanted to be king himself, his own claim being flawless with
regard to legitimacy though of course there were others who had a better
claim with regard to descent (none interested in claiming the throne that we
know of, aside from Richard who was already king)."
Doug here:
Wouldn't it all depend on what Buckingham originally wanted? What if his
original goal was simply to have his status as a Royal Duke confirmed by his
inclusion amongst the "movers and shakers"? Then he was, or so Morton might
say, shunted off to Brecon; about as far from Richard, and Buckingham's
rightful place at the center of things, as one could get and still be in the
kingdom. There would have been several avenues of approach open to Morton,
but they all depended on Buckingham already having an over-inflated view of
himself and his abilities waiting to be played on.
My understanding of Buckingham's actions is that he first supported
Richard's conception of the Protectorate, then, when the Pre-Contract was
brought before the Council supported it. Other than, I think, a speech to
the members of London's council, I don't recall Buckingham being any more
involved in Edward's deposition than other members of the Council.
FWIW, I've never bought into the idea that Buckingham ever contemplated
supporting Tudor as king. For one thing, his ego would never have permitted
it. No Act of Parliament had been required to make any of his forebears
legitimate!
My theory is that Morton, recognizing he had absolutely no future if Richard
remained king, worked on Buckingham to convince him to switch to supporting
a restoration of Edward. Whether Morton encouraged Buckingham to believe he
would become Protector or, more likely, simply pointed out how vital
Buckingham's support would be, I can't say. But it does seem to me that, at
some point after originally agreeing to support a rebellion in favor of his
nephew, Buckingham decided that it was a better idea to hijack the rebellion
in his own favor.
Because I do believe that rumors about the boys' death were spread. I also
believe that the rumors were part of someone's plan. What I find
inconceivable is that "someone" being either Richard, in a possible attempt
to depress rebel turn-out, or Morton, because I don't believe Morton ever
seriously considered Buckingham as a possible candidate for the throne.
Which leaves Buckingham as the one who, I think, proposed the idea of the
rumors as means of diverting the rebellion from Edward, supposedly dead in
the Tower, to himself. The question being: Did Buckingham, thinking such
rumors would boost his support, spread the rumors himself or did Morton,
recognizing the looming disaster Buckingham was heading towards, decide to
help Henry Stafford along his way?
Doug
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Don't ever worry about "snipping"! I try to be succinct, but...
We know, as you say, that Richard served in Warwick's household, but where
did George serve his stint? For some unknown reason, I thought George also
served in Warwick's household; which, if true, would bring us back to the
question of why the two turned out so differently. Of course, if George also
served in Warwick's household, he'd have done so as Edward's heir, wouldn't
he? Perhaps that's the difference?
Doug
Who doesn't even want to imagine the uproar that would have ensued if Edward
bypassed George as his son's Protector!
Carol wrote:
"I snipped your thoughtful observations on Richard and George for sake of
space, but I agree with them. I would add that George went from being
Edward's heir to being second and then third in line when Edward had sons,
and he must have felt threatened by Edward's marriage (setting aside the
problematic nature of that specific marriage) and by each successive
pregnancy. His relief when the first three children were female would not
completely still the anxiety that the next child might be male. Essentially,
having been heir to the throne, he wanted to remain there by whatever means.
But also, he never seems to have undergone the sort of training or education
for responsible leadership that Richard, three years younger, received from
Warwick, nor does he seem to have had Richard's natural aptitude for work
and responsibility.
I can only imagine the consequences if he had still been alive when Edward
died and the precontract had been revealed, especially if Edward had
appointed Richard, not George, as Protector. Feathers would have flown!"
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
On 12 Jan 2018, at 17:11, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary,If that program with the Queen was made by the BBC, it might show up on BBCAmerica sometime over the next few weeks, but I won't hold my breath. BBCAmerica used to show her Christmas Speech as part of the lead-up to the Doctor Who Christmas special, but haven't done so for at least the past few years.I agree that anointing would add something to how a monarch was viewed as being somehow somewhat apart from the ordinary run of people. I do think, however, that the main point was to get Edward crowned and in a position to, on his own, reshape the Council into a more Woodville-friendly body.It's certainly possible quite a few people may have heard rumors about Edward and Eleanor, but I do think the number of people who actually knew the truth must have been fairly limited. If Edward didn't want to recognize his marriage to Eleanor, especially if that marriage made his children by Elizabeth Woodville illegitimate, even knowing from the horse's mouth, so to speak, that Edward was still legally married to Eleanor on that May Day in 1464, would be very dangerous. Certainly not something that would come up in general conversation!Doug Hilary wrote:Hi Doug, to take the anointing first, by pure co-incidence this week our current Queen has been speaking about her coronation. I think it's be be shown on US TV this weekend, it is on ours? She says in the 'trailer' that she felt her reign truly began at her coronation - which was more than a year after she succeeded to the throne. So it still has that mistique.She also says she likes the Black Prince's ruby - which Richard no doubt wore.Re your reasoning on the rest I think it makes a great deal of sense and would explain George's actions. If Anne Beauchamp also told Anne, then I don't reckon Anne told Richard. But perhaps she was quite happy where she was with her life in the North, and neither would she at that point stand to be queen.I've still to catch up on a lot of stuff and will be back later!
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
On Jan 12, 2018 11:40 AM, "Bale Paul Trevor bale.paul-trevor@... []" <> wrote:
I thought the series on the illnesses of the royals would turn out to be interesting until I started watching it and it begins with the bloody Tudors again. So no scoliosis, no Edward IV dying young, no Henry V having advanced surgery to remove an arrow from his face, nothing from all those monarchs before fat Henry! When are television people going to stop with the damn Tudors all the time? The Jane Grey series was interesting, if overblown, three hours was far too long for what the presenter had to say, but yet more Tudor worship? One person in the royal illness series opener actually had to gall to tell us we should feel sorry for Henry VIII because of the weight of expectation on his shoulders in having to produce a male heir, and he was only human after all! Yeah right. Wife can't have healthy son, divorce her and send her off to a miserable life in the country somewhere, replace her with someone who also cant produce a healthy boy, so chop her head off. Wife dies giving birth to son, still got a male heir so what?Yes lets feel sorry for him, but say whatever fiction you like about an honourable man like Richard and all he went through!Grrr. Television documentaries made me so angry at times!Living in France as I now do I am able to wallow in the wealth of really incisive, in depth historical documentaries they make here!But when it comes to British history its as if history only began in 1509 with Fat Henry for the BBC!Paul
On 12 Jan 2018, at 17:11, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <@ yahoogroups.com> wrote:
Hilary,If that program with the Queen was made by the BBC, it might show up on BBCAmerica sometime over the next few weeks, but I won't hold my breath. BBCAmerica used to show her Christmas Speech as part of the lead-up to the Doctor Who Christmas special, but haven't done so for at least the past few years.I agree that anointing would add something to how a monarch was viewed as being somehow somewhat apart from the ordinary run of people. I do think, however, that the main point was to get Edward crowned and in a position to, on his own, reshape the Council into a more Woodville-friendly body.It's certainly possible quite a few people may have heard rumors about Edward and Eleanor, but I do think the number of people who actually knew the truth must have been fairly limited. If Edward didn't want to recognize his marriage to Eleanor, especially if that marriage made his children by Elizabeth Woodville illegitimate, even knowing from the horse's mouth, so to speak, that Edward was still legally married to Eleanor on that May Day in 1464, would be very dangerous. Certainly not something that would come up in general conversation!Doug Hilary wrote:Hi Doug, to take the anointing first, by pure co-incidence this week our current Queen has been speaking about her coronation. I think it's be be shown on US TV this weekend, it is on ours? She says in the 'trailer' that she felt her reign truly began at her coronation - which was more than a year after she succeeded to the throne. So it still has that mistique.She also says she likes the Black Prince's ruby - which Richard no doubt wore.Re your reasoning on the rest I think it makes a great deal of sense and would explain George's actions. If Anne Beauchamp also told Anne, then I don't reckon Anne told Richard. But perhaps she was quite happy where she was with her life in the North, and neither would she at that point stand to be queen.I've still to catch up on a lot of stuff and will be back later!
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
Ah, I see now. The slur was that Edward, with a perfectly good marriage already in place with Eleanor, bypassed acknowledging her and not only married Elizabeth Woodville, but also acknowledged her as his queen. IOW, what was wrong with Eleanor that she shouldn't have been good enough, while Elizabeth Woodville was?
It was probably a combination of luck and circumstanc, plus whatever it was that encouraged Eleanor to withdraw from the scene. Firstly, accounts of EW's wedding say that it was at Grafton Regis with Jacquetta, among others as a witness. While he may have intended the circumstances to be more clandestine, it would be hard to challenge Jacquetta and her prominent family by denying it. Also, the 'secret' marriage to EW became public knowledge when he felt forced to give a reason for turning down Warwick's French alliance.
Personally, I believe that Hastings' actions were the result of his knowing that Stillington's allegations, plus any supporting statements, had enough support on the Council to be accepted as being true. I think that the attempt on Richard's life in June 1483 was to prevent his being available as a legitimate alternative to his nephew. IOW, remove Richard and the Council could claim that Stilligton's allegations had no basis in fact.
You are probably right about this. If manipulating the council to reject and suppress the precontract was the only way of holding on to what he had, then he may have felt that removing Richard was the only way.
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
Doug: My main reason for thinking both Buckingham and Morton originally aimed at restoring Edward V is that doing so would require every bit of support that could be mustered. Restoring Edward V would bring in the Woodvilles and any of their affinity. It would also bring in those supporters of Edward IV who may have felt displaced by Richard. The accession of Margaret Beaufort would bring in her affinity and, just possibly, that of her husband, Lord Stanley (depending on how good he felt the odds were). Morton might be expected to bring some of the Lancastrians not already on board via the Woodvilles and Margaret...And, of course, there'd be all those people who'd flock to the cause because Henry Stafford, Duke of Buckingham was leading it! Which, BTW, is how Buckingham eventually viewed it all: If he was to be the center of the rebellion, why shouldn't he reap the benefits all the benefits?
I could see Morton envisaging something along these lines with a grand plan to unite various factions around Edward V, with himself in a very important position. If he thought that it was possible to manipulate the council and suppress the precontract story to achieve this, he may well have been involved in the Hastings plot. He may even have considered restoring EV, but I think the acceptance of the precontract may have changed the entire picture in terms of support, and Morton may have had to reconsider his candidate. I'm not convinced that Buckingham and Morton were on the same page in the early stages, because I can't see Buckingham having any interest in restoring EV. Initially, he supported Richard, but when that didn't work out he wanted the crown for himself. As you say, why should he lead a rebellion in favour of someone less entitled to the benefits than him? The most likely supporters for EV's restoration would have been Edwardian Yorkists like William Stanley and, of course, the Woodvilles. However, others may have been less enthusiastic about the illegitimate boy King, especiallly Lancastrians who had suffered losses under EIV. If the Talbots joined the rebellion, they would be most likely supporting Buckingham rather than the son of the EW, who had supplanted Eleanor as Queen. Some Lancastrians may also have felt bitter about the Woodvilles' success when they changed sides and prospered so much after EW's marriage (in some cases from of some of the Lancastrian families losses). Since, they didn't have anything to gain from Richard, they may seen Buckingham could be a fresh start. Actually, I can see Morton himself thinking along these lines, as well as MB and Reggie Bray. As far as I know, Bray and his family didn't benefit at all from EIV, something of a demotion from the days when his father was one of Henry VI's doctors. FWIW, Bray had served the Stafford family for some time and carried messages between Morton and Buckingham. MB appears to have thought highly of him, and since he worked closely with her, he had plenty of time to convince her to join Buckingham's cause, that is if she needed persuading at all. Nevertheless, as you say, a rebellion that had to change its focus was a logistical nightmare.
Doug: I keep forgetting that connection Margaret had with the failed attempt to rescue Edward and Richard from the Tower. Just when was that attempt made? If it was in August, then we're looking at Margaret plotting with Elizabeth within a month of the former holding Queen Anne's train at Richard's coronation. Tacky, tacky!
The 'rescue attempt' may have been as early as late July, and MB and EW may already have been plotting, and all within a month of MB having the honour of carrying Queen Anne's train at her coronation. Tacky, absolutely! Treacherous too, and this is another reason why I believe that MB may have been using the EW and the Woodvilles to ensure HT's return if EV ever did get his crown back, while her actual preference was Buckingham as soon as he could be enticed into the rebellion. What the intended purpose of the 'rescue' was is open to debate, but since Welles was involved, could Morton and MB have been planning to take the boys into their custody?
Nico
On Friday, 12 January 2018, 17:03:23 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
Well Paul you must know that civilisation only began at around 10 oclock on 22 August 1485!! Well that's what some people would have you believe anyway.
Mary
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
I thought that it was Hastings that informed Richard that EIV had died, and the EW had not informed him because she and the Woodvilles were playing for more time to rush EV's coronation. Is this just Mancini, and if incorrect how did Richard find out that EIV was dead if there was no letter from Hastings?
Nico
On Friday, 12 January 2018, 15:45:20 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Carol,
Don't ever worry about "snipping"! I try to be succinct, but...
We know, as you say, that Richard served in Warwick's household, but where
did George serve his stint? For some unknown reason, I thought George also
served in Warwick's household; which, if true, would bring us back to the
question of why the two turned out so differently. Of course, if George also
served in Warwick's household, he'd have done so as Edward's heir, wouldn't
he? Perhaps that's the difference?
Doug
Who doesn't even want to imagine the uproar that would have ensued if Edward
bypassed George as his son's Protector!
Carol wrote:
"I snipped your thoughtful observations on Richard and George for sake of
space, but I agree with them. I would add that George went from being
Edward's heir to being second and then third in line when Edward had sons,
and he must have felt threatened by Edward's marriage (setting aside the
problematic nature of that specific marriage) and by each successive
pregnancy. His relief when the first three children were female would not
completely still the anxiety that the next child might be male. Essentially,
having been heir to the throne, he wanted to remain there by whatever means.
But also, he never seems to have undergone the sort of training or education
for responsible leadership that Richard, three years younger, received from
Warwick, nor does he seem to have had Richard's natural aptitude for work
and responsibility.
I can only imagine the consequences if he had still been alive when Edward
died and the precontract had been revealed, especially if Edward had
appointed Richard, not George, as Protector. Feathers would have flown!"
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
Le 12 janv. 2018 à 17:47, Karen O karenoder4@... [] <> a écrit :
Is Tudor worship politically correct? They are the Founding Fathers of the current royal family. I can't help getting the impression of a still north south Catholic Protestant divide that works itself out. Is it important you think, to keep up the picture of Richard as the violent usurper, and hold up the Tudors because the queen is descended from Henry VII daughter?
On Jan 12, 2018 11:40 AM, "Bale Paul Trevor bale.paul-trevor@... []" <> wrote:
I thought the series on the illnesses of the royals would turn out to be interesting until I started watching it and it begins with the bloody Tudors again. So no scoliosis, no Edward IV dying young, no Henry V having advanced surgery to remove an arrow from his face, nothing from all those monarchs before fat Henry! When are television people going to stop with the damn Tudors all the time?
The Jane Grey series was interesting, if overblown, three hours was far too long for what the presenter had to say, but yet more Tudor worship? One person in the royal illness series opener actually had to gall to tell us we should feel sorry for Henry VIII because of the weight of expectation on his shoulders in having to produce a male heir, and he was only human after all! Yeah right. Wife can't have healthy son, divorce her and send her off to a miserable life in the country somewhere, replace her with someone who also cant produce a healthy boy, so chop her head off. Wife dies giving birth to son, still got a male heir so what?Yes lets feel sorry for him, but say whatever fiction you like about an honourable man like Richard and all he went through!Grrr. Television documentaries made me so angry at times!Living in France as I now do I am able to wallow in the wealth of really incisive, in depth historical documentaries they make here!But when it comes to British history its as if history only began in 1509 with Fat Henry for the BBC!PaulOn 12 Jan 2018, at 17:11, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <@ yahoogroups.com> wrote:
Hilary,If that program with the Queen was made by the BBC, it might show up on BBCAmerica sometime over the next few weeks, but I won't hold my breath. BBCAmerica used to show her Christmas Speech as part of the lead-up to the Doctor Who Christmas special, but haven't done so for at least the past few years.I agree that anointing would add something to how a monarch was viewed as being somehow somewhat apart from the ordinary run of people. I do think, however, that the main point was to get Edward crowned and in a position to, on his own, reshape the Council into a more Woodville-friendly body.It's certainly possible quite a few people may have heard rumors about Edward and Eleanor, but I do think the number of people who actually knew the truth must have been fairly limited. If Edward didn't want to recognize his marriage to Eleanor, especially if that marriage made his children by Elizabeth Woodville illegitimate, even knowing from the horse's mouth, so to speak, that Edward was still legally married to Eleanor on that May Day in 1464, would be very dangerous. Certainly not something that would come up in general conversation!Doug Hilary wrote:Hi Doug, to take the anointing first, by pure co-incidence this week our current Queen has been speaking about her coronation. I think it's be be shown on US TV this weekend, it is on ours? She says in the 'trailer' that she felt her reign truly began at her coronation - which was more than a year after she succeeded to the throne. So it still has that mistique.She also says she likes the Black Prince's ruby - which Richard no doubt wore.Re your reasoning on the rest I think it makes a great deal of sense and would explain George's actions. If Anne Beauchamp also told Anne, then I don't reckon Anne told Richard. But perhaps she was quite happy where she was with her life in the North, and neither would she at that point stand to be queen.I've still to catch up on a lot of stuff and will be back later!
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
On Friday, 12 January 2018, 16:47:17 GMT, Karen O karenoder4@... [] <> wrote:
Is Tudor worship politically correct? They are the Founding Fathers of the current royal family. I can't help getting the impression of a still north south Catholic Protestant divide that works itself out. Is it important you think, to keep up the picture of Richard as the violent usurper, and hold up the Tudors because the queen is descended from Henry VII daughter?
On Jan 12, 2018 11:40 AM, "Bale Paul Trevor bale.paul-trevor@... []" <> wrote:
I thought the series on the illnesses of the royals would turn out to be interesting until I started watching it and it begins with the bloody Tudors again. So no scoliosis, no Edward IV dying young, no Henry V having advanced surgery to remove an arrow from his face, nothing from all those monarchs before fat Henry! When are television people going to stop with the damn Tudors all the time?
The Jane Grey series was interesting, if overblown, three hours was far too long for what the presenter had to say, but yet more Tudor worship? One person in the royal illness series opener actually had to gall to tell us we should feel sorry for Henry VIII because of the weight of expectation on his shoulders in having to produce a male heir, and he was only human after all! Yeah right. Wife can't have healthy son, divorce her and send her off to a miserable life in the country somewhere, replace her with someone who also cant produce a healthy boy, so chop her head off. Wife dies giving birth to son, still got a male heir so what?Yes lets feel sorry for him, but say whatever fiction you like about an honourable man like Richard and all he went through!Grrr. Television documentaries made me so angry at times!Living in France as I now do I am able to wallow in the wealth of really incisive, in depth historical documentaries they make here!But when it comes to British history its as if history only began in 1509 with Fat Henry for the BBC!PaulOn 12 Jan 2018, at 17:11, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <@ yahoogroups.com> wrote:
Hilary,If that program with the Queen was made by the BBC, it might show up on BBCAmerica sometime over the next few weeks, but I won't hold my breath. BBCAmerica used to show her Christmas Speech as part of the lead-up to the Doctor Who Christmas special, but haven't done so for at least the past few years.I agree that anointing would add something to how a monarch was viewed as being somehow somewhat apart from the ordinary run of people. I do think, however, that the main point was to get Edward crowned and in a position to, on his own, reshape the Council into a more Woodville-friendly body.It's certainly possible quite a few people may have heard rumors about Edward and Eleanor, but I do think the number of people who actually knew the truth must have been fairly limited. If Edward didn't want to recognize his marriage to Eleanor, especially if that marriage made his children by Elizabeth Woodville illegitimate, even knowing from the horse's mouth, so to speak, that Edward was still legally married to Eleanor on that May Day in 1464, would be very dangerous. Certainly not something that would come up in general conversation!Doug Hilary wrote:Hi Doug, to take the anointing first, by pure co-incidence this week our current Queen has been speaking about her coronation. I think it's be be shown on US TV this weekend, it is on ours? She says in the 'trailer' that she felt her reign truly began at her coronation - which was more than a year after she succeeded to the throne. So it still has that mistique.She also says she likes the Black Prince's ruby - which Richard no doubt wore.Re your reasoning on the rest I think it makes a great deal of sense and would explain George's actions. If Anne Beauchamp also told Anne, then I don't reckon Anne told Richard. But perhaps she was quite happy where she was with her life in the North, and neither would she at that point stand to be queen.I've still to catch up on a lot of stuff and will be back later!
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
On Friday, 12 January 2018, 17:03:23 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
Well Paul you must know that civilisation only began at around 10 oclock on 22 August 1485!! Well that's what some people would have you believe anyway.
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
On Saturday, 13 January 2018, 11:45:01 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
Just had a thought are you referring to the fact that the delightful Henry dated his reign from the day before Bosworth?
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
Marie did some time ago say that there was a 'suspect' priest from nearby Potterspury of Paulerspury, can't remember which or his name and he died well before Edward. Are you still out there, Marie? H
On Saturday, 13 January 2018, 16:26:56 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Nico wrote: Anyway, when it came to proving the precontract, the hearsay rule wouldn't have applied, as it wasn't used until a few centuries later, and even the (in England anyway) it was only for criminal cases. Therefore, if knowledge of the precontract came from people close to Eleanor, that testimony should have been acceptable. Also, while Stillington came forward with the evidence he may have been able to produce the actual priest involved to give first hand testimony, but if not, credible evidence as to how he came to learn of it, could be considered. Family members, such as her brother Humphrey and sister Elizabeth also would probably have been called to say what Eleanor told him (and perhaps her feelings about it) as would Catesby if he knew a anything about it. Cousins/aunts/uncles such as Buckingham (via his mother) and Anne Beauchamp may also have known and testified. It is unfortunate that there are no records of what the proof actually was, but knowledge probably was confined to that very small circle. Doug here: If we needn't worry about evidence being hearsay, then, considering the status of those involved, sworn statements would likely have done, don't you think? We know Catesby was in London and would have been available to make a deposition, do we know where any of Eleanor's surviving relatives were at this time? Any who were titled might very well be in London for Edward's never-carried-out coronation and succeeding Parliament, which would make them easily available as well. It's very likely I'm missing something, but it seems to me there were only two ways for Stillington to have known about the marriage; either he was there or the priest who officiated told him. If Stillington had been the officiating priest, why haven't his claims come down to us as first-person claims on his part? Instead, for centuries we've been informed that he presented (or some such similar verb) his evidence, which certainly implies the evidence wasn't his own, personal knowledge of the event. Based on that reasoning, it seems to me that most likely source of Stillington's proof of a marriage between Edward and Eleanor was via the priest own admission to Stillington. A death-bed admission would have been accepted as at least the equal of any sworn in front of any Earthly judge, or so I understand. The other possibility is that the information came via the Confessional; either directly to Stillington or, if I understand it correctly, by means of Stillington's standing as a bishop to allow a priest, which would include Stillington himself, break the vow of silence associated with the Confessional. IOW, either Stillington heard the confession himself or he was informed by the priest who had; with, in either case, Stillington absolving either himself or the priest of breaking the Confessional vow. Was there a priest in Eleanor's household? And, if so, do we know what happened to him? Did he survive Eleanor? Of course, there is the possibility that there was no officiating priest. That the marriage ceremony consisted of Edward and Eleanor exchanging vows and then consummating their union, with the latter having the effect of legalizing the marriage. What Stillington's proofs would have been if that had been the case, I don't know. Nico continued: Anne Beauchamp is borderline. She was Eleanor's aunt, but she may have not been as close as others such as Buckingham's mother because of the Berkeley inheritance dispute, but there seems to have been some contact, so maybe she did know, and if so, was the most likely source of Clarence getting the information, and by extension ideas about his an Warwick's safety as the next legal heirs. What puzzles me if that if Isabel knew and told Clarence (and was murdered?), then Anne must have known too, but Richard doesn't appear to have been aware, and was supporting EV until the news came out. Maybe she withheld what she knew because she thought Richard might ask Edward about which would cause trouble for her mother. Doug here: I think that, to make any sense of this, we have to differentiate between two groups of people: the first would be anyone who actually knew about Edward and Eleanor via either Eleanor herself or the priest (if, as I do, one presumes there was one) and those people who may have heard rumors about the marriage. In the first group would be Eleanor herself, probably one of the Catesbys (most likely originally the elder), and one or two trusted relatives. I just can't see any greater number actually knowing, if only because the opposition such knowledge would have caused while Edward IV was still alive. Not only would he be faced with charges of throwing over a perfectly acceptable, legal wife (a Talbot, no less!), there'd be that little matter of him planning to foist a bastard off as his legitimate heir! However, as far as we know and while he was alive, no such opposition developed. Edward's actions were going against the very basis of English society and government and, although perhaps it's just me, I can't see such knowledge, if widespread, not causing all sorts of problems for Edward. Rumors, on the other hand, are something else again. For one thing, while it's entirely possible Edward wouldn't even be aware of them. it wouldn't necessarily mean that people such as George, Isabel, even Anne, didn't hear them, though. Having heard the rumors could certainly help explain George's actions after Isabel died, but I while can't say whether he heard them before or afterwards. I tend to think it was afterwards, but that's not set in stone. Nico concluded: As for the anointing, if the Woodvilles had managed to get the coronation done, it may have swayed enough council members to support EV, as they may have interpreted it as God's will. Even HT was uncomfortable about Lambert Simnel, believing that the coronation in Dublin gave him some sort of holy or priestly status. Doug here: While the anointing would have provided extra protection, so to speak; I'm now leaning towards the idea that it was the coronation itself the Woodvilles were after. In particular, a coronation that took place in the absence of the Protector, thus giving them time to reshuffle to Council with the likely intention of neutering Richard's authority. He might still be Protector, but the power would lie with the Woodville-dominated Council and King. Perhaps it's just the cynic in me... Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
https://mattlewisauthor.wordpress.com/2017/06/13/the-infamous-cou Doug here: I went to that link and found it interesting, but puzzling. The author wrote: ...even later Tudor chroniclers seem to concede (that) Lord Hastings was up to something behind Richard's back and provides as evidence the following from Vergil which occurred before Richard arrived in London: (Lord Hastings) called together unto Paul's church such such friends as he knew to be right careful for the life, dignity, and estate of Prince Edward, and conferred with them what best was to be done. Perhaps it's me, but I see nothing unusual about this. Until the announcement of the Pre-Contract, Richard was also doing all he could for the life, dignity, and estate of his nephew. IOW, I rather think this meeting was called, not to obstruct Richard, but rather to gather together non-Woodville supporters of Edward, most likely with the aim of supporting Richard against the Woodvilles in regards to any plans for a future government under Edward V. The citations from Grafton are, to say the least, strange. The author of the article says Grafton wrote that Lord Stanley sent to him [Hastings] a trusty and secret messenger at midnight in all the haste, requiring him to rise and ride away with him but, once again, there's no time reference. Was this before Richard arrived in London? After Richard arrived, but before Stillington's announcement? Sometime after Stillington's announcement, but before 13 June? Because it seems to me that timing is everything, especially in this case. Do you, or anyone, know if we can date this? Aren't the charges against Hastings that Grafton reports Richard as saying to the London Aldermen the same, or nearly so, as the charges Richard included in his letter to York? Call me prejudiced, but unless we have at least one other source that supports it, I'm not putting any reliance on that excerpt from More. Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
You are right about timing being really important here. I assumed Matthew Lewis was referring to a date very close to the council meeting on June 13, however it is difficult to say without checking the original source. Here is a link to the relevant section of Grafton chronicle:
Grafton isn't contemporary (1563), but early enough for the author to have some insightful second hand information. As for the More excerpt, I don't attach much credibility to that account either.
Nico
Grafton's chronicle : or, History of England. To which is added his table of the bailiffs, sherrifs, and mayors, of the city of London. From the year 1189 to 1558, inclusive
Grafton's chronicle : or, History of England. To which is added his tabl...
On Monday, 15 January 2018, 04:44:36 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Nico wrote: //snip// Stanley is another interesting observation. Some sources say that Buckingham was also an intended target. Clearly it was Hastings who took the first steps to an overt act of treason, but who else was involved? Stanley certainly stood to benefit if Hastings, Buckingham and ultimately the Woodvilles were out of the picture. According to Grafton, Lord Stanley sent to him [Hastings] a trusty and secret messenger at midnight in all the haste, requiring him to rise and ride away with him.'
https://mattlewisauthor.wordpress.com/2017/06/13/the-infamous-cou Doug here: I went to that link and found it interesting, but puzzling. The author wrote: ...even later Tudor chroniclers seem to concede (that) Lord Hastings was up to something behind Richard's back and provides as evidence the following from Vergil which occurred before Richard arrived in London: (Lord Hastings) called together unto Paul's church such such friends as he knew to be right careful for the life, dignity, and estate of Prince Edward, and conferred with them what best was to be done. Perhaps it's me, but I see nothing unusual about this. Until the announcement of the Pre-Contract, Richard was also doing all he could for the life, dignity, and estate of his nephew. IOW, I rather think this meeting was called, not to obstruct Richard, but rather to gather together non-Woodville supporters of Edward, most likely with the aim of supporting Richard against the Woodvilles in regards to any plans for a future government under Edward V. The citations from Grafton are, to say the least, strange. The author of the article says Grafton wrote that Lord Stanley sent to him [Hastings] a trusty and secret messenger at midnight in all the haste, requiring him to rise and ride away with him but, once again, there's no time reference. Was this before Richard arrived in London? After Richard arrived, but before Stillington's announcement? Sometime after Stillington's announcement, but before 13 June? Because it seems to me that timing is everything, especially in this case. Do you, or anyone, know if we can date this? Aren't the charges against Hastings that Grafton reports Richard as saying to the London Aldermen the same, or nearly so, as the charges Richard included in his letter to York? Call me prejudiced, but unless we have at least one other source that supports it, I'm not putting any reliance on that excerpt from More. Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
Necessity caused me to travel the A5 (Watling) from Lutterworth to Dunstable, where all parties would have all carried on to London in 1483. Now if we take Richard, as said before, his natural route from the A1 to the A5 would take him through Northampton. So that's fine. Rivers would have got on the A5 around the same place as me, or a bit north of me. Now Northampton, which lies just off the present M1, doesn't lie off the A5. To get to it Rivers (and Buck if coming from Mancetter) would have to have left it at Weedon and wound their way through rather tortuous country lanes and villages for 10 or so miles. If they were looking for an overnight stop it would have been far more logical had they carried straight on down the A5 for about another 5 miles to the market town of Towcester, which is even today still awash with old coaching inns.
So this says to me that this must have been a prior arranged meeting on the part of all and arranged amicably. Why amicably? Well I was reading Ross who, although relying on Croyland and Mancini, confirmed a number of things. Firstly no-one has found out where Buckingham was. Secondly, the Woodvilles wanted young Edward to be escorted by a large army, but Hastings advised against it - and they listened. So the contingent was about the same as Richard's. Ross has Hastings being deeply suspicious of the Woodvilles because he thought they would deprive him of his post of Captain of Calais. He who held Calais of course controlled the garrisons and mercenaries there, so Hastings was a real threat if he turned against them and favoured Richard. So who did alert Richard, Buckingham? Because if Richard had been alerted by Hastings in York he would surely have traveled with a bigger army? H
On Monday, 15 January 2018, 04:44:36 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Nico wrote: //snip// Stanley is another interesting observation. Some sources say that Buckingham was also an intended target. Clearly it was Hastings who took the first steps to an overt act of treason, but who else was involved? Stanley certainly stood to benefit if Hastings, Buckingham and ultimately the Woodvilles were out of the picture. According to Grafton, Lord Stanley sent to him [Hastings] a trusty and secret messenger at midnight in all the haste, requiring him to rise and ride away with him.'
https://mattlewisauthor.wordpress.com/2017/06/13/the-infamous-cou Doug here: I went to that link and found it interesting, but puzzling. The author wrote: ...even later Tudor chroniclers seem to concede (that) Lord Hastings was up to something behind Richard's back and provides as evidence the following from Vergil which occurred before Richard arrived in London: (Lord Hastings) called together unto Paul's church such such friends as he knew to be right careful for the life, dignity, and estate of Prince Edward, and conferred with them what best was to be done. Perhaps it's me, but I see nothing unusual about this. Until the announcement of the Pre-Contract, Richard was also doing all he could for the life, dignity, and estate of his nephew. IOW, I rather think this meeting was called, not to obstruct Richard, but rather to gather together non-Woodville supporters of Edward, most likely with the aim of supporting Richard against the Woodvilles in regards to any plans for a future government under Edward V. The citations from Grafton are, to say the least, strange. The author of the article says Grafton wrote that Lord Stanley sent to him [Hastings] a trusty and secret messenger at midnight in all the haste, requiring him to rise and ride away with him but, once again, there's no time reference. Was this before Richard arrived in London? After Richard arrived, but before Stillington's announcement? Sometime after Stillington's announcement, but before 13 June? Because it seems to me that timing is everything, especially in this case. Do you, or anyone, know if we can date this? Aren't the charges against Hastings that Grafton reports Richard as saying to the London Aldermen the same, or nearly so, as the charges Richard included in his letter to York? Call me prejudiced, but unless we have at least one other source that supports it, I'm not putting any reliance on that excerpt from More. Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Bu
Despite their Lancastrian allegiance before EW married E4, imho, by 1483, the Woodvilles would have lost all credibility as Lancastrians. The main link to the House of Lancaster was from the previous generation, the elder Richard Woodville and Jacquetta, and even they changed sides. I can't see how the younger generation could have possibly traded on it. Anthony Woodville had been a high profile figure during E4's reign; Richard jr (according to Cora Scofield) was pardoned for having previously fought for the Lancastrians, but appears to have been a low profile character; Lionel had benefitted considerably having been given a number of senior church appointments and made Bishop of Salisbury by E4. Edward and the Marquis of Dorset were younger and would have grown up during E4's reign and both appear to have been lightweights. The Woodvilles, as a group were never popular, had no power base of their own and without E4 or E5 were most likely expendable. Until the precontract was exposed the goose that was going to lay their golden eggs was E5, but once the E4/EW marriage was publicly discredited, the illegitimate E5 was a much less attractive prospect, and the I suspect that many Lancastrian rebels would have preferred to simply cast him and the Woodvilles aside. As for HT, I don't think anyone was considering him at this point, but if there was a general preference for Buckingham in the old Lancaster camp, Morton - whatever his allegiances before the precontract exposure - would have had to sail with the prevailing wind if it was blowing in Buckingham's direction. By this point though, he may have lost his enthusiasm for the rebellion because it looked almost certain to fall apart for lack of cohesion. If the Hastings plot had succeeded or it had been possible to manipulate the council into rejecting and suppressing the precontract, then I think Morton would have gone along with that, but once E5 was exposed as illegitimate, he simply wasn't a viable candidate anymore, as he didn't have any actual right to the throne.
Doug: OTOH, what support could Buckingham expect from anyone? True, he did come from a family known for its' Lancastrian sympathies; but other than that? What did he have to offer the Woodvilles? Any non-Ricardian Yorkist? He might get Margaret Beaufort's support, but her husband's would be of greater value and getting his support wasn't likely. Then there's Morton. With Buckingham as king, Morton likely could look forward to the same sort of role he eventually did play under Henry Tudor. The question was: What were the odds of Buckingham ever becoming king? Which is why I fall back onto the idea that, at least originally, the idea of the rebellion was to restore Edward V, with Buckingham being substituted for Richard in the role of Protector. That role would put Buckingham smack dab in the center of everything. Which, or so it seems to me, is where he thought he belonged.. Of course, he'd never have lasted long there, but I doubt that worried Morton. Buckingham's role, as I see it, was to be the front man for the rebellion, giving it an air of non-partisanship if you will. Supporters of Edward V, formeving Elizabr supporters of Edward IV, Lancastrians and even a Royal Duke!
I suspect that Buckingham didn't intend to offer anything to the Woodvilles or the Edwardian Yorkists, and the intention was to reinstate a House of Lancaster Mark II. Morton may have had to accept that you could never bring all these differing factions together. That is an interesting point about Stanley. Personally, I think he would have done the same as he did in 1485; hedge his bets and go with whatever suited him best. If the odds were in Buckingham's favour, then that is where you would find him.
Doug: Offhand, I can think of three possible reasons for that attempt. The first was to free the boys as a preliminary to rebellion that would return Edward to his throne. FWIW, I think this is the most likely and would have been planned by Margaret Beaufort as part of a deal with Elizabeth Woodville. A second possibility might have been using them as some sort of bargaining chips with Richard, but I have trouble imagining any attempt to, say, exchange the boys for an unconditional return of HT, resulting in anything other than the bargainer, aka Margaret Beaufort, being clapped into the Tower. The last possibility is that the boys weren't supposed to survive their attempted escape. But the problem there is: Who would benefit?
The Tower rescue attempt is difficult because we know so little about it, but you are right that probably only Buckingham had anything to gain from them not surviving. I suspect it was Woodville driven, and I think I recall Edward Woodville being involved (but I can't be sure where I read this). They would have been the primary beneficiaries of a successful rescue attempt as it would give them control of the boy they were trying to put on the throne. MB may have been involved because she had been plotting with EW. Buckingham may not have emerged as an alternative candidate at this stage, which was in late July 1483.
Nico
On Monday, 15 January 2018, 06:54:09 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Nico wrote: I could see Morton envisaging something along these lines with a grand plan to unite various factions around Edward V, with himself in a very important position. If he thought that it was possible to manipulate the council and suppress the precontract story to achieve this, he may well have been involved in the Hastings plot. He may even have considered restoring EV, but I think the acceptance of the precontract may have changed the entire picture in terms of support, and Morton may have had to reconsider his candidate. I'm not convinced that Buckingham and Morton were on the same page in the early stages, because I can't see Buckingham having any interest in restoring EV. Initially, he supported Richard, but when that didn't work out he wanted the crown for himself. As you say, why should he lead a rebellion in favour of someone less entitled to the benefits than him? The most likely supporters for EV's restoration would have been Edwardian Yorkists like William Stanley and, of course, the Woodvilles. However, others may have been less enthusiastic about the illegitimate boy King, especiallly Lancastrians who had suffered losses under EIV. If the Talbots joined the rebellion, they would be most likely supporting Buckingham rather than the son of the EW, who had supplanted Eleanor as Queen. Some Lancastrians may also have felt bitter about the Woodvilles' success when they changed sides and prospered so much after EW's marriage (in some cases from of some of the Lancastrian families losses). Since, they didn't have anything to gain from Richard, they may seen Buckingham could be a fresh start. Actually, I can see Morton himself thinking along these lines, as well as MB and Reggie Bray. As far as I know, Bray and his family didn't benefit at all from EIV, something of a demotion from the days when his father was one of Henry VI's doctors. FWIW, Bray had served the Stafford family for some time and carried messages between Morton and Buckingham. MB appears to have thought highly of him, and since he worked closely with her, he had plenty of time to convince her to join Buckingham's cause, that is if she needed persuading at all. Nevertheless, as you say, a rebellion that had to change its focus was a logistical nightmare. Doug here: FWIW, it appears to me that, until the failure of Buckingham's Rebellion, Morton's aim was to re-instate Edward V. Morton had already been involved in one plot to kill Richard and keep Edward V on the throne; a plot that cost Hastings his life.. Morton's involvement in a second plot aiming to to re-instate Edward would, or so it seems to me, make more sense than plotting to replace Richard with Buckingham. All the groups you mentioned may have had issues with supporting a Yorkist king, but couldn't Elizabeth Woodville, and especially many of her relations, be considered Lancastrians? As much Lancastrian as Tudor, at any rate. And then there'd be Margaret Beaufort and Morton, both well-known Lancastrians, to soothe any doubts. To be successful, any rebellion against Richard would, by necessity, have to be as encompassing as possible. Thus, to draw in any discontented supporters of Edward IV, Edward would be represented as the true Yorkist heir while, to any Lancastrians being wooed, he would not only be a member of a family well-established as Lancastrian and blessed by two more well-known, and influential, Lancastrians, Margaret Beaufort and Morton but, to top it off, he was supported by Henry Stafford, Duke of Buckingham, not only of royal blood, but also from yet another well-known Lancastrian family. OTOH, what support could Buckingham expect from anyone? True, he did come from a family known for its' Lancastrian sympathies; but other than that? What did he have to offer the Woodvilles? Any non-Ricardian Yorkist? He might get Margaret Beaufort's support, but her husband's would be of greater value and getting his support wasn't likely. Then there's Morton. With Buckingham as king, Morton likely could look forward to the same sort of role he eventually did play under Henry Tudor. The question was: What were the odds of Buckingham ever becoming king? Which is why I fall back onto the idea that, at least originally, the idea of the rebellion was to restore Edward V, with Buckingham being substituted for Richard in the role of Protector. That role would put Buckingham smack dab in the center of everything. Which, or so it seems to me, is where he thought he belonged.. Of course, he'd never have lasted long there, but I doubt that worried Morton. Buckingham's role, as I see it, was to be the front man for the rebellion, giving it an air of non-partisanship if you will. Supporters of Edward V, formeving Elizabr supporters of Edward IV, Lancastrians and even a Royal Duke! Then I think, one of two things happened. Buckingham either so demonstrated his incompetence that Morton took fright and fled or Buckingham got the idea of diverting the rebellion from Edward V to himself and Morton put as much distance as he could between himself and the approaching disaster he foresaw. Nico concluded:The 'rescue attempt' may have been as early as late July, and MB and EW may already have been plotting, and all within a month of MB having the honour of carrying Queen Anne's train at her coronation. Tacky, absolutely! Treacherous too, and this is another reason why I believe that MB may have been using the EW and the Woodvilles to ensure HT's return if EV ever did get his crown back, while her actual preference was Buckingham as soon as he could be enticed into the rebellion. What the intended purpose of the rescue' was is open to debate, but since Welles was involved, could Morton and MB have been planning to take the boys into their custody? Doug here: Offhand, I can think of three possible reasons for that attempt. The first was to free the boys as a preliminary to rebellion that would return Edward to his throne. FWIW, I think this is the most likely and would have been planned by Margaret Beaufort as part of a deal with Elizabeth Woodville. A second possibility might have been using them as some sort of bargaining chips with Richard, but I have trouble imagining any attempt to, say, exchange the boys for an unconditional return of HT, resulting in anything other than the bargainer, aka Margaret Beaufort, being clapped into the Tower. The last possibility is that the boys weren't supposed to survive their attempted escape. But the problem there is: Who would benefit? If Welles was working for Margaret Beaufort, harming them wouldn't help get Henry back; it would, most likely, just make it that much harder. It may be me, but I can't think of anything Morton had to gain by the boys' deaths; at least not at that point. Of course, if Buckingham was aiming at the throne all along, then he could have had a reason. But, and presuming he was in on the rebellion from the beginning (or very near it), it would mean he'd be double-crossing everyone he was involved with! Nor would it explain why Welles was willing to even try to do such a thing he worked for Margaret Beaufort, didn't he? Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
Ross does however claim that the Woodvilles did nothing wrong in calling the Council - that it was not illegal. Yet he seems to ignore the fact that Dowager Queens were not allowed to be guardians of the heir. One minute Richard is acting impeccably, the next he must have been a plotter. It's as though some of the most reputable historians of the last century - and I include Horrox and Carpenter as well, have been brainwashed into believing that Richard was bad. One minute they say everything was so disorganised he must have know nothing, in another they've got him as a schemer. Same really with Hastings. They just don't know where to go. But it has to go back to Richard being bad. H
On Monday, 15 January 2018, 12:12:34 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
Doesn't the story about Hastings contacting Richard say that Hastings told Richard to bring 2000? men but Richard refused and only took 300 whereas Rivers had 2000 men? Buckingham is supposed to have only had 300 men too.
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Bu
On Monday, 15 January 2018, 12:25:56 GMT, Nicholas Brown nico11238@... [] <> wrote:
Doug: All the groups you mentioned
may
have had issues with supporting a Yorkist king, but couldn't Elizabeth
Woodville, and especially many of her relations, be considered Lancastrians?
As much Lancastrian as Tudor, at any rate.
Despite their Lancastrian allegiance before EW married E4, imho, by 1483, the Woodvilles would have lost all credibility as Lancastrians. The main link to the House of Lancaster was from the previous generation, the elder Richard Woodville and Jacquetta, and even they changed sides. I can't see how the younger generation could have possibly traded on it. Anthony Woodville had been a high profile figure during E4's reign; Richard jr (according to Cora Scofield) was pardoned for having previously fought for the Lancastrians, but appears to have been a low profile character; Lionel had benefitted considerably having been given a number of senior church appointments and made Bishop of Salisbury by E4. Edward and the Marquis of Dorset were younger and would have grown up during E4's reign and both appear to have been lightweights. The Woodvilles, as a group were never popular, had no power base of their own and without E4 or E5 were most likely expendable. Until the precontract was exposed the goose that was going to lay their golden eggs was E5, but once the E4/EW marriage was publicly discredited, the illegitimate E5 was a much less attractive prospect, and the I suspect that many Lancastrian rebels would have preferred to simply cast him and the Woodvilles aside. As for HT, I don't think anyone was considering him at this point, but if there was a general preference for Buckingham in the old Lancaster camp, Morton - whatever his allegiances before the precontract exposure - would have had to sail with the prevailing wind if it was blowing in Buckingham's direction. By this point though, he may have lost his enthusiasm for the rebellion because it looked almost certain to fall apart for lack of cohesion. If the Hastings plot had succeeded or it had been possible to manipulate the council into rejecting and suppressing the precontract, then I think Morton would have gone along with that, but once E5 was exposed as illegitimate, he simply wasn't a viable candidate anymore, as he didn't have any actual right to the throne.
Doug: OTOH,
what support could Buckingham expect from anyone? True, he did come from a
family known for its' Lancastrian sympathies; but other than that? What did he
have to offer the Woodvilles? Any non-Ricardian Yorkist? He might get
Margaret Beaufort's support, but her husband's would be of greater value and
getting his support wasn't likely. Then there's Morton. With Buckingham as king,
Morton likely could look forward to the same sort of role he eventually did play
under Henry Tudor. The question was: What were the odds of Buckingham ever
becoming king?
Which
is why I fall back onto the idea that, at least originally, the idea of the
rebellion was to restore Edward V, with Buckingham being substituted for Richard
in the role of Protector. That role would put Buckingham smack dab in the center
of everything. Which, or so it seems to me, is where he thought he belonged... Of
course, he'd never have lasted long there, but I doubt that worried Morton.
Buckingham's role, as I see it, was to be the front man for the rebellion,
giving it an air of non-partisanship if you will. Supporters of Edward V,
formeving Elizabr supporters of Edward IV, Lancastrians and even a Royal
Duke!
I suspect that Buckingham didn't intend to offer anything to the Woodvilles or the Edwardian Yorkists, and the intention was to reinstate a House of Lancaster Mark II. Morton may have had to accept that you could never bring all these differing factions together. That is an interesting point about Stanley. Personally, I think he would have done the same as he did in 1485; hedge his bets and go with whatever suited him best. If the odds were in Buckingham's favour, then that is where you would find him.
Doug: Offhand, I can think of three possible reasons for that attempt. The first
was to free the boys as a preliminary to rebellion that would return Edward to
his throne. FWIW, I think this is the most likely and would have been planned by
Margaret Beaufort as part of a deal with Elizabeth Woodville. A second
possibility might have been using them as some sort of bargaining chips with
Richard, but I have trouble imagining any attempt to, say, exchange the boys for
an unconditional return of HT, resulting in anything other than the bargainer,
aka Margaret Beaufort, being clapped into the Tower. The last possibility is
that the boys weren't supposed to survive their attempted escape. But the
problem there is: Who would benefit?
The Tower rescue attempt is difficult because we know so little about it, but you are right that probably only Buckingham had anything to gain from them not surviving. I suspect it was Woodville driven, and I think I recall Edward Woodville being involved (but I can't be sure where I read this). They would have been the primary beneficiaries of a successful rescue attempt as it would give them control of the boy they were trying to put on the throne. MB may have been involved because she had been plotting with EW. Buckingham may not have emerged as an alternative candidate at this stage, which was in late July 1483.
Nico
On Monday, 15 January 2018, 06:54:09 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Nico wrote: I could see Morton envisaging something along these lines with a grand plan to unite various factions around Edward V, with himself in a very important position. If he thought that it was possible to manipulate the council and suppress the precontract story to achieve this, he may well have been involved in the Hastings plot. He may even have considered restoring EV, but I think the acceptance of the precontract may have changed the entire picture in terms of support, and Morton may have had to reconsider his candidate. I'm not convinced that Buckingham and Morton were on the same page in the early stages, because I can't see Buckingham having any interest in restoring EV. Initially, he supported Richard, but when that didn't work out he wanted the crown for himself. As you say, why should he lead a rebellion in favour of someone less entitled to the benefits than him? The most likely supporters for EV's restoration would have been Edwardian Yorkists like William Stanley and, of course, the Woodvilles. However, others may have been less enthusiastic about the illegitimate boy King, especiallly Lancastrians who had suffered losses under EIV. If the Talbots joined the rebellion, they would be most likely supporting Buckingham rather than the son of the EW, who had supplanted Eleanor as Queen. Some Lancastrians may also have felt bitter about the Woodvilles' success when they changed sides and prospered so much after EW's marriage (in some cases from of some of the Lancastrian families losses). Since, they didn't have anything to gain from Richard, they may seen Buckingham could be a fresh start. Actually, I can see Morton himself thinking along these lines, as well as MB and Reggie Bray. As far as I know, Bray and his family didn't benefit at all from EIV, something of a demotion from the days when his father was one of Henry VI's doctors. FWIW, Bray had served the Stafford family for some time and carried messages between Morton and Buckingham. MB appears to have thought highly of him, and since he worked closely with her, he had plenty of time to convince her to join Buckingham's cause, that is if she needed persuading at all. Nevertheless, as you say, a rebellion that had to change its focus was a logistical nightmare. Doug here: FWIW, it appears to me that, until the failure of Buckingham's Rebellion, Morton's aim was to re-instate Edward V. Morton had already been involved in one plot to kill Richard and keep Edward V on the throne; a plot that cost Hastings his life... Morton's involvement in a second plot aiming to to re-instate Edward would, or so it seems to me, make more sense than plotting to replace Richard with Buckingham. All the groups you mentioned may have had issues with supporting a Yorkist king, but couldn't Elizabeth Woodville, and especially many of her relations, be considered Lancastrians? As much Lancastrian as Tudor, at any rate. And then there'd be Margaret Beaufort and Morton, both well-known Lancastrians, to soothe any doubts. To be successful, any rebellion against Richard would, by necessity, have to be as encompassing as possible. Thus, to draw in any discontented supporters of Edward IV, Edward would be represented as the true Yorkist heir while, to any Lancastrians being wooed, he would not only be a member of a family well-established as Lancastrian and blessed by two more well-known, and influential, Lancastrians, Margaret Beaufort and Morton but, to top it off, he was supported by Henry Stafford, Duke of Buckingham, not only of royal blood, but also from yet another well-known Lancastrian family. OTOH, what support could Buckingham expect from anyone? True, he did come from a family known for its' Lancastrian sympathies; but other than that? What did he have to offer the Woodvilles? Any non-Ricardian Yorkist? He might get Margaret Beaufort's support, but her husband's would be of greater value and getting his support wasn't likely. Then there's Morton. With Buckingham as king, Morton likely could look forward to the same sort of role he eventually did play under Henry Tudor. The question was: What were the odds of Buckingham ever becoming king? Which is why I fall back onto the idea that, at least originally, the idea of the rebellion was to restore Edward V, with Buckingham being substituted for Richard in the role of Protector. That role would put Buckingham smack dab in the center of everything. Which, or so it seems to me, is where he thought he belonged... Of course, he'd never have lasted long there, but I doubt that worried Morton. Buckingham's role, as I see it, was to be the front man for the rebellion, giving it an air of non-partisanship if you will. Supporters of Edward V, formeving Elizabr supporters of Edward IV, Lancastrians and even a Royal Duke! Then I think, one of two things happened. Buckingham either so demonstrated his incompetence that Morton took fright and fled or Buckingham got the idea of diverting the rebellion from Edward V to himself and Morton put as much distance as he could between himself and the approaching disaster he foresaw. Nico concluded:The 'rescue attempt' may have been as early as late July, and MB and EW may already have been plotting, and all within a month of MB having the honour of carrying Queen Anne's train at her coronation. Tacky, absolutely! Treacherous too, and this is another reason why I believe that MB may have been using the EW and the Woodvilles to ensure HT's return if EV ever did get his crown back, while her actual preference was Buckingham as soon as he could be enticed into the rebellion. What the intended purpose of the rescue' was is open to debate, but since Welles was involved, could Morton and MB have been planning to take the boys into their custody? Doug here: Offhand, I can think of three possible reasons for that attempt. The first was to free the boys as a preliminary to rebellion that would return Edward to his throne. FWIW, I think this is the most likely and would have been planned by Margaret Beaufort as part of a deal with Elizabeth Woodville. A second possibility might have been using them as some sort of bargaining chips with Richard, but I have trouble imagining any attempt to, say, exchange the boys for an unconditional return of HT, resulting in anything other than the bargainer, aka Margaret Beaufort, being clapped into the Tower. The last possibility is that the boys weren't supposed to survive their attempted escape. But the problem there is: Who would benefit? If Welles was working for Margaret Beaufort, harming them wouldn't help get Henry back; it would, most likely, just make it that much harder. It may be me, but I can't think of anything Morton had to gain by the boys' deaths; at least not at that point. Of course, if Buckingham was aiming at the throne all along, then he could have had a reason. But, and presuming he was in on the rebellion from the beginning (or very near it), it would mean he'd be double-crossing everyone he was involved with! Nor would it explain why Welles was willing to even try to do such a thing he worked for Margaret Beaufort, didn't he? Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
Mary
Who would still like to come across a Tardis somewhere.
Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
On Monday, 15 January 2018, 14:36:34 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
It would be good to have a completely clean sheet and start again only using primary evidence, preferably researched by you and Marie and the Looking for Richard project! I suppose that isn't completely impossible, however, it would take quite a lot of time but at least it wouldn't be bogged down by the myths of the past.
Mary
Who would still like to come across a Tardis somewhere.
Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Bu
Firstly, he had another title - Earl of Northampton - which he inherited from his grandfather and was reconfirmed by Edward in 1472/3. Wouldn't it be just like Buckingham to convene a meeting at the home of his 'earldom'? Suppose he'd gleaned some info on Woodville plans from his wife and thought that this was a marvellous opportunity for an expose with him as the sort of master magician who would immediately then be 'in' with Richard. And in fact it's very like the expose of Hastings. Where was Buckingham that day?
Secondly, as well as MB, don't forget Buckingham had two aunts who were married to Talbots. One was Joan Cheddar, who'd been married to his uncle Richard and went on to marry Eleanor's brother, Lord Lisle. She died in 1464 but would have been alive at the time of the Pre Contract, the other was his aunt Catherine, also now dead, who had been married to Eleanor's (half) nephew. She was around until 1475. She too would have been an adult at the time of the Pre Contract.
Finally, there was a college at Cambridge called Bokingham or Buckingham College. It was funded by the Buckinghams, but overseen by the abbot of Croyland. So both Buckingham and MB had more than a slight connection with Croyland. H
On Monday, 15 January 2018, 12:25:56 GMT, Nicholas Brown nico11238@... [] <> wrote:
Doug: All the groups you mentioned
may
have had issues with supporting a Yorkist king, but couldn't Elizabeth
Woodville, and especially many of her relations, be considered Lancastrians?
As much Lancastrian as Tudor, at any rate.
Despite their Lancastrian allegiance before EW married E4, imho, by 1483, the Woodvilles would have lost all credibility as Lancastrians. The main link to the House of Lancaster was from the previous generation, the elder Richard Woodville and Jacquetta, and even they changed sides. I can't see how the younger generation could have possibly traded on it. Anthony Woodville had been a high profile figure during E4's reign; Richard jr (according to Cora Scofield) was pardoned for having previously fought for the Lancastrians, but appears to have been a low profile character; Lionel had benefitted considerably having been given a number of senior church appointments and made Bishop of Salisbury by E4. Edward and the Marquis of Dorset were younger and would have grown up during E4's reign and both appear to have been lightweights. The Woodvilles, as a group were never popular, had no power base of their own and without E4 or E5 were most likely expendable. Until the precontract was exposed the goose that was going to lay their golden eggs was E5, but once the E4/EW marriage was publicly discredited, the illegitimate E5 was a much less attractive prospect, and the I suspect that many Lancastrian rebels would have preferred to simply cast him and the Woodvilles aside. As for HT, I don't think anyone was considering him at this point, but if there was a general preference for Buckingham in the old Lancaster camp, Morton - whatever his allegiances before the precontract exposure - would have had to sail with the prevailing wind if it was blowing in Buckingham's direction. By this point though, he may have lost his enthusiasm for the rebellion because it looked almost certain to fall apart for lack of cohesion. If the Hastings plot had succeeded or it had been possible to manipulate the council into rejecting and suppressing the precontract, then I think Morton would have gone along with that, but once E5 was exposed as illegitimate, he simply wasn't a viable candidate anymore, as he didn't have any actual right to the throne.
Doug: OTOH,
what support could Buckingham expect from anyone? True, he did come from a
family known for its' Lancastrian sympathies; but other than that? What did he
have to offer the Woodvilles? Any non-Ricardian Yorkist? He might get
Margaret Beaufort's support, but her husband's would be of greater value and
getting his support wasn't likely. Then there's Morton. With Buckingham as king,
Morton likely could look forward to the same sort of role he eventually did play
under Henry Tudor. The question was: What were the odds of Buckingham ever
becoming king?
Which
is why I fall back onto the idea that, at least originally, the idea of the
rebellion was to restore Edward V, with Buckingham being substituted for Richard
in the role of Protector. That role would put Buckingham smack dab in the center
of everything. Which, or so it seems to me, is where he thought he belonged... Of
course, he'd never have lasted long there, but I doubt that worried Morton.
Buckingham's role, as I see it, was to be the front man for the rebellion,
giving it an air of non-partisanship if you will. Supporters of Edward V,
formeving Elizabr supporters of Edward IV, Lancastrians and even a Royal
Duke!
I suspect that Buckingham didn't intend to offer anything to the Woodvilles or the Edwardian Yorkists, and the intention was to reinstate a House of Lancaster Mark II. Morton may have had to accept that you could never bring all these differing factions together. That is an interesting point about Stanley. Personally, I think he would have done the same as he did in 1485; hedge his bets and go with whatever suited him best. If the odds were in Buckingham's favour, then that is where you would find him.
Doug: Offhand, I can think of three possible reasons for that attempt. The first
was to free the boys as a preliminary to rebellion that would return Edward to
his throne. FWIW, I think this is the most likely and would have been planned by
Margaret Beaufort as part of a deal with Elizabeth Woodville. A second
possibility might have been using them as some sort of bargaining chips with
Richard, but I have trouble imagining any attempt to, say, exchange the boys for
an unconditional return of HT, resulting in anything other than the bargainer,
aka Margaret Beaufort, being clapped into the Tower. The last possibility is
that the boys weren't supposed to survive their attempted escape. But the
problem there is: Who would benefit?
The Tower rescue attempt is difficult because we know so little about it, but you are right that probably only Buckingham had anything to gain from them not surviving. I suspect it was Woodville driven, and I think I recall Edward Woodville being involved (but I can't be sure where I read this). They would have been the primary beneficiaries of a successful rescue attempt as it would give them control of the boy they were trying to put on the throne. MB may have been involved because she had been plotting with EW. Buckingham may not have emerged as an alternative candidate at this stage, which was in late July 1483.
Nico
On Monday, 15 January 2018, 06:54:09 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Nico wrote: I could see Morton envisaging something along these lines with a grand plan to unite various factions around Edward V, with himself in a very important position. If he thought that it was possible to manipulate the council and suppress the precontract story to achieve this, he may well have been involved in the Hastings plot. He may even have considered restoring EV, but I think the acceptance of the precontract may have changed the entire picture in terms of support, and Morton may have had to reconsider his candidate. I'm not convinced that Buckingham and Morton were on the same page in the early stages, because I can't see Buckingham having any interest in restoring EV. Initially, he supported Richard, but when that didn't work out he wanted the crown for himself. As you say, why should he lead a rebellion in favour of someone less entitled to the benefits than him? The most likely supporters for EV's restoration would have been Edwardian Yorkists like William Stanley and, of course, the Woodvilles. However, others may have been less enthusiastic about the illegitimate boy King, especiallly Lancastrians who had suffered losses under EIV. If the Talbots joined the rebellion, they would be most likely supporting Buckingham rather than the son of the EW, who had supplanted Eleanor as Queen. Some Lancastrians may also have felt bitter about the Woodvilles' success when they changed sides and prospered so much after EW's marriage (in some cases from of some of the Lancastrian families losses). Since, they didn't have anything to gain from Richard, they may seen Buckingham could be a fresh start. Actually, I can see Morton himself thinking along these lines, as well as MB and Reggie Bray. As far as I know, Bray and his family didn't benefit at all from EIV, something of a demotion from the days when his father was one of Henry VI's doctors. FWIW, Bray had served the Stafford family for some time and carried messages between Morton and Buckingham. MB appears to have thought highly of him, and since he worked closely with her, he had plenty of time to convince her to join Buckingham's cause, that is if she needed persuading at all. Nevertheless, as you say, a rebellion that had to change its focus was a logistical nightmare. Doug here: FWIW, it appears to me that, until the failure of Buckingham's Rebellion, Morton's aim was to re-instate Edward V. Morton had already been involved in one plot to kill Richard and keep Edward V on the throne; a plot that cost Hastings his life... Morton's involvement in a second plot aiming to to re-instate Edward would, or so it seems to me, make more sense than plotting to replace Richard with Buckingham. All the groups you mentioned may have had issues with supporting a Yorkist king, but couldn't Elizabeth Woodville, and especially many of her relations, be considered Lancastrians? As much Lancastrian as Tudor, at any rate. And then there'd be Margaret Beaufort and Morton, both well-known Lancastrians, to soothe any doubts. To be successful, any rebellion against Richard would, by necessity, have to be as encompassing as possible. Thus, to draw in any discontented supporters of Edward IV, Edward would be represented as the true Yorkist heir while, to any Lancastrians being wooed, he would not only be a member of a family well-established as Lancastrian and blessed by two more well-known, and influential, Lancastrians, Margaret Beaufort and Morton but, to top it off, he was supported by Henry Stafford, Duke of Buckingham, not only of royal blood, but also from yet another well-known Lancastrian family. OTOH, what support could Buckingham expect from anyone? True, he did come from a family known for its' Lancastrian sympathies; but other than that? What did he have to offer the Woodvilles? Any non-Ricardian Yorkist? He might get Margaret Beaufort's support, but her husband's would be of greater value and getting his support wasn't likely. Then there's Morton. With Buckingham as king, Morton likely could look forward to the same sort of role he eventually did play under Henry Tudor. The question was: What were the odds of Buckingham ever becoming king? Which is why I fall back onto the idea that, at least originally, the idea of the rebellion was to restore Edward V, with Buckingham being substituted for Richard in the role of Protector. That role would put Buckingham smack dab in the center of everything. Which, or so it seems to me, is where he thought he belonged... Of course, he'd never have lasted long there, but I doubt that worried Morton. Buckingham's role, as I see it, was to be the front man for the rebellion, giving it an air of non-partisanship if you will. Supporters of Edward V, formeving Elizabr supporters of Edward IV, Lancastrians and even a Royal Duke! Then I think, one of two things happened. Buckingham either so demonstrated his incompetence that Morton took fright and fled or Buckingham got the idea of diverting the rebellion from Edward V to himself and Morton put as much distance as he could between himself and the approaching disaster he foresaw. Nico concluded:The 'rescue attempt' may have been as early as late July, and MB and EW may already have been plotting, and all within a month of MB having the honour of carrying Queen Anne's train at her coronation. Tacky, absolutely! Treacherous too, and this is another reason why I believe that MB may have been using the EW and the Woodvilles to ensure HT's return if EV ever did get his crown back, while her actual preference was Buckingham as soon as he could be enticed into the rebellion. What the intended purpose of the rescue' was is open to debate, but since Welles was involved, could Morton and MB have been planning to take the boys into their custody? Doug here: Offhand, I can think of three possible reasons for that attempt. The first was to free the boys as a preliminary to rebellion that would return Edward to his throne. FWIW, I think this is the most likely and would have been planned by Margaret Beaufort as part of a deal with Elizabeth Woodville. A second possibility might have been using them as some sort of bargaining chips with Richard, but I have trouble imagining any attempt to, say, exchange the boys for an unconditional return of HT, resulting in anything other than the bargainer, aka Margaret Beaufort, being clapped into the Tower. The last possibility is that the boys weren't supposed to survive their attempted escape. But the problem there is: Who would benefit? If Welles was working for Margaret Beaufort, harming them wouldn't help get Henry back; it would, most likely, just make it that much harder. It may be me, but I can't think of anything Morton had to gain by the boys' deaths; at least not at that point. Of course, if Buckingham was aiming at the throne all along, then he could have had a reason. But, and presuming he was in on the rebellion from the beginning (or very near it), it would mean he'd be double-crossing everyone he was involved with! Nor would it explain why Welles was willing to even try to do such a thing he worked for Margaret Beaufort, didn't he? Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
Hilary, I think if you and Marie collaborated on a book it you could come up with something really original. I really have learned so much on this forum. By the way, you both did an excellent job of sorting out the Waytes.
Nico
On Tuesday, 16 January 2018, 10:15:01 GMT, Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... [] <> wrote:
I shall never know as much as Marie, Mary; that takes a lifetime but I do get annoyed when people churn out the same old stuff and charge £25 a book for it. H
On Monday, 15 January 2018, 14:36:34 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
It would be good to have a completely clean sheet and start again only using primary evidence, preferably researched by you and Marie and the Looking for Richard project! I suppose that isn't completely impossible, however, it would take quite a lot of time but at least it wouldn't be bogged down by the myths of the past.
Mary
Who would still like to come across a Tardis somewhere.
Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Bu
As for the Tower rescue, is there a good account of what is known about it? Also, which people are known to have been involved and/or punished for it?
Nico
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William Davy PardonerStephen Ireland Tower WardroberRobert Rushe Sarjeant of LondonJohn Smith Groom of the Stirrup
So looks like a bit of an inside job. They are very difficult to track down because, as Doug once said, they were probably servants - but of whom?
Buckingham held a lot of land virtually everywhere. I'll see if I can get his exact Northants holdings from one of his ancestor's IPM. I'm pretty sure from the 'King's Mother' book that MB visited Buckingham at least once and that he visited her in Guildford. I'll look it up.
Re your other post I'm still 'wayting' but I can only do it in bits as it turns your brain to scrambled eggs :) H
On Tuesday, 16 January 2018, 12:17:06 GMT, Nicholas Brown nico11238@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary, That is interesting about Buckingham's Earl of Northampton title. Presumably he would have had lands around there. I hadn't realized that he could have had a reason to be in Northampton or about the other connections to the Talbots and Croyland. Is there any info out there on his relationship with MB before 1483? As heir to the Stafford lands (with not many other Stafford relatives), Buckingham must have had some contact with Henry Stafford and MB - a childless couple who may have doted on a fatherless nephew.
As for the Tower rescue, is there a good account of what is known about it? Also, which people are known to have been involved and/or punished for it?
Nico
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Nico concluded: The Tower rescue attempt is difficult because we know so little about it, but you are right that probably only Buckingham had anything to gain from them not surviving. I suspect it was Woodville driven, and I think I recall Edward Woodville being involved (but I can't be sure where I read this). They would have been the primary beneficiaries of a successful rescue attempt as it would give them control of the boy they were trying to put on the throne. MB may have been involved because she had been plotting with EW. Buckingham may not have emerged as an alternative candidate at this stage, which was in late July 1483. Doug here: We know so little about it... That's the problem, isn't it? For myself, I guess it boils down to being able to come up with a reason for Elizabeth Woodville and Margaret Beaufort coming to some sort of deal where, in exchange for Margaret's support in returning Edward to the throne, Henry would not only be allowed back into England, but would marry Edward's sister. I can also see Buckingham getting involved in that attempt because it would not only immediately validate his own self-importance as a Kingmaker, but also place him, however briefly, at the center of things. After that, though... Doug
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
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Doug: You've pointed out some very interesting problems the Woodvilles would face, but wouldn't Buckingham, particularly in regards to his Lancastrian credibility, have faced the same ones? The sticking point for me is that attempted rescue. Why, if the rebellion wasn't to re-instate Edward, was any attempt made to free the boys? If, from the beginning, the rebellion was to place Buckingham on the throne, why risk premature discovery of the plot by trying to free the boys? Once Richard had been defeated, obviously the most important item, the Tower would be under Buckingham's control and he could then release his nephews. That rescue attempt, to me anyway, only makes sense if the rebellion was intended to return Edward to the throne.
Like the younger Woodvilles, Buckingham would have been too young to fight for the Lancastrians, but his mother was a Beaufort and he had a legal claim to throne (unlike Henry Tudor), and his fortunes hadn't been so enmeshed with the House of York in the same way as the Woodvilles. Therefore, I don't think that he would have damaged his credibility as a figure head for the House of Lancaster.
The rescue attempt - from what we can put together about it - raises questions about Buckingham. The intention to liberate the Princes does suggest to me that the motive was to take control over them to prepare for the restoration of Edward V. The fact that Tower servants answerable to Buckingham were executed for their involvement indicates that either Buckingham was involved or the Tower staff involved worked for or were bribed by the Woodvilles or someone else with a vested interest in E5's restoration. However, I think that the latter is more likely because if Buckingham was involved, he could have made the rescuers access easier, increasing the likelihood of success. I suspect that - at that stage - Buckingham was not yet involved a rebellion. If the rescue attempt was July 29th, he was probably in the early stages of discontent about his rewards from Richard, and was still considering his options whereas Margaret Beaufort appears to have begun plotting with Elizabeth Woodville, which was, at this stage, the best chance of ensuring Henry's return.
Doug: I agree with you that the legitimacy issue is what likely encouraged Buckingham to consider himself a viable candidate; where we appear to differ is in whether Buckingham could have, from the beginning, been acceptable to enough people to give him a chance of defeating Richard. Buckingham would have to appeal to every group that Edward did. What could Buckingham as Henry VII offer the Woodvilles?...Again, was there enough support for a Lancastrian candidate, as a Lancastrian? He might have better luck with any supporters of Edward IV, discontented by their treatment by Richard, but how many of them were there and why should we expect him to have greater appeal that Edward IV's son?.And the answer I get to both is that Morton, at the time of his leaving Brecon anyway, had determined the rebellion stood no chance of success. Which also tells me that, between the time the idea of the rebellion originated and the time when calls for mustering went out, something had changed.
This problem of raising support and ultimately troops may well be what finished the rebellion for all the factions. If they had been able to unite, they may have been able to raise enough, but neither the Woodvilles or Buckingham could do it on their own. I don't think that Buckingham had anything to offer the Woodvilles, as they would have settled for nobody, but Edward V. As for the Edwardian Yorkists, some may have supported E5, but other would be more likely to prefer the status quo with Richard. . So, I think Buckingham's main support base would be old Lancastrians and possibly other people with grievances (perhaps social ones). Neither side had any agenda beyond displacing Richard, so neither could muster the necessary backing, and any ideas of rebelling were doomed from both of them. Personally, I think that there was an initial Woodville plot for E5's restoration, which could have succeeded had they united a number of factions. The intention may have been for Buckingham to join with a Kingmaker role, but what changed was when Buckingham decided on his own separate rebellion. I think Morton knew that only failure could ensue and it would be best to abandon any ideas of a rebellion. He probably would have warned MB, but she still seems to have maintained some involvement.
Doug: There is, of course, a third possibility in that Morton, from the beginning, had absolutely no intention of getting involved in a rebellion, went along with Buckingham, whatever his aims were, and, as soon as possible, put as many miles as possible between himself and the Duke, warning Margaret Beaufort along the way to stay out of it. In this last case, Morton's goal would simply have been his freedom. After all our efforts trying to divine Morton's intentions, It'd be a hoot if that was the explanation!
You may be right about this and I had been wondering if we are making too many assumptions about Morton's involvement. He may indeed have not been involved in any of the plots, and we can't really pin him down with any of them. Richard put him in Buckingham's custody as he may have felt some reason not trust him, but there isn't any solid proof that he was conspiring with anyone. If he thought the rebellions were futile, he probably would have warned MB, but she seems to have maintained some involvement, as I don't think HT would have been planning to set sail to join the rebellion without her approval.
Nico
On Tuesday, 16 January 2018, 16:07:13 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Nico wrote: Despite their Lancastrian allegiance before EW married E4, imho, by 1483, the Woodvilles would have lost all credibility as Lancastrians. The main link to the House of Lancaster was from the previous generation, the elder Richard Woodville and Jacquetta, and even they changed sides. I can't see how the younger generation could have possibly traded on it. Anthony Woodville had been a high profile figure during E4's reign; Richard jr (according to Cora Scofield) was pardoned for having previously fought for the Lancastrians, but appears to have been a low profile character; Lionel had benefitted considerably having been given a number of senior church appointments and made Bishop of Salisbury by E4. Edward and the Marquis of Dorset were younger and would have grown up during E4's reign and both appear to have been lightweights. The Woodvilles, as a group were never popular, had no power base of their own and without E4 or E5 were most likely expendable. Until the precontract was exposed the goose that was going to lay their golden eggs was E5, but once the E4/EW marriage was publicly discredited, the illegitimate E5 was a much less attractive prospect, and the I suspect that many Lancastrian rebels would have preferred to simply cast him and the Woodvilles aside. As for HT, I don't think anyone was considering him at this point, but if there was a general preference for Buckingham in the old Lancaster camp, Morton - whatever his allegiances before the precontract exposure - would have had to sail with the prevailing wind if it was blowing in Buckingham's direction. By this point though, he may have lost his enthusiasm for the rebellion because it looked almost certain to fall apart for lack of cohesion. If the Hastings plot had succeeded or it had been possible to manipulate the council into rejecting and suppressing the precontract, then I think Morton would have gone along with that, but once E5 was exposed as illegitimate, he simply wasn't a viable candidate anymore, as he didn't have any actual right to the throne. Doug here: You've pointed out some very interesting problems the Woodvilles would face, but wouldn't Buckingham, particularly in regards to his Lancastrian credibility, have faced the same ones? The sticking point for me is that attempted rescue. Why, if the rebellion wasn't to re-instate Edward, was any attempt made to free the boys? If, from the beginning, the rebellion was to place Buckingham on the throne, why risk premature discovery of the plot by trying to free the boys? Once Richard had been defeated, obviously the most important item, the Tower would be under Buckingham's control and he could then release his nephews. That rescue attempt, to me anyway, only makes sense if the rebellion was intended to return Edward to the throne. And, again presuming the rebellion was successful and Edward was re-instated as king, the Pre-Contract could be treated, as it too often has since, as just an attempt by Richard to justify his taking the throne. We know how well that assertion has been received since Bosworth, why wouldn't it have met the same reception after whatever the battle was that would have defeated Richard in this scenario? I agree with you that the legitimacy issue is what likely encouraged Buckingham to consider himself a viable candidate; where we appear to differ is in whether Buckingham could have, from the beginning, been acceptable to enough people to give him a chance of defeating Richard. Buckingham would have to appeal to every group that Edward did. What could Buckingham as Henry VII offer the Woodvilles? That they didn't already have, that is? His claim of being a Lancastrian was as tarnished as his nephew's. He might have better luck with any supporters of Edward IV, discontented by their treatment by Richard, but how many of them were there and why should we expect him to have greater appeal that Edward IV's son? There was Margaret Beaufort, determined to have Henry back, but how many troops could she supply out of her affinity? Of course, she could provide cash to hire fighting men; but it would take time to round them up, especially without tipping anyone off about what was planned. If I recall correctly, when Henry Tudor did manage to get across the Channel, his troops consisted of 500 Bretons. A nice addition perhaps, but not, I think, a game changer. Then there's Morton's actions after departing Brecon. Seemingly, he met with either Margaret Beaufort or one of her confidantes, then continued on to Ely, finally heading to the Continent where he remained until after Bosworth. Interestingly, as best I can tell, nowhere he went did men come out in support of Buckingham. Strange, that. If Morton's departure from Brecon was to rouse the countryside, so to speak, then why didn't he? And if his departure didn't have that as its' aim, why did he leave Brecon? And the answer I get to both is that Morton, at the time of his leaving Brecon anyway, had determined the rebellion stood no chance of success. Which also tells me that, between the time the idea of the rebellion originated and the time when calls for mustering went out, something had changed. It may have been as simple as Morton recognizing there wasn't enough support and the rebellion would likely fail because of that lack. The other possibility is that Morton had agreed to participate in a rebellion with a certain aim, that aim had changed and, because of that change, the good Bishop realized the change had doomed the rebellion. The first is self-explanatory; the second, to me anyway, would only make sense if the original aim had been to put someone other than Buckingham on the throne. IOW, Edward V. There is, of course, a third possibility in that Morton, from the beginning, had absolutely no intention of getting involved in a rebellion, went along with Buckingham, whatever his aims were, and, as soon as possible, put as many miles as possible between himself and the Duke, warning Margaret Beaufort along the way to stay out of it. In this last case, Morton's goal would simply have been his freedom. After all our efforts trying to divine Morton's intentions, It'd be a hoot if that was the explanation! Nico continued: I suspect that Buckingham didn't intend to offer anything to the Woodvilles or the Edwardian Yorkists, and the intention was to reinstate a House of Lancaster Mark II. Morton may have had to accept that you could never bring all these differing factions together. That is an interesting point about Stanley. Personally, I think he would have done the same as he did in 1485; hedge his bets and go with whatever suited him best. If the odds were in Buckingham's favour, then that is where you would find him. Doug here: Again, was there enough support for a Lancastrian candidate, as a Lancastrian? When Tudor made his landing in 1485, as well as at Bosworth, his troops consisted mostly of mercenaries paid for the the French, along with a large number of Welsh auxiliaries.. Where were his Lancastrian supporters? Perhaps Morton decamped because he, too, realized there was no way of getting all the groups needed for a successful rebellion together? It'd certainly simplify things.
Nico concluded: The Tower rescue attempt is difficult because we know so little about it, but you are right that probably only Buckingham had anything to gain from them not surviving. I suspect it was Woodville driven, and I think I recall Edward Woodville being involved (but I can't be sure where I read this). They would have been the primary beneficiaries of a successful rescue attempt as it would give them control of the boy they were trying to put on the throne. MB may have been involved because she had been plotting with EW. Buckingham may not have emerged as an alternative candidate at this stage, which was in late July 1483. Doug here: We know so little about it... That's the problem, isn't it? For myself, I guess it boils down to being able to come up with a reason for Elizabeth Woodville and Margaret Beaufort coming to some sort of deal where, in exchange for Margaret's support in returning Edward to the throne, Henry would not only be allowed back into England, but would marry Edward's sister. I can also see Buckingham getting involved in that attempt because it would not only immediately validate his own self-importance as a Kingmaker, but also place him, however briefly, at the center of things. After that, though... Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Bu
Nico
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
www.NanceCrawford.com
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
I’ve covered a good deal of the information discussed, lately. in "KING'S GAMES, A Memoir . . ." but haven't had the wherewithal to advertise, so it's not surprising they haven't been referenced here. Murray & Blue gave me my first, and lovely, review, but after four "5 Stars" on Amazon, it's dead as a doornail there - which isn't surprising, either.
Don't know if you'd be interested in my take on Eleanor, but it's also in "KING'S GAMES, The Commentaries" - which I broke out separately, for those who have no time or interest in a verse play, and people new to our subject. The bare facts of Eleanor's story made perfect sense to me in emotional and religious context.
Haven't brought this up earlier because I didn't want to annoy anyone with personal agenda - but the recent rains wiped out our roof and more rain is on the way, and, health or not, it's past time to be serious with my writing.
If you're interested in "KING'S GAMES, The Commentaries," get back to me in a private "Reply to Sender" (or a private Facebook message reminding me you're a member here at RiiiSF) with your name and mailing address. I can ship up to twenty single copies. It has not been reviewed separately on Amazon, and honest comments, even a sentence or two, will be very much appreciated. (I can't presently offer Kindle or Audible copies, although they are also available for "Commentaries.")
Self-published (and small publisher) writers without generous advertising budgets are ignored by Amazon until a book has amassed at least 50 - 60 honest reviews, at which point the book with be batched into their “If You Liked This, You Might Like That” offers, which can make all the difference.
All the help I can get will be very welcome, right now.
Thanks for your attention and patience.
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Nico concluded: You may be right about this and I had been wondering if we are making too many assumptions about Morton's involvement. He may indeed have not been involved in any of the plots, and we can't really pin him down with any of them. Richard put him in Buckingham's custody as he may have felt some reason not trust him, but there isn't any solid proof that he was conspiring with anyone. If he thought the rebellions were futile, he probably would have warned MB, but she seems to have maintained some involvement, as I don't think HT would have been planning to set sail to join the rebellion without her approval. Doug here: My understanding is that Morton had somehow been involved in the plot that cost Hastings his life and that was the reason for his being in Buckingham's custody. And, of course, if it had been Morton who'd tipped off Richard, that custody may have been more along the lines of protective than of restraint. Yes, unfortunately we don't have any proof Morton ever communicated with Margaret, only suspicions. And, of course, even if Morton did warn off Margaret, would she have had enough time to warn Henry? Seemingly, she didn't as he, eventually, showed up. Doug
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Welcome to the Towcester and District Local History Society website
Welcome to the Towcester and District Local History Society website
David Wilcock
Towcester and District Local History Society - Historic Towcester
Even if it hadn't had as many supplies as Northampton I would have thought it would have been easier for all three parties to meet and rest there, whilst sending a contingent to get supplies from Northampton. After all, Richard would have already have passed through it anyway (and probably Peterborough as well). You make some good points about the Rivers journey.
I'll be back later with response on rest. H (and even today Towcester is a bottleneck)
On Friday, 19 January 2018, 03:41:02 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary, Sorry to be so long in replying, you were right about having to get out the motoring atlas! However, I also went hunting on the internet and found this link: http://englishhistoryauthors.blogspot.com/2014/09/the-royal-roads-of-early-england-part-i.html The first thing that popped into my mind was: Why was Rivers taking the road based on Watling Street, now (sort of) the A5? As Ludlow is located well south of Shrewsbury, why didn't Rivers head south to Gloucester, cross the Severn and then head east? The only reason I can come up with is that the road system, such as it was, left a large gap between Gloucester and points east. There was the Icknield Way, but it ran from, roughly, Cirencester northeastwards and not connecting to any London road until Dunstaple. Of course, if there wasn't any decent roadway going south from Ludlow to Gloucester, nor from Gloucester to the Icknield Way; then Rivers heading north, especially in springtime when quite a bit of rain could be expected, could have been considered the fastest and easiest way. Then I came across this map of the Roman roads: http://www.cantab.net/users/michael.behrend/aw_cuttings/images/q_roman_roads_fig_1.png The first thing I noticed was that the map wasn't correct, having Worcester listed as the western terminus of Watling Street when it should be Shrewsbury. The map also showed a Roman road going from Shrewsbury south to Caerlon and on to Gloucester where, seemingly, it connected with a road going to St.Albans. However, without knowing the state of that road connecting Shrewsbury and Caerlon, and again considering the time of year, heading north then southeast along relatively well-kept roads, especially if accompanied by 2,000 men would makes sense. Ok, so I've gotten Rivers leaving Ludlow for Shrewsbury in order to take Watling Street to London. There's no problem tying Buckingham in, presuming he was at Mancetter. In fact, Buckingham simply may have decided to ride along with them. As you say, though, Northampton isn't on Watling Street, so how to link Rivers and Buckingham up with Richard at Northampton/Stony Stratford? As you mentioned, it's about ten miles from the A 5/Watling Street to Northampton, so why would Rivers make such a detour? Perhaps logistics is the answer? If there were 2,000 men accompanying Edward and Rivers and another undetermined number accompanying Buckingham, unless they had wagons with supplies accompanying them, they'd need to stop and get more supplies somewhere, wouldn't they? A village just wouldn't have enough extra to supply so many. So, everyone loads on as much as they can carry on horseback at Ludlow, then at Shrewsbury they top up. Because from Shrewsbury to London, the only town is Northampton, where a final re-supply is planned before reaching London. There are towns listed in my atlas along the A 5, but how many were in existence in 1483? And even if they were in existence, were they towns or villages? Because a town would be the only place where enough provisions could be gotten. Could that explain Northampton? Yes, it was out of the way, but it held needed supplies. Getting Richard to Northampton was a bit harder but, if we look at logistics, perhaps there's an answer. According to the map in the first link, there was a road that ran more or less directly from York to Nottingham. There's a gap there, but the Icknield Way (Lincoln to Ilchester) wasn't that far away. And that road led to Leicester, where, again supplies could be gotten after riding, sort of, cross-country. Richard would now be faced with the options of continuing on the Icknield Way to where it connected with Watling Street, at High Cross I believe, or, again cutting across country, head for Northampton. Except, if this link: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Market_Harborough#10661799 is correct, Richard wouldn't have had to go cross country as there was a road linking Leicester and Northampton. And Northampton would have been ideal for a final re-supply prior to finishing the trip to London, regardless of whether one came via Watling Street or from York. Does that make sense? Now that we have everyone in Northampton and its' environs, there's still the question of what happened there. Regardless of whether or not Richard was legally Protector at that point, he most definitely was Constable. Any plotting that might disturb the peace of the realm came under his purview and, although it may just be me, I rather think planning on hurriedly crowning an under-age king in order to stack the Royal Council with supporters just might qualify. I admit I've some difficulty in trying to figure out that bit about Edward being sent ahead to Stony Stratford. If, through sheer coincidence, Rivers, Buckingham and Richard were all at Northampton (or possibly even camped just outside it), what in Heaven's name was Edward doing over ten miles away? I can't recall if Richard ever met with his nephew before Rivers arrest. Did he? because if he didn't, then Edward being at Stony Stratford could be explained by his being there on the morning of 30 April, and not on 29 April. Did Rivers try and get Edward away from Richard by, say, starting him off very early on 30 April? And, of course, if during the night of 29/30 April, Buckingham, having discovered the Woodvilles' intentions of hurriedly crowning Edward, divulged that information to Richard, any attempt by Rivers to hurry Edward on towards London wouldn't, to say the least, look very good. A letter from Hastings has usually been given as the reason for Richard's actions and there very well may have been one. And if there was a letter from Hastings, then Northampton is the most likely place where Richard received that letter. Mainly because, had Richard received that letter while in York, why wasn't his journey south been, um, speedier? OTOH, considering that Richard was Constable, he had all the authority he needed to arrest Rivers, Scales and Vaughan until things were sorted out. Please feel free to tear this apart if I've gotten anything wrong! And my apologies for the delay and the length! Doug Hilary wrote: I've done a bit more research of a practical nature this weekend. You may have to get your map out again Doug. Necessity caused me to travel the A5 (Watling) from Lutterworth to Dunstable, where all parties would have all carried on to London in 1483. Now if we take Richard, as said before, his natural route from the A1 to the A5 would take him through Northampton. So that's fine. Rivers would have got on the A5 around the same place as me, or a bit north of me. Now Northampton, which lies just off the present M1, doesn't lie off the A5. To get to it Rivers (and Buck if coming from Mancetter) would have to have left it at Weedon and wound their way through rather tortuous country lanes and villages for 10 or so miles. If they were looking for an overnight stop it would have been far more logical had they carried straight on down the A5 for about another 5 miles to the market town of Towcester, which is even today still awash with old coaching inns. So this says to me that this must have been a prior arranged meeting on the part of all and arranged amicably. Why amicably? Well I was reading Ross who, although relying on Croyland and Mancini, confirmed a number of things. Firstly no-one has found out where Buckingham was. Secondly, the Woodvilles wanted young Edward to be escorted by a large army, but Hastings advised against it - and they listened. So the contingent was about the same as Richard's. Ross has Hastings being deeply suspicious of the Woodvilles because he thought they would deprive him of his post of Captain of Calais. He who held Calais of course controlled the garrisons and mercenaries there, so Hastings was a real threat if he turned against them and favoured Richard. So who did alert Richard, Buckingham? Because if Richard had been alerted by Hastings in York he would surely have traveled with a bigger army?
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Societ
Thanks for that link, but it's a pity it doesn't have much information about Towcester's population.
I've searched, but I can't find anything relating to the populations of Towcester and Northampton during this period.
However, as Northampton was one of the major towns in the country during the preceding two centuries or so, I went for it, presuming it to have a larger population than Towcester. The Wikipedia article for Northampton had its' population at 3300 in the late 14th century.
My reasoning was that the larger the town, the more likely it would have the necessary supplies in sufficient amounts. Horses could be fed in any convenient village field/pasture, but 2,000 men would require quite a bit of meat, bread and, most likely, ale/wine. Then we have to add in another 400-600 men with Richard and Buckingham. I seriously doubt Northampton was growing by leaps and bounds during the 15th century, but it could still be expected that it was of sufficient size to accommodate an influx of nearly 3,000. At least for one night, anyway. Wasn't there a battle there at the beginning of the Wars of the Roses? II f so, does anyone have any knowledge of the size of Northampton then?
I admit I hadn't thought of Rivers and Buckingham camping at/near Towcester and having supplies brought out, is certainly very possible. The only limitation I can think of would be that all the supplies would likely have to be brought by horseback. So either the horses would have to carry both a rider and a load of supplies, or else there were enough pack animals available to be loaded themselves. In either case, there'd be the time element. First round up those who were going into Northampton to get the supplies. Then ride into Northampton. Then dicker with those who have the supplies you want, with cash on the barrelhead the most likely payment terms. Then load up the horses. Then return to the camp/s at/near Towcester, unload the horses and settle in for the night. OTOH, if everyone goes to Northampton, then the time consumed by those to/from trips is eliminated. And Rivers could sleep in a (semi)decent bed.
Anyway, those were the reasons I opted for Northampton rather than Towcester.
Doug
(Who is never, ever mistaken in his facts or reasoning!)
Doug
Hilary wrote:
Doug - just rushing through! Re your first point about supplies in Northampton, the Romans had built Towcester (Lactodorum) as their supply post on the A5. Now I know time had moved on but ....
Welcome to the Towcester and District Local History Society website
Welcome to the Towcester and District Local History Society website
David Wilcock
Towcester and District Local History Society - Historic Towcester
Even if it hadn't had as many supplies as Northampton I would have thought it would have been easier for all three parties to meet and rest there, whilst sending a contingent to get supplies from Northampton. After all, Richard would have already have passed through it anyway (and probably Peterborough as well). You make some good points about the Rivers journey.
I'll be back later with response on rest. H (and even today Towcester is a bottleneck).
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
I hope your feeling better. I came down with something nasty at the beginning of the year and I'm way behind on everything too. All sorts of things seem to be going around rather severely this year.
I'm not sure that the rescue attempt was a separate thread, but it appeared in several discussions about Buckingham.
I would be very interested in King's Games, both the memoir and the commentaries. How much would the cost be?
Nico
On Thursday, 18 January 2018, 19:53:41 GMT, 'Nance Crawford' Nance@... [] <> wrote:
I've covered a good deal of the information discussed, lately. in "KING'S GAMES, A Memoir . . ." but haven't had the wherewithal to advertise, so it's not surprising they haven't been referenced here. Murray & Blue gave me my first, and lovely, review, but after four "5 Stars" on Amazon, it's dead as a doornail there - which isn't surprising, either.
Don't know if you'd be interested in my take on Eleanor, but it's also in "KING'S GAMES, The Commentaries" - which I broke out separately, for those who have no time or interest in a verse play, and people new to our subject. The bare facts of Eleanor's story made perfect sense to me in emotional and religious context.
Haven't brought this up earlier because I didn't want to annoy anyone with personal agenda - but the recent rains wiped out our roof and more rain is on the way, and, health or not, it's past time to be serious with my writing.
If you're interested in "KING'S GAMES, The Commentaries," get back to me in a private "Reply to Sender" (or a private Facebook message reminding me you're a member here at RiiiSF) with your name and mailing address. I can ship up to twenty single copies. It has not been reviewed separately on Amazon, and honest comments, even a sentence or two, will be very much appreciated. (I can't presently offer Kindle or Audible copies, although they are also available for "Commentaries.")
Self-published (and small publisher) writers without generous advertising budgets are ignored by Amazon until a book has amassed at least 50 - 60 honest reviews, at which point the book with be batched into their If You Liked This, You Might Like That offers, which can make all the difference.
All the help I can get will be very welcome, right now.
Thanks for your attention and patience.
NRe: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Ric
.
There is the possibility, that Morton simply recognized that, even if Buckingham remained loyal, he was incapable of being the leader with Morton responding in the same manner
Doug: I really was wondering about any necessity to appeal to Lancastrians as a Lancastrian and not, say, a non-Yorkist?
While the 'House of Lancaster' had been quiet and essentially finished after Tewkesbury, there still may have been some Lancastrian families whose fortunes had declined or stagnated under Edward IV, and as a result felt a combination of resentment towards the new regime as well as nostalgia for the old. Buckingham may have had the idea of exploiting that discontent. Reggie Bray may have fallen into that category and possibly Morton. Margaret Beaufort may even retained some Lancastrian loyalties that made her vulnerable to manipulation. I'm particularly confused about her motivations, as she was doing so well having married Stanley, who had a strong Yorkist allegiance. I would have thought she would have been happy about that other than not being able to bring Henry back, so maybe I have overestimated her backing for Buckingham. Maybe she would have been content with E5 giving HT a prominent position and marrying EofY, but I would put it past her to court Buckingham too. I think that playing both sides may have been something she and Thomas Stanley had in common.
Doug: Those Tower servants answerable to Buckingham you refer to, are they the ones Hilary listed (Davy, Ireland, Rushe and Smith) or another group? Or did you mean answerable to Buckingham because he was Constable of the Tower?
As for the Tower Servants, Davy, Ireland, Rushe and Smith being answerable to Buckingham, I did mean with respect to him being Constable, as I would he would have ultimate authority over anyone who worked there. He may not have any personal dealings with them and I strongly suspect that they may have been bribed either someone working for the Woodvilles or Margaret Beaufort.
Doug: There is the possibility, that Morton simply recognized that, even if Buckingham remained loyal, he was incapable of being the leader with Morton responding in the same manner
Since there isn't any actual proof of what Buckingham's intention was, that does leave the possibility that Morton may have thought that he wasn't capable of leading or taking on a 'Kingmaker' role, and that was what changed and made him think that the rebellion was doomed. However, personally I do get the impression that Buckingham was all for himself.
Doug: There is the possibility, that Morton simply recognized that, even if Buckingham remained loyal, he was incapable of being the leader with Morton responding in the same manner.If it was Morton who tipped off Richard about the Hastings plot, the custody with Buckingham may have been protective. I wouldn't put it past him to have given the plot away, as I don't see him as a natural ally of either Hastings or the Woodvilles. Alternatively, Richard may just have been unsure about him, especially given his former loyalty to MoA and E4 not promoting him to especially prominent positions. Alcock was appointed to E5's council, but not him, so I could understand if there was a natural resentment between Morton, Hastings and the Woodvilles and little reason for Morton to join an uneasy pact between people who may have been acting out of desperation to cling onto whatever they could.
Earlier this week, I bought a copy of Richard III and Buckingham's Rebellion by Louise Gill, which is the only book that I know of that specializes on Buckingham. I haven't had a chance to read it yet, but I hope it can give some new insight into what motivated the various parties. There is one copy left on AmazonUK for 75p.
Nico
On Friday, 19 January 2018, 04:33:12 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Nico wrote: Like the younger Woodvilles, Buckingham would have been too young to fight for the Lancastrians, but his mother was a Beaufort and he had a legal claim to throne (unlike Henry Tudor), and his fortunes hadn't been so enmeshed with the House of York in the same way as the Woodvilles. Therefore, I don't think that he would have damaged his credibility as a figure head for the House of Lancaster. Doug here: I really was wondering about any necessity to appeal to Lancastrians as a Lancastrian and not, say, a non-Yorkist? There may have been some around, but they certainly didn't show themselves in 1485! At least, not until after Bosworth... Nico continued: The rescue attempt - from what we can put together about it - raises questions about Buckingham. The intention to liberate the Princes does suggest to me that the motive was to take control over them to prepare for the restoration of Edward V. The fact that Tower servants answerable to Buckingham were executed for their involvement indicates that either Buckingham was involved or the Tower staff involved worked for or were bribed by the Woodvilles or someone else with a vested interest in E5's restoration. However, I think that the latter is more likely because if Buckingham was involved, he could have made the rescuers access easier, increasing the likelihood of success. I suspect that - at that stage - Buckingham was not yet involved a rebellion. If the rescue attempt was July 29th, he was probably in the early stages of discontent about his rewards from Richard, and was still considering his options whereas Margaret Beaufort appears to have begun plotting with Elizabeth Woodville, which was, at this stage, the best chance of ensuring Henry's return. Doug here: Those Tower servants answerable to Buckingham you refer to, are they the ones Hilary listed (Davy, Ireland, Rushe and Smith) or another group? Or did you mean answerable to Buckingham because he was Constable of the Tower? I rather tend to the idea of bribery, myself because, as you say, if Buckingham had been involved, it should have gone more smoothly. Nico continued: This problem of raising support and ultimately troops may well be what finished the rebellion for all the factions. If they had been able to unite, they may have been able to raise enough, but neither the Woodvilles or Buckingham could do it on their own. I don't think that Buckingham had anything to offer the Woodvilles, as they would have settled for nobody, but Edward V. As for the Edwardian Yorkists, some may have supported E5, but other would be more likely to prefer the status quo with Richard. . So, I think Buckingham's main support base would be old Lancastrians and possibly other people with grievances (perhaps social ones). Neither side had any agenda beyond displacing Richard, so neither could muster the necessary backing, and any ideas of rebelling were doomed from both of them. Personally, I think that there was an initial Woodville plot for E5's restoration, which could have succeeded had they united a number of factions. The intention may have been for Buckingham to join with a Kingmaker role, but what changed was when Buckingham decided on his own separate rebellion. I think Morton knew that only failure could ensue and it would be best to abandon any ideas of a rebellion. He probably would have warned MB, but she still seems to have maintained some involvement. Doug here: I think we're basically in agreement here. Only if all the various groups aimed at the same goal could they stand a chance. If Buckingham had decided to divert the rebellion to his own aims, that would have doomed it and would explain Morton's actions. There is the possibility, that Morton simply recognized that, even if Buckingham remained loyal, he was incapable of being the leader with Morton responding in the same manner.
Nico concluded: You may be right about this and I had been wondering if we are making too many assumptions about Morton's involvement. He may indeed have not been involved in any of the plots, and we can't really pin him down with any of them. Richard put him in Buckingham's custody as he may have felt some reason not trust him, but there isn't any solid proof that he was conspiring with anyone. If he thought the rebellions were futile, he probably would have warned MB, but she seems to have maintained some involvement, as I don't think HT would have been planning to set sail to join the rebellion without her approval. Doug here: My understanding is that Morton had somehow been involved in the plot that cost Hastings his life and that was the reason for his being in Buckingham's custody. And, of course, if it had been Morton who'd tipped off Richard, that custody may have been more along the lines of protective than of restraint. Yes, unfortunately we don't have any proof Morton ever communicated with Margaret, only suspicions. And, of course, even if Morton did warn off Margaret, would she have had enough time to warn Henry? Seemingly, she didn't as he, eventually, showed up. Doug
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Nico wrote:
I thought that it was Hastings that informed Richard that EIV had died, and the EW had not informed him because she and the Woodvilles were playing for more time to rush EV's coronation. Is this just Mancini, and if incorrect how did Richard find out that EIV was dead if there was no letter from Hastings?
Carol responds:
I'm not saying that there was definitely no letter from Hastings, only that Croyland doesn't mention it and Mancini could not possibly have known its contents as he pretends. Hastings does seem the most likely person to write the letter as he was (according to Croyland) concerned about Woodville manipulation of the council, but it could have been Russell or someone else who believed strongly that Richard's presence as Protector was sorely needed. None of the correspondence from that time has been preserved, so far as we know, so much of what happened is guesswork.
Someone needs to sit down and compare the accounts of Croyland and Mancini point by point (ignoring the supposed *contents* of imaginary letters and imaginary conversations) to see exactly where they agree and disagree and what appears in one account but not the other. In the case of contradictions, we'd at least know that one or the other is wrong!
Carol
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Hi Carol,
Thanks for setting me right on that, and it would be a good idea to do detailed comparison of Croyland and Mancini.
Nico
On Saturday, 20 January 2018, 16:23:47 GMT, justcarol67@... [] <> wrote:
I thought that it was Hastings that informed Richard that EIV had died, and the EW had not informed him because she and the Woodvilles were playing for more time to rush EV's coronation. Is this just Mancini, and if incorrect how did Richard find out that EIV was dead if there was no letter from Hastings?
Carol responds:
I'm not saying that there was definitely no letter from Hastings, only that Croyland doesn't mention it and Mancini could not possibly have known its contents as he pretends. Hastings does seem the most likely person to write the letter as he was (according to Croyland) concerned about Woodville manipulation of the council, but it could have been Russell or someone else who believed strongly that Richard's presence as Protector was sorely needed. None of the correspondence from that time has been preserved, so far as we know, so much of what happened is guesswork.
Someone needs to sit down and compare the accounts of Croyland and Mancini point by point (ignoring the supposed *contents* of imaginary letters and imaginary conversations) to see exactly where they agree and disagree and what appears in one account but not the other. In the case of contradictions, we'd at least know that one or the other is wrong!
Carol
Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Societ
I think that could be a plausible explanation for what happened. Doing that would be a challenge to Richard as Protector, and interference with his ability to carry out that role. If he did learn that AW was trying to arrange a hasty coronation, then he probably would have realized that the Woodvilles intended to manipulate the council and push him out.
Doug: Do we know of anyone who was close to Eleanor who survived until after 9 April, thus allowing for some sort of deposition to be taken?
Eleanor's brother, Humphrey and sister, Elizabeth were still alive in 1483 as was, a niece, Elizabeth Talbot (daughter of her other brother Lord Lisle and Joan Cheddar). At least one of her half-siblings, Katherine Eyton was still alive and here were probably several other nieces and nephews. There was also cousins, Buckingham, his half sister Margaret Tuchet and her aunt, Anne Beauchamp. There were also some Neville cousins, but I don't think they would have known her as well. I think the most likely to have been deposed were the brother and sister.
On Saturday, 20 January 2018, 17:54:13 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary wrote: Just a little bit more info I've scraped up on Buckingham. Firstly, he had another title - Earl of Northampton - which he inherited from his grandfather and was reconfirmed by Edward in 1472/3. Wouldn't it be just like Buckingham to convene a meeting at the home of his 'earldom'? Suppose he'd gleaned some info on Woodville plans from his wife and thought that this was a marvellous opportunity for an expose with him as the sort of master magician who would immediately then be 'in' with Richard. And in fact it's very like the expose of Hastings. Where was Buckingham that day? Doug here: Besides Buckingham's title, there's also the fact that Northampton had been the site of more than a dozen Parliaments and even briefly had a university from 1261 to 1265. The problem I see with Buckingham getting any information from his wife is: Where, even more importantly, when would she have gotten that information? Which is why I plumped for Buckingham possibly discovering the Woodville's intentions for a rushed coronation while accompanying Rivers, then passing that information on when he met Richard. What do you, or anyone else, think of the idea that Rivers, Grey and Vaughan might have been arrested for trying to prevent Richard, Constable of England, from, not seeing the new king, but for disputing Richard's right to take custody of his nephew? After all, Rivers may have been given the guardianship of the Prince of Wales, but that position no longer existed, did it? OTOH, Richard had been designated Constable of England as a life-time grant. Richard's life-time, that is. It might even have been a combination of Rivers disputing Richard's authority and Buckingham informing Richard about the coronation plans that led to those arrests. Hilary continued: Secondly, as well as MB, don't forget Buckingham had two aunts who were married to Talbots. One was Joan Cheddar, who'd been married to his uncle Richard and went on to marry Eleanor's brother, Lord Lisle. She died in 1464 but would have been alive at the time of the Pre Contract, the other was his aunt Catherine, also now dead, who had been married to Eleanor's (half) nephew. She was around until 1475. She too would have been an adult at the time of the Pre Contract. Doug here: Did Joan Cheddar die before or after Edward made his announcement about himself and Elizabeth Woodville? I don't know if it really matters, as she could have passed information on. I couldn't find either his aunt Catherine or Eleanor's (half) nephew (he types, cringing with embarrassment), but family connections could certainly provide a route for such information to travel along. I still think, however, that direct knowledge of the Pre-Contract, was almost certainly limited to a very few; Edward, Eleanor, a priest (if there was one), and the one or two persons Eleanor might have told. Do we know of anyone who was close to Eleanor who survived until after 9 April, thus allowing for some sort of deposition to be taken? Hilary concluded: Finally, there was a college at Cambridge called Bokingham or Buckingham College. It was funded by the Buckinghams, but overseen by the abbot of Croyland. So both Buckingham and MB had more than a slight connection with Croyland. Doug here: If the Wikipedia article is accurate, it seems Buckingham College was so-named because of the interest and generosity of our Buckingham. Who'da thunk it? Doug
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
"Nico, good luck with trying to complain to Yahoo about their service. I've gotten no response at all while attempting to change to my current email address at other groups. Finally found out that a new invitation under the new address is the solution - problems: info now comes in at both addresses, which means a heck of a lot of holding down the delete button." Carol responds:
You can always check the messages at the website:
https://groups.yahoo.com/neo/groups//conversations/messages
No need to delete anything that way.
Carol
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Can we move on to Rivers for a moment and I'll come back to Northampton/Towcester? I'm lucky enough to have on one very old PC a very old version of a 'routemaster' - the sort that you just to print out as a map in the 1960s. I asked it to plot the quickest route from Ludlow to London which it did. It's 140 miles, which is quite far in English and fifteenth century terms.
The route it came up with was this: Ludlow, Kidderminster, Bromsgove, Evesham, Banbury, Stow on the Wold, Oxford, Hemel Hempstead, Slough, London. Now the last bit of this from Oxford was on the M40 motorway, but there would still have been routes through the Thames Valley via Windsor, Richmond etc which would have taken you into London. This is miles west of the A5 and Northampton, so why did Rivers take the other route which would have meant him crossing over from Banbury to Daventry to Northampton? The only reason I can come up with is that the Bromsgrove to Banbury bit is prime sheep country and we know how much farmers hated troops marauding over their lands, but then so is the route from Banbury to Northampton.
I have some other questions too.
Firstly York to London is 211 miles, so think how immensely difficult it must have been to co-ordinate a meeting between two lots of people (with troops) coming over large distances from completely different directions? You'd have thought that one of them would have had to hang about for the other for a couple of days or more.
Secondly, why is the King seemingly going out of his way to meet Richard and not the other way round. Surely protocol would dictate that Richard should go to the King? And why were they all wandering around the countryside with no sense of urgency when surely the King should have gone quickly to London? Even Ross asks that.
Thirdly, by far the biggest town in the area was Coventry, which was in the 'top ten' of towns. The young King had a special relationship with Coventry which had come under his official guardianship after the death of Clarence. There is quite a lot of correspondence between him (obviously Rivers) in the Leet Books i.e. the same sort of relationship which Richard had with York, so if Rivers was 'parading him round' why didn't he touch on Coventry?
Re the sizes of Towcester and Northampton, I would say there was very little in it at the time, with both being geared for travellers. What I fail to understand it why it would appear that Rivers went so completely out of his way to venture into Northamptonshire at all. But of course we don't know what Buckingham was up to in all this. H
On Friday, 19 January 2018, 16:46:45 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary,
Thanks for that link, but it's a pity it doesn't have much information about Towcester's population.
I've searched, but I can't find anything relating to the populations of Towcester and Northampton during this period.
However, as Northampton was one of the major towns in the country during the preceding two centuries or so, I went for it, presuming it to have a larger population than Towcester. The Wikipedia article for Northampton had its' population at 3300 in the late 14th century.
My reasoning was that the larger the town, the more likely it would have the necessary supplies in sufficient amounts. Horses could be fed in any convenient village field/pasture, but 2,000 men would require quite a bit of meat, bread and, most likely, ale/wine. Then we have to add in another 400-600 men with Richard and Buckingham. I seriously doubt Northampton was growing by leaps and bounds during the 15th century, but it could still be expected that it was of sufficient size to accommodate an influx of nearly 3,000. At least for one night, anyway. Wasn't there a battle there at the beginning of the Wars of the Roses? II f so, does anyone have any knowledge of the size of Northampton then?
I admit I hadn't thought of Rivers and Buckingham camping at/near Towcester and having supplies brought out, is certainly very possible. The only limitation I can think of would be that all the supplies would likely have to be brought by horseback. So either the horses would have to carry both a rider and a load of supplies, or else there were enough pack animals available to be loaded themselves. In either case, there'd be the time element. First round up those who were going into Northampton to get the supplies. Then ride into Northampton. Then dicker with those who have the supplies you want, with cash on the barrelhead the most likely payment terms. Then load up the horses. Then return to the camp/s at/near Towcester, unload the horses and settle in for the night. OTOH, if everyone goes to Northampton, then the time consumed by those to/from trips is eliminated. And Rivers could sleep in a (semi)decent bed..
Anyway, those were the reasons I opted for Northampton rather than Towcester.
Doug
(Who is never, ever mistaken in his facts or reasoning!)
Doug
Hilary wrote:
Doug - just rushing through! Re your first point about supplies in Northampton, the Romans had built Towcester (Lactodorum) as their supply post on the A5. Now I know time had moved on but ....
Welcome to the Towcester and District Local History Society website
Welcome to the Towcester and District Local History Society website
David Wilcock
Towcester and District Local History Society - Historic Towcester
Even if it hadn't had as many supplies as Northampton I would have thought it would have been easier for all three parties to meet and rest there, whilst sending a contingent to get supplies from Northampton. After all, Richard would have already have passed through it anyway (and probably Peterborough as well). You make some good points about the Rivers journey.
I'll be back later with response on rest. H (and even today Towcester is a bottleneck).
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Joan Cheddar died on 15 Jul 1464, that is after Edward married EW but before he made his announcement. However, re your other paragraph, she could have passed the information on to her sister Isabel, who was married to the Talbot lawyer and Judge Sir John Newton. Both Isabel and John were alive in 1483 and very religious. They were probably friends of Stillington since their sons married his granddaughters.
Now I didn't look at Wiki but it did strike me that it's always said that the Chronicler must have had a knowledge of the inner workings of the Council. Who better than Bucks himself to pass on info, correct or not?
On Saturday, 20 January 2018, 17:54:10 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary wrote: Just a little bit more info I've scraped up on Buckingham. Firstly, he had another title - Earl of Northampton - which he inherited from his grandfather and was reconfirmed by Edward in 1472/3. Wouldn't it be just like Buckingham to convene a meeting at the home of his 'earldom'? Suppose he'd gleaned some info on Woodville plans from his wife and thought that this was a marvellous opportunity for an expose with him as the sort of master magician who would immediately then be 'in' with Richard. And in fact it's very like the expose of Hastings. Where was Buckingham that day? Doug here: Besides Buckingham's title, there's also the fact that Northampton had been the site of more than a dozen Parliaments and even briefly had a university from 1261 to 1265. The problem I see with Buckingham getting any information from his wife is: Where, even more importantly, when would she have gotten that information? Which is why I plumped for Buckingham possibly discovering the Woodville's intentions for a rushed coronation while accompanying Rivers, then passing that information on when he met Richard. What do you, or anyone else, think of the idea that Rivers, Grey and Vaughan might have been arrested for trying to prevent Richard, Constable of England, from, not seeing the new king, but for disputing Richard's right to take custody of his nephew? After all, Rivers may have been given the guardianship of the Prince of Wales, but that position no longer existed, did it? OTOH, Richard had been designated Constable of England as a life-time grant. Richard's life-time, that is. It might even have been a combination of Rivers disputing Richard's authority and Buckingham informing Richard about the coronation plans that led to those arrests. Hilary continued: Secondly, as well as MB, don't forget Buckingham had two aunts who were married to Talbots. One was Joan Cheddar, who'd been married to his uncle Richard and went on to marry Eleanor's brother, Lord Lisle. She died in 1464 but would have been alive at the time of the Pre Contract, the other was his aunt Catherine, also now dead, who had been married to Eleanor's (half) nephew. She was around until 1475. She too would have been an adult at the time of the Pre Contract. Doug here: Did Joan Cheddar die before or after Edward made his announcement about himself and Elizabeth Woodville? I don't know if it really matters, as she could have passed information on. I couldn't find either his aunt Catherine or Eleanor's (half) nephew (he types, cringing with embarrassment), but family connections could certainly provide a route for such information to travel along. I still think, however, that direct knowledge of the Pre-Contract, was almost certainly limited to a very few; Edward, Eleanor, a priest (if there was one), and the one or two persons Eleanor might have told. Do we know of anyone who was close to Eleanor who survived until after 9 April, thus allowing for some sort of deposition to be taken? Hilary concluded: Finally, there was a college at Cambridge called Bokingham or Buckingham College. It was funded by the Buckinghams, but overseen by the abbot of Croyland. So both Buckingham and MB had more than a slight connection with Croyland. Doug here: If the Wikipedia article is accurate, it seems Buckingham College was so-named because of the interest and generosity of our Buckingham. Who'da thunk it? Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Societ
Could it have been that Rivers was nervous about travelling on the usual route as he may have encountered men who were against the Woodvilles and for Richard and therefore he needed to get Edward as close to Woodville territory as possible? Also the theory that he wanted to ambush Richard might well be true (see the Ricardian article on it). He may have thought that the nearer he got to London the less likely he would be to pull it off and while he had to get Edward to London as quickly as possible this might be his last chance to stop Richard. He would maybe have been quite confident as he may have known that he had many more men than Richard, if so he massively underestimated Richard's abilities.
Well said Doug for bringing up all these points.
Mary
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On Monday, 22 January 2018, 14:01:48 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
Your point about Doug bringing up the issue of various people's routes to Northampton and the logistics of dealing with the needs of lots of men is excellent. It did cross my mind that it appears that no one has questioned what would you do with all those men when I read Doug's post but the issues regarding the route are very important too. It seems to me that something was definitely afoot.
Could it have been that Rivers was nervous about travelling on the usual route as he may have encountered men who were against the Woodvilles and for Richard and therefore he needed to get Edward as close to Woodville territory as possible? Also the theory that he wanted to ambush Richard might well be true (see the Ricardian article on it). He may have thought that the nearer he got to London the less likely he would be to pull it off and while he had to get Edward to London as quickly as possible this might be his last chance to stop Richard. He would maybe have been quite confident as he may have known that he had many more men than Richard, if so he massively underestimated Richard's abilities.
Well said Doug for bringing up all these points.
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Societ
Mary
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Nico continued: As for the Tower Servants, Davy, Ireland, Rushe and Smith being answerable to Buckingham, I did mean with respect to him being Constable, as I would he would have ultimate authority over anyone who worked there. He may not have any personal dealings with them and I strongly suspect that they may have been bribed either someone working for the Woodvilles or Margaret Beaufort. Doug here: That's what I thought you meant, but I wanted to be certain. FWIW, those four could have represented the money needed for bribes (Davy, the Pardoner), the inside man (Ireland, the Wardrober), the muscle (Rushe, that sarjeant of London), and the man in charge of the get-away (Smith, Groom of the Stirrup). If Rushe was a legal type, and not military, perhaps he was the one in charge; locally so to speak? Much would have depended on the time of day for the escape, I would think.
Nco continued: Since there isn't any actual proof of what Buckingham's intention was, that does leave the possibility that Morton may have thought that he wasn't capable of leading or taking on a 'Kingmaker' role, and that was what changed and made him think that the rebellion was doomed. However, personally I do get the impression that Buckingham was all for himself. Doug here: If Buckingham's ego was as large as many say, he may very well have planned to divert the rebellion to himself from the beginning but, FWIW, I still think Morton likely had something to do with that. Morton, OTOH (and at this point), I consider to be working solely for his own advancement. Whether under a restored Edward V or Buckingham wouldn't have mattered so much as the effort being successful.
Nico continued: If it was Morton who tipped off Richard about the Hastings plot, the custody with Buckingham may have been protective. I wouldn't put it past him to have given the plot away, as I don't see him as a natural ally of either Hastings or the Woodvilles. Alternatively, Richard may just have been unsure about him, especially given his former loyalty to MoA and E4 not promoting him to especially prominent positions. Alcock was appointed to E5's council, but not him, so I could understand if there was a natural resentment between Morton, Hastings and the Woodvilles and little reason for Morton to join an uneasy pact between people who may have been acting out of desperation to cling onto whatever they could. Doug here: It all goes back to what the aim of that plot was, doesn't it? And, more importantly I think, the chance that those aims would be met by the proposed action of killing Richard and Buckingham. If, as I believe, the plot was in reaction to Stillington's announcement about the Pre-Contract made to the Council in late May, then the aim of the plot was to get rid of Richard and Buckingham because they were adult males with known legitimate claims to the throne. I'm only guessing here, but I presume the thinking of the plotters would have been to get rid of any possible alternatives to retaining Edward V. As far we know, however, there's been no mention of what was to happen to Stillington and, most importantly, his proofs. And what does one do about all those Council members who'd accepted the evidence Stillington had provided? Some might have gone along, but what were the odds of everyone doing so? It also seems to me that there'd have been no need for a plot at all, if the Council was going to reject Stillington and his evidence. The plot, in other words, was in response to the knowledge that Stillington's evidence was almost certainly to be accepted. As best we can tell, the secret of Edward and Eleanor's marriage remained a secret for so long because, while there may have been speculation, so few people had any proof. Now the entire Council not only knew, but had been shown proof of it! The only way to effectively prevent the knowledge of Edward V's illegitimacy spreading would have been a holocaust of Council members. Otherwise, someone would, sooner or later, talk. And if they had those proofs... Which is where Morton comes in. The plot might very well succeed in dispatching Richard and Buckingham, but with so many people, well-placed, influential people who would be believed, knowing Edward V was illegitimate, that knowledge could no longer be kept secret. And if Edward's illegitimacy was known, sworn and attested to, then there was no way he could stay on the throne. Richard might be dead, but there were no doubts about the legitimacy of his heir. Or Buckingham's, for that matter. So Morton judged the odds of success...and ratted. At the very least, doing so would save him imprisonment and, although unlikely, the threat of execution. He might, if lucky, score a few brownie points, but I doubt he counted on it. FWIW, I tend towards the idea that Morton first joined in supporting the Woodvilles because they provided the best chance for that rehabilitation which would allow him greater play for his talents. OTOH, Hastings support of Edward V/the Woodvilles is, I think, completely understandable in light of Stillington's actions. As long as Hastings was faced with the choice of supporting Richard as Protector against the Woodvilles, he chose Richard. Even if Hastings lost his various appointments, even if Richard held him partly responsible for Edward's moral lapses, Richard would still need Hastings' support against the Woodvilles. If, OTOH, Richard became king, then Hastings' value disappeared. If Richard became king, one might debate with him, one might even argue with him, but the final decision would be Richard's even if a majority of the Council didn't agree. Richard might want a majority of his Council to agree with his actions/plans, but he didn't need them to do so. And if Richard no longer needed Hastings, and if Richard held Hastings responsible for many of Edward IV's more deplorable activities, Hastings might be lucky if he was allowed to quietly retire to one of his manors...which, FWIW, is the approach Morton used. Nico concluded: Earlier this week, I bought a copy of Richard III and Buckingham's Rebellion by Louise Gill, which is the only book that I know of that specializes on Buckingham. I haven't had a chance to read it yet, but I hope it can give some new insight into what motivated the various parties. There is one copy left on AmazonUK for 75p. Doug here: I don't know if I can purchase anything via AmazonUK, I'll check on the U.S. version, though. If I recall correctly from comments here and elsewhere, it doesn't support the idea that Richard outraged large numbers of his brother's supporters by replacing them with his own. Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Societ
I'm beginning to think a trap was being set for Richard, in fact at one point Ross says it's possible that EW notified him of Edward's death. That way she could have better control of his movements because she knew he would act in a conventional fashion i.e. hold a service and then leave - which he did. There would then be time to let AW know and to move because he had less distance to cover.
We don't know how many men both sides had. The 2,000 is an estimate of a medieval 'small army' and sometimes it's thought the size of armies has been exaggerated. We do know Richard didn't bring that many because he was asking for aid from York a few weeks' later. So he probably didn't know when he left York.
So who let him know what was going on? Buckingham? Well that explains why he turned up. Or Hastings? Or even Thomas Stanley - who isn't one of those listed as being a member of 'the Council'? H
On Monday, 22 January 2018, 21:19:55 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
Interesting. Do think that maybe Edward was sent to Grafton Regis down that road but with an escort while Rivers went to Northampton and took some of the men with him to Northhampton?
Mary
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I think that Doug's theory about Hastings rings very true. Hastings wouldn't have wanted the Woodvilles in charge of the young king, their actions in the aftermath of Edward's death were enough to show how they would have ruled, so Richard as Protector was a much better bet. Also Annette Carson says that Hastings and the Woodvilles were at odds too over the Captaincy of Calais if I remember correctly.
However, Richard as King might have meant the end of Hastings power at court and he probably wouldn't have wanted that. I don't think that Richard would have taken any of his property away from him but he wouldn't have had as much power. It is a shame really because had they been on the same side Hastings and his retinue would probably have been a lifesaver at Bosworth.
Mary
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Re the point about numbers of old Lancastrians, to realise how many there were you need to look at HT's list of reversed attainders in his first Parliament. Even if the people were dead (and some of these were) attainders carried on in their family. So these are people or children of people who fought on the wrong side at Barnet, Tewkesbury, Towton, you name it. Yes, there was an awful lot of brewing resentment out there which Edward had probably become too ill or too lazy to notice. They far outnumber Edwardian Yorkists, of whom I've yet to find one good example who is not related to the Woodvilles. H
(And I'd have to add, when Richard attainted even more after the rebellions this didn't help either, though only about a quarter went on to fight him at Bosworth)
On Tuesday, 23 January 2018, 20:12:53 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Nico wrote: While the 'House of Lancaster' had been quiet and essentially finished after Tewkesbury, there still may have been some Lancastrian families whose fortunes had declined or stagnated under Edward IV, and as a result felt a combination of resentment towards the new regime as well as nostalgia for the old. Buckingham may have had the idea of exploiting that discontent. Reggie Bray may have fallen into that category and possibly Morton. Margaret Beaufort may even retained some Lancastrian loyalties that made her vulnerable to manipulation. I'm particularly confused about her motivations, as she was doing so well having married Stanley, who had a strong Yorkist allegiance. I would have thought she would have been happy about that other than not being able to bring Henry back, so maybe I have overestimated her backing for Buckingham. Maybe she would have been content with E5 giving HT a prominent position and marrying EofY, but I would put it past her to court Buckingham too. I think that playing both sides may have been something she and Thomas Stanley had in common. Doug here: It wasn't that I believed there weren't any remaining Lancastrians/Lancastrian sympathizers, but rather their numbers would be too few, thus requiring some sort of group effort between various factions. Which, or so it seems to me, would require the candidate to appeal to the largest number of groups/factions possible and I can't see Buckingham managing to do that. At least, not when the plotting began.
Nico continued: As for the Tower Servants, Davy, Ireland, Rushe and Smith being answerable to Buckingham, I did mean with respect to him being Constable, as I would he would have ultimate authority over anyone who worked there. He may not have any personal dealings with them and I strongly suspect that they may have been bribed either someone working for the Woodvilles or Margaret Beaufort. Doug here: That's what I thought you meant, but I wanted to be certain. FWIW, those four could have represented the money needed for bribes (Davy, the Pardoner), the inside man (Ireland, the Wardrober), the muscle (Rushe, that sarjeant of London), and the man in charge of the get-away (Smith, Groom of the Stirrup). If Rushe was a legal type, and not military, perhaps he was the one in charge; locally so to speak? Much would have depended on the time of day for the escape, I would think.
Nco continued: Since there isn't any actual proof of what Buckingham's intention was, that does leave the possibility that Morton may have thought that he wasn't capable of leading or taking on a 'Kingmaker' role, and that was what changed and made him think that the rebellion was doomed. However, personally I do get the impression that Buckingham was all for himself. Doug here: If Buckingham's ego was as large as many say, he may very well have planned to divert the rebellion to himself from the beginning but, FWIW, I still think Morton likely had something to do with that. Morton, OTOH (and at this point), I consider to be working solely for his own advancement. Whether under a restored Edward V or Buckingham wouldn't have mattered so much as the effort being successful.
Nico continued: If it was Morton who tipped off Richard about the Hastings plot, the custody with Buckingham may have been protective. I wouldn't put it past him to have given the plot away, as I don't see him as a natural ally of either Hastings or the Woodvilles. Alternatively, Richard may just have been unsure about him, especially given his former loyalty to MoA and E4 not promoting him to especially prominent positions. Alcock was appointed to E5's council, but not him, so I could understand if there was a natural resentment between Morton, Hastings and the Woodvilles and little reason for Morton to join an uneasy pact between people who may have been acting out of desperation to cling onto whatever they could. Doug here: It all goes back to what the aim of that plot was, doesn't it? And, more importantly I think, the chance that those aims would be met by the proposed action of killing Richard and Buckingham. If, as I believe, the plot was in reaction to Stillington's announcement about the Pre-Contract made to the Council in late May, then the aim of the plot was to get rid of Richard and Buckingham because they were adult males with known legitimate claims to the throne. I'm only guessing here, but I presume the thinking of the plotters would have been to get rid of any possible alternatives to retaining Edward V. As far we know, however, there's been no mention of what was to happen to Stillington and, most importantly, his proofs. And what does one do about all those Council members who'd accepted the evidence Stillington had provided? Some might have gone along, but what were the odds of everyone doing so? It also seems to me that there'd have been no need for a plot at all, if the Council was going to reject Stillington and his evidence. The plot, in other words, was in response to the knowledge that Stillington's evidence was almost certainly to be accepted. As best we can tell, the secret of Edward and Eleanor's marriage remained a secret for so long because, while there may have been speculation, so few people had any proof. Now the entire Council not only knew, but had been shown proof of it! The only way to effectively prevent the knowledge of Edward V's illegitimacy spreading would have been a holocaust of Council members. Otherwise, someone would, sooner or later, talk. And if they had those proofs... Which is where Morton comes in. The plot might very well succeed in dispatching Richard and Buckingham, but with so many people, well-placed, influential people who would be believed, knowing Edward V was illegitimate, that knowledge could no longer be kept secret. And if Edward's illegitimacy was known, sworn and attested to, then there was no way he could stay on the throne. Richard might be dead, but there were no doubts about the legitimacy of his heir. Or Buckingham's, for that matter. So Morton judged the odds of success...and ratted. At the very least, doing so would save him imprisonment and, although unlikely, the threat of execution. He might, if lucky, score a few brownie points, but I doubt he counted on it. FWIW, I tend towards the idea that Morton first joined in supporting the Woodvilles because they provided the best chance for that rehabilitation which would allow him greater play for his talents. OTOH, Hastings support of Edward V/the Woodvilles is, I think, completely understandable in light of Stillington's actions. As long as Hastings was faced with the choice of supporting Richard as Protector against the Woodvilles, he chose Richard. Even if Hastings lost his various appointments, even if Richard held him partly responsible for Edward's moral lapses, Richard would still need Hastings' support against the Woodvilles. If, OTOH, Richard became king, then Hastings' value disappeared. If Richard became king, one might debate with him, one might even argue with him, but the final decision would be Richard's even if a majority of the Council didn't agree. Richard might want a majority of his Council to agree with his actions/plans, but he didn't need them to do so. And if Richard no longer needed Hastings, and if Richard held Hastings responsible for many of Edward IV's more deplorable activities, Hastings might be lucky if he was allowed to quietly retire to one of his manors...which, FWIW, is the approach Morton used. Nico concluded: Earlier this week, I bought a copy of Richard III and Buckingham's Rebellion by Louise Gill, which is the only book that I know of that specializes on Buckingham. I haven't had a chance to read it yet, but I hope it can give some new insight into what motivated the various parties. There is one copy left on AmazonUK for 75p. Doug here: I don't know if I can purchase anything via AmazonUK, I'll check on the U.S. version, though. If I recall correctly from comments here and elsewhere, it doesn't support the idea that Richard outraged large numbers of his brother's supporters by replacing them with his own. Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Ric
I think that [the idea Rivers, et al were arrested for attempting to prevent Richard as Constable/Protector from taking custody of his nephew] could be a plausible explanation for what happened. Doing that would be a challenge to Richard as Protector, and interference with his ability to carry out that role. If he did learn that AW was trying to arrange a hasty coronation, then he probably would have realized that the Woodvilles intended to manipulate the council and push him out. Doug here: It would also be a challenge to Richard as Constable, wouldn't it? And Woodville's position as tutor/guardian of the Prince of Wales had ceased on the death of Edward IV, while Richard's appointment as Constable was for Richard's life (unless/until the new king wished to appoint someone else). At any rate, if we view a possible attempt by Woodville to prevent Richard from taking custody of Edward as the event that alerted Richard the Woodvilles planned some sort of hanky-panky and follow it up with Buckingham telling Richard, after Rivers & Co. had departed for the night, that a hurried coronation was planned for 3/4 May, even if Richard's authority as Protector had still to be accepted by the Council, his position as Constable still gave him the authority to detain Rivers & Co.
Nico concluded: Eleanor's brother, Humphrey and sister, Elizabeth were still alive in 1483 as was, a niece, Elizabeth Talbot (daughter of her other brother Lord Lisle and Joan Cheddar). At least one of her half-siblings, Katherine Eyton was still alive and here were probably several other nieces and nephews. There was also cousins, Buckingham, his half sister Margaret Tuchet and her aunt, Anne Beauchamp. There were also some Neville cousins, but I don't think they would have known her as well. I think the most likely to have been deposed were the brother and sister. Doug here: Other than placing her sister in the primary spot, I'd be tempted to list the order of those who'd been told by Eleanor as: her sister Elizabeth, her niece Elizabeth and then her brother Humphrey, and then possibly Anne Beauchamp. All the while reserving the idea that Stillington's proof consisted of something he'd been told either in the Confessional or on a death-bed. That last would have had enough importance on its' own to justify further inquiries, wouldn't it? Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Ric
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For the rest see my later posts on the Richard/Rivers logistics. BTW I'm still interested to know what Sir Thomas was doing during all this. He is both familiarly and geographically close to Bucks (and that goes long before MB). And he did end up with a pretty good post under Richard, who hadn't had the opportunity to test his loyalty, unlike those who served with him in Scotland.
As we well know, the Stanleys were always 'chancers'. H
On Wednesday, 24 January 2018, 17:00:51 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary wrote: Re your first para Doug, the trouble is that, as outlined in my other post today, it would seem that it was Rivers who went out of his way to meet Richard - or did he go out of his way because he intended to arrest Richard or someway halt his advance? Doug here: Richard was Constable of England and, if not yet confirmed, it was apparently well-known he was the intended Protector of Edward until the latter reached his majority (likely to be determined by the Council). Rivers was...the new king's uncle. He held no position of State, his authority as tutor/guardian of the Prince of Wales ceased with the death of Edward IV. All he was at that point his only official position was that of escort to the king. Which means that, while it fell on Richard to request an interview with Edward, it also fell on Rivers to make the first advances in setting up any meeting between himself and Richard.So the situation would have been Richard asking to see the new king, and being put off by someone who literally had absolutely no authority to hinder the Constable of England from seeing the King. Add any information about the plans for a hurried coronation Buckingham may have provided after Richard and Rivers had separated for the night and, or so it seems to me, we have an excellent justification for Richard's actions in arresting Rivers & Co. the following morning. Or don't we? That's the major reason I got so bogged down in the logistics of the situation; who was where, when could they have arrived, etc., because who was where might help clarify just what did happen at Northampton. Hilary continued: Joan Cheddar died on 15 Jul 1464, that is after Edward married EW but before he made his announcement. However, re your other paragraph, she could have passed the information on to her sister Isabel, who was married to the Talbot lawyer and Judge Sir John Newton. Both Isabel and John were alive in 1483 and very religious. They were probably friends of Stillington since their sons married his granddaughters. Doug here: If Stillington's proofs weren't based on something from either the Confessional or a death-bed admission, Eleanor's sister Isabel and Sir John could very well have been it. Especially with Sir John being a judge. And the familial connection would explain why it was Stillington. Hilary concluded: Now I didn't look at Wiki but it did strike me that it's always said that the Chronicler must have had a knowledge of the inner workings of the Council. Who better than Bucks himself to pass on info, correct or not? Doug here: It's the Chronicler's errors that have always led me to believe that his main informant was someone who, while associated in some way with the Council, wasn't a member. I don't know if the Council had a staff, so to speak, but any official secretary would also have more complete, detailed and correct information (who said what, etc.). As would any scribes responsible for writing up the official record of proceedings. Which leaves me the informant being someone who wasn't in attendance at the Council, but did know someone who was. Was there a medieval equivalent of the Official Secrets Act? If not, then I'd go for the secretary or scribes passing information on while conversing with someone who then passed on what they'd heard to the Chronicler at Croyland Abbey. Doug A thought literally just occurred to me: Pardoners went from town to town, didn't they? Perhaps that was the method of transmission?
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Ric
Mary
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
I'll be back a bit later with some comments on Buckingham. I'm a bit behind. I couldn't find the book listed on AmazonUK, so I hope you managed to buy it.
Nico
On Thursday, 25 January 2018, 05:07:05 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary wrote: Doug you should be able to buy from Amazon UK. I did when I was in Australia. Doug here: Supposedly, my credit allows for purchases in foreign currencies, automatically translating pounds, euros, whatever into the equivalent in U.S. dollars. Guess I'll get a chance to try it out! Hilary concluded: Re the point about numbers of old Lancastrians, to realise how many there were you need to look at HT's list of reversed attainders in his first Parliament. Even if the people were dead (and some of these were) attainders carried on in their family. So these are people or children of people who fought on the wrong side at Barnet, Tewkesbury, Towton, you name it. Yes, there was an awful lot of brewing resentment out there which Edward had probably become too ill or too lazy to notice. They far outnumber Edwardian Yorkists, of whom I've yet to find one good example who is not related to the Woodvilles.. H (And I'd have to add, when Richard attainted even more after the rebellions this didn't help either, though only about a quarter went on to fight him at Bosworth) Doug here: Perhaps that's where Buckingham goofed? If he wanted to divert the rebellion from restoring Edward V to placing himself on the throne, he should have started much sooner, shouldn't he? The resentment may have been there but, as you noted with those who turned out to fight against Richard in 1485, they still needed to be organized to be effective. I've always used Edwardian Yorkists as a sort of shorthand for those who might oppose Richard, but weren't obviously old Lancastrians or Woodville supporters. Apparently I needn't have bothered! Doug
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
I think the young Edward was possibly sent to Stony Stratford as a decoy.
If you look at a map, again, you'll see that the main road south from Northampton to Stony Stratford passes through Grafton Regis.It might have been hard to arrest Richard if AW had young Edward along too. After all, he might actually have preferred Richard. The same road today crosses the M1 and goes through Roade (where there's the Elizabeth Woodville School) and on through Grafton, cuts across the A5 (which now by-passes Milton Keynes) and on to Stony Stratford. Now if Rivers arrested Richard he could drop him off at Grafton, how convenient, and then carry on and pick up young Edward explaining that Richard was a traitor.
Trouble is, Richard had travelled that route for years. He'd know you had to go through Grafton to reach the A5 unless he came in north of Northampton and joined it at Weedon. The whereabouts of Edward and the strange act of leaving him there must have alerted him to something, even if he hadn't been alerted en route (remember his messenger system). My money too would be on Hastings. The suggestion of AW having a large army escort might have confirmed his suspicions. Did AW too know that Richard had been alerted? Which is why they do this strange dance before it all comes out into the open.
One small thing about Richard's Constable job. Yes he'd been made that for life, but that was by Edward. Edward's power only lasted as long as his own life (which is why the last act at even current sovereigns' burials is the Lord Chancellor breaking his rod of office and throwing it on their coffin). So it could be challenged that Richard was no longer Constable until this at been re-affirmed by the Council. If I were AW I'd use that excuse. H
On Thursday, 25 January 2018, 04:56:05 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary wrote: I think we may have missed something else too. The road to Stony Stratford and the A5 from Northampton takes you through Grafton Regis. So was the Woodville plan to ambush Richard at Northampton or whilst he was with them going through Grafton? Remember EW originally wanted AW to bring a 'large army' but Hastings dissuaded her. Doug here: If the sources are correct, on the morning of 29 April, Richard was in Northampton, Rivers had gone back to his camp (likely Towcester as you suggested) and, seemingly, Edward was at Stony Stratford. If Rivers merely wanted to capture Richard, all he'd have to do would be invite Richard to dinner and surround him while they ate. However, the sources also say that Rivers dined with Richard, leading to the conclusion Rivers rode to Northampton. It was also at that dinner, if I remember correctly, that Rivers told Richard he could see Edward the next day at Stony Stratford. So, personally, I'm going for the idea that Rivers intended something to happen to Richard as he traveled from Northampton to Stony Stratford, most likely something fatal. But Richard threw a monkey wrench into Rivers' plans by showing up on the morning of 20 April, not at Grafton Regis, but at Rivers' camp, where he arrested Rivers, Scales and Vaughan. Even as Constable, Richard would have needed a reason to arrest that trio. The contents of the discussion between Richard and Rivers on 29 April may have given Richard what he considered sufficient reason. Perhaps it was, not from Buckingham, but during those discussions that Richard first learned of the plans for a hurried coronation? Then add to that Rivers saying Richard could see Edward at Stony Stratford on the 30th. I can certainly imagine Richard asking himself why did Rivers send Edward to Stony Stratford? Why did Rivers separate himself from his charge, the most important person in the realm? Why does Rivers want Richard only to meet with Edward at Stony Stratford? The military side of Richard takes over, he sends someone to scout out the road leading to Stony Stratford and is brought the information that large numbers of men are moving towards Grafton Regis. Which is why, on the morning of 20 April, Richard didn't go to Stony Stratford and instead went to Rivers' camp and arrested Rivers, Scales and Vaughan. Hilary continued: I'm beginning to think a trap was being set for Richard, in fact at one point Ross says it's possible that EW notified him of Edward's death. That way she could have better control of his movements because she knew he would act in a conventional fashion i.e. hold a service and then leave - which he did. There would then be time to let AW know and to move because he had less distance to cover. Doug here: Well someone informed Richard of his brother's death and EW is as good a choice as any. I can also see her informing Richard there's no need for him to hurry (using the medieval equivalent, of course). After all, why should he? The country was at peace, foreign relations were, on the whole, good; so, other than being London for his nephew's coronation, there wasn't any reason for Richard to hurry. This really isn't off-topic, but does anyone know how widely celebrated St. George's Day was in 15th century England? Could it be that Rivers celebrating that holy day wasn't him being dilatory, but just doing what everyone else was doing? Including, say, Richard? Because, as I mentioned in another post, if Rivers left Ludlow on the same day Richard left York, and both traveled at the same speed, Rivers would be arriving in Dunstable, a full 25 miles of Richard, who'd just be arriving in Northampton. Hilary continued: We don't know how many men both sides had. The 2,000 is an estimate of a medieval 'small army' and sometimes it's thought the size of armies has been exaggerated. We do know Richard didn't bring that many because he was asking for aid from York a few weeks' later. So he probably didn't know when he left York. Doug here: I always wondered about those numbers! And I agree that Richard hadn't any idea of what the Woodvilles were up to when he left York. Of course, as he made his way south, he might have encountered a messenger headed north... Hilary concluded: So who let him know what was going on? Buckingham? Well that explains why he turned up. Or Hastings? Or even Thomas Stanley - who isn't one of those listed as being a member of 'the Council'? Doug here: What do you think of the idea that Richard had no idea about the plans for a quickie coronation until he met up with Buckingham at Northampton? And Buckingham not knowing until after he'd joined Rivers' party somewhere along Watling Street? Then again, Hastings might have dispatched the above-mentioned messenger, hoping not only to forestall the Woodvilles' plans, but also to improve his standing with Richard. Stanley may not be listed as a Council member, but this link: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thomas_Stanley,_1st_Earl_of_Derby has him being Lord Steward of the King's Household under Edward IV as well as a regular member of the Council; while, if this link is accurate: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lord_Steward the Lord Steward was the premier position in the King's Household. It did cross my mind that the reference in the one article about the Lord Steward being a regular member of the Council didn't confuse this position with that of Lord High Steward. I don't see how Buckingham could have learned of the Woodvilles' plans before he possibly began tagging along with Rivers. There is the possibility, of course, that his wife, Catherine, had been informed, with idea being she could convince her husband to support the Woodvilles, but that's awfully remote, I think. Stanley does deem to be the type who'd want a balance on the Council, if only to increase his own influence but, if he wasn't a member, that idea goes down too. Which leaves Hastings as the most likely candidate for sending a message to warn Richard. I think. Doug
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Hilary made an interesting point about the ceremony after the monarch dies symbolizing the end of one era, but surely these positions continue until the council had an opportunity to reaffirm them. Otherwise there would be great potential for total anarchy. The lapse between on king dying and the coronation of another was a vulnerable time, so it would be best for the Constable's powers to arrest troublemakers would remain in force. Of course, his position might have to be reaffirmed, but wouldn't the composition of the Council have to be reaffirmed too? If AW could argue that Richard no longer had any authority as Constable, the surely an authority he had over E5 had also expired. So, it would be best for him to accept Richard's interim authority, but work behind the scenes to alienate him from the Council. It makes sense that E5 moving on to Stony Stratford with troops as well as news of a rushed coronation could have alerted him to trouble.
Doug: Other than placing her sister in the primary spot, I'd be tempted to list the order of those who'd been told by Eleanor as: her sister Elizabeth, her niece Elizabeth and then her brother Humphrey, and then possibly Anne Beauchamp. All the while reserving the idea that Stillington's proof consisted of something he'd been told either in the Confessional or on a death-bed. That last would have had enough importance on its' own to justify further inquiries, wouldn't it?
I certainly think that her brother and sister would be given priority. From the JAH book, I did get the impression that Eleanor was close to her mother and maternal aunts, which is where Buckingham comes in, as his mother was about the same age as Eleanor and lived near her. Margaret Beaufort, Countess of Stafford died in 1474, so was alive at the time of the precontract, so Buckingham could have had second hand knowledge. I don't think he would have been asked to testify, as the brother and sister were closer to her, but he may have been able to confirm that he was familiar with the story, which may have led Richard to take the allegations seriously, and may have been a reason why he could have been targeted in a Hastings/Woodville plot.
I don't think Stillington's proof could have come from a confession, as the seal of confession remains inviolate even if the person who made the confession has died. According to Canon law:"The sacramental seal is inviolable; therefore it is absolutely forbidden for a confessor to betray in any way a penitent in words or in any manner and for any reason." The confessor is always an ordained priest, because in the Catholic Church only ordained priests can absolve sins; lay confession is not recognized. Any person who overhears a confession is likewise bound by the seal."Therefore, the proofs must have come from someone close to Eleanor, or a witness who had told Stillington, but who had not told what he knew as a confession.
Nico
On Wednesday, 24 January 2018, 20:42:14 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
Until this discussion started I have always accepted that Richard and Rivers met at Northampton and Buckingham turned up too. I didn't really look at the geography you just accept what you have been told by people who have previously researched the situation. Thank you Doug for looking outside the box and yes it is important to ask who was doing what and where they were doing it. If Rivers had been above board surely they wouldn't have met at Northampton. If he was just trying to get Edward to London quickly to hold the Coronation before Richard got there surely he would have taken the Kidderminster, Bromsgrove, Banbury route. There must have been an ulterior motive in meeting at Northampton.
Mary
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
I think I read that the escape was at nighttime on July 29 1483, but I can't remember where.
Doug: As far we know, however, there's been no mention of what was to happen to Stillington and, most importantly, his proofs. And what does one do about all those Council members who'd accepted the evidence Stillington had provided? Some might have gone along, but what were the odds of everyone doing so? It also seems to me that there'd have been no need for a plot at all, if the Council was going to reject Stillington and his evidence. The plot, in other words, was in response to the knowledge that Stillington's evidence was almost certainly to be accepted...So Morton judged the odds of success...and ratted.
I agree with you here. Even if , Morton was involved, he would have known that too many people knew that E5 was illegitimate and the he would never be viable as a King. As things stood then, the proofs would be very difficult to suppress, so Morton would need to do anything he could to distance himself from a plot that looked certain to fail. The Woodvilles and Hastings, otoh were desperate. HT, did manage to suppress Titulus Regius and the precontract story, but a lot had changed in two years, and after 1485 was about protecting the legitmacy of EofY. Henry won the throne by conquest, so his rights were not directly affected and significant figures on the 1483 council were now dead, while the remainder could be rewarded for their loyalty.
Doug: Richard would still need Hastings' support against the Woodvilles. If, OTOH, Richard became king, then Hastings' value disappeared.
I agree with that. Hastings may have known that Richard tolerated rather than valued him, and may even have always disliked everything he stood for. If Richard were King, Hastings probably knew he was on his way out.
This does bring me back to the Denham/Collins book. Obviously, I'm cautious about reading too much in from a seance, but while I would discount some things, others seem insightful. One striking part was when the medium said that Richard told him he had no regrets about executing Hastings because he was such a dreadful person. From what I have read about Hastings, I can see why Richard may have disliked him, but had to appease him in the early stages.
Nico
On Thursday, 25 January 2018, 13:38:18 GMT, Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... [] <> wrote:
Doug, You raise a lot of interesting points to which I too will respond later.
I think the young Edward was possibly sent to Stony Stratford as a decoy.
If you look at a map, again, you'll see that the main road south from Northampton to Stony Stratford passes through Grafton Regis.It might have been hard to arrest Richard if AW had young Edward along too. After all, he might actually have preferred Richard. The same road today crosses the M1 and goes through Roade (where there's the Elizabeth Woodville School) and on through Grafton, cuts across the A5 (which now by-passes Milton Keynes) and on to Stony Stratford. Now if Rivers arrested Richard he could drop him off at Grafton, how convenient, and then carry on and pick up young Edward explaining that Richard was a traitor.
Trouble is, Richard had travelled that route for years. He'd know you had to go through Grafton to reach the A5 unless he came in north of Northampton and joined it at Weedon. The whereabouts of Edward and the strange act of leaving him there must have alerted him to something, even if he hadn't been alerted en route (remember his messenger system). My money too would be on Hastings. The suggestion of AW having a large army escort might have confirmed his suspicions. Did AW too know that Richard had been alerted? Which is why they do this strange dance before it all comes out into the open.
One small thing about Richard's Constable job. Yes he'd been made that for life, but that was by Edward. Edward's power only lasted as long as his own life (which is why the last act at even current sovereigns' burials is the Lord Chancellor breaking his rod of office and throwing it on their coffin). So it could be challenged that Richard was no longer Constable until this at been re-affirmed by the Council. If I were AW I'd use that excuse. H
On Thursday, 25 January 2018, 04:56:05 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary wrote: I think we may have missed something else too. The road to Stony Stratford and the A5 from Northampton takes you through Grafton Regis. So was the Woodville plan to ambush Richard at Northampton or whilst he was with them going through Grafton? Remember EW originally wanted AW to bring a 'large army' but Hastings dissuaded her. Doug here: If the sources are correct, on the morning of 29 April, Richard was in Northampton, Rivers had gone back to his camp (likely Towcester as you suggested) and, seemingly, Edward was at Stony Stratford. If Rivers merely wanted to capture Richard, all he'd have to do would be invite Richard to dinner and surround him while they ate. However, the sources also say that Rivers dined with Richard, leading to the conclusion Rivers rode to Northampton. It was also at that dinner, if I remember correctly, that Rivers told Richard he could see Edward the next day at Stony Stratford. So, personally, I'm going for the idea that Rivers intended something to happen to Richard as he traveled from Northampton to Stony Stratford, most likely something fatal. But Richard threw a monkey wrench into Rivers' plans by showing up on the morning of 20 April, not at Grafton Regis, but at Rivers' camp, where he arrested Rivers, Scales and Vaughan. Even as Constable, Richard would have needed a reason to arrest that trio. The contents of the discussion between Richard and Rivers on 29 April may have given Richard what he considered sufficient reason. Perhaps it was, not from Buckingham, but during those discussions that Richard first learned of the plans for a hurried coronation? Then add to that Rivers saying Richard could see Edward at Stony Stratford on the 30th. I can certainly imagine Richard asking himself why did Rivers send Edward to Stony Stratford? Why did Rivers separate himself from his charge, the most important person in the realm? Why does Rivers want Richard only to meet with Edward at Stony Stratford? The military side of Richard takes over, he sends someone to scout out the road leading to Stony Stratford and is brought the information that large numbers of men are moving towards Grafton Regis. Which is why, on the morning of 20 April, Richard didn't go to Stony Stratford and instead went to Rivers' camp and arrested Rivers, Scales and Vaughan. Hilary continued: I'm beginning to think a trap was being set for Richard, in fact at one point Ross says it's possible that EW notified him of Edward's death. That way she could have better control of his movements because she knew he would act in a conventional fashion i.e. hold a service and then leave - which he did. There would then be time to let AW know and to move because he had less distance to cover. Doug here: Well someone informed Richard of his brother's death and EW is as good a choice as any. I can also see her informing Richard there's no need for him to hurry (using the medieval equivalent, of course). After all, why should he? The country was at peace, foreign relations were, on the whole, good; so, other than being London for his nephew's coronation, there wasn't any reason for Richard to hurry. This really isn't off-topic, but does anyone know how widely celebrated St. George's Day was in 15th century England? Could it be that Rivers celebrating that holy day wasn't him being dilatory, but just doing what everyone else was doing? Including, say, Richard? Because, as I mentioned in another post, if Rivers left Ludlow on the same day Richard left York, and both traveled at the same speed, Rivers would be arriving in Dunstable, a full 25 miles of Richard, who'd just be arriving in Northampton. Hilary continued: We don't know how many men both sides had. The 2,000 is an estimate of a medieval 'small army' and sometimes it's thought the size of armies has been exaggerated. We do know Richard didn't bring that many because he was asking for aid from York a few weeks' later. So he probably didn't know when he left York. Doug here: I always wondered about those numbers! And I agree that Richard hadn't any idea of what the Woodvilles were up to when he left York. Of course, as he made his way south, he might have encountered a messenger headed north... Hilary concluded: So who let him know what was going on? Buckingham? Well that explains why he turned up. Or Hastings? Or even Thomas Stanley - who isn't one of those listed as being a member of 'the Council'? Doug here: What do you think of the idea that Richard had no idea about the plans for a quickie coronation until he met up with Buckingham at Northampton? And Buckingham not knowing until after he'd joined Rivers' party somewhere along Watling Street? Then again, Hastings might have dispatched the above-mentioned messenger, hoping not only to forestall the Woodvilles' plans, but also to improve his standing with Richard. Stanley may not be listed as a Council member, but this link: https://en.wikipedia..org/wiki/Thomas_Stanley,_1st_Earl_of_Derby has him being Lord Steward of the King's Household under Edward IV as well as a regular member of the Council; while, if this link is accurate: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lord_Steward the Lord Steward was the premier position in the King's Household. It did cross my mind that the reference in the one article about the Lord Steward being a regular member of the Council didn't confuse this position with that of Lord High Steward. I don't see how Buckingham could have learned of the Woodvilles' plans before he possibly began tagging along with Rivers. There is the possibility, of course, that his wife, Catherine, had been informed, with idea being she could convince her husband to support the Woodvilles, but that's awfully remote, I think. Stanley does deem to be the type who'd want a balance on the Council, if only to increase his own influence but, if he wasn't a member, that idea goes down too. Which leaves Hastings as the most likely candidate for sending a message to warn Richard. I think. Doug
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
Doug, You raise a lot of interesting points to which I too will respond later.
Doug here:
No rush, I'm retired!
Hilary continued:
I think the young Edward was possibly sent to Stony Stratford as a decoy.
Doug here:
That was my thinking, although it's possible Rivers had Edward continue to Stony Stratford originally only with the intention of keeping as much distance between Richard and Edward as he could and the idea of an ambush only occurred to Rivers later.
Hilary continued:
If you look at a map, again, you'll see that the main road south from Northampton to Stony Stratford passes through Grafton Regis.
It might have been hard to arrest Richard if AW had young Edward along too. After all, he might actually have preferred Richard. The same road today crosses the M1 and goes through Roade (where there's the Elizabeth Woodville School) and on through Grafton, cuts across the A5 (which now by-passes Milton Keynes) and on to Stony Stratford. Now if Rivers arrested Richard he could drop him off at Grafton, how convenient, and then carry on and pick up young Edward explaining that Richard was a traitor.
Doug here:
That idea would apply regardless of whether Richard and Rivers learned of each other's presence on the night of 28 April, presumably when both were settling in for the night, or the morning of the 29th, when both were preparing to start off on the day's journey. Rivers had to know, however, that once Richard was in such close proximity to Edward, the only way to prevent Richard from taking possession of the king, so to speak, was to capture or kill Richard.
My motoring atlas has a fork in the road leading from Grafton Regis to what is now the A 508; do we know if that fork was there in 1483? If it was, then men could be located in each lane of the fork, waiting for Richard. After he'd passed the first lane and was approaching the second, the troops would then surround Richard and Buckingham. A lot would depend on how large an escort accompanied Richard and Buckingham as to whether or not they'd put up a fight, but I doubt Rivers really cared whether they were taken prisoner or killed.
Hilary continued:
Trouble is, Richard had travelled that route for years. He'd know you had to go through Grafton to reach the A5 unless he came in north of Northampton and joined it at Weedon. The whereabouts of Edward and the strange act of leaving him there must have alerted him to something, even if he hadn't been alerted en route (remember his messenger system). My money too would be on Hastings. The suggestion of AW having a large army escort might have confirmed his suspicions. Did AW too know that Richard had been alerted? Which is why they do this strange dance before it all comes out into the open.
Doug here:
Couldn't that strange dance be explained by Rivers not expecting to meet Richard? That's why I got so hung up with distances and travel time and especially wondered about how important a holy day St. George's might have been.
While we know the two first met in person on 29 April, we don't know when either of them arrived in the area. When exactly Richard arrived, I don't know, but as far as I can determine, Richard could have been there as early as the evening of 27 April if he'd made 40 miles a day. Or, he may have arrived on the 29th, just prior to Rivers setting off for that day's journey. However, it seems to me that the afternoon/early evening of 28 April makes the most sense for both Rivers' arrival and for Richard's. Regardless, I do think Rivers first learned Richard was in Northampton only on his stopping for the night on 28 April.
You mentioned Richard's messenger service as a source of information passing between people but, as Richard was also well-versed in military affairs, there's no reason to not suppose Richard also used his messengers as scouts. IOW, Richard, whenever he arrived at Northampton, immediately sent a scout, or more likely several, to Weedon Bec to discover if Rivers' party had passed through. When Richard received word it hadn't, he sat down to wait. The scouts would have been charged with two duties; first, report back to Richard when Rivers' party came into view and, second, inform Rivers that Richard was waiting at Northampton. And in the late afternoon/early evening of 28 April a scout reports to Richard that Rivers has arrived at Weedon Bec and has been informed of RIchard's whereabouts. I'm guessing here, but it seems likely that Richard would expect that arrangements would be made for his, Richard's, meeting with Edward on the 29th.
Rivers, OTOH, doesn't stop the night at Weeden Bec, but continues on to Towcester and even sends his charge on further to Stony Stratford. I seriously doubt Richard's messenger/scouts didn't keep Richard informed of Rivers' movements. Even if Buckingham had no information concerning the Woodvilles' plan for crowning Edward ASAP, Rivers' actions would themselves alert Richard that something was up. Once again, the scouts are deployed. Aaand it's back to logistics again:
I've searched but can't find any population statistics for medieval Towcester, but it does seem likely that, as he wasn't expecting to be attacked, Rivers may well have taken advantage of the villages between Towcester and Stony Stratford in order to billet his men. My atlas has the following strung out along the A 5: Towcester Paulerspury Potterspury Old Stratford Stony Stratford. We know Edward was at Stony Stratford and must certainly have had a guard with him sufficient for his protection and befitting his rank. So the presence of 200, or even 300, men with Edward wouldn't be surprising.
Towcester is also linked to Northampton by a road via Blisworth and Milton Malsor (today it's the A 43). However, both Paulerspury and Potterspury are, according to my atlas, linked to that road passing Grafton Regis; one to the north, the other a bit more to the south. Another possible means of ambushing Richard? More importantly, did Richard know? Again presuming Richard had men out as scouts, I can't see why he wouldn't have know how Rivers had deployed his men and may very well have had at least one scout observing each of Rivers' detachments. Observing, say, men leaving Paulerspury and Potterspury, and heading for the Northampton to Stony Stratford road? The road Richard would be taking in an hour or two to pay his respects to his new king?
Which brings me back to that meeting on the morning of 30 April when Richard arrested Rivers, Scales and Vaughan. I know I've read somewhere that, upon that trio's arrest, Rivers' men offered no resistance and quickly joined the forces led by Richard and Buckingham. Well, of course, they didn't they likely were out-numbered by Richard's and Buckingham's men! And, once Rivers' men had joined with Richard's and Buckingham's, there was no danger in Richard and Buckingham then proceeding along Watling Street to their meeting with Edward. The troops with Richard and Buckingham would have out-numbered any guarding Edward should they feel the necessity to dispute Richard's assuming the duties of Edward's official escort. They'd also likely out-number those men previously dispatched for whatever reason/s along the back-roads to the Northampton-Stony Stratford road.
Hilary concluded:
One small thing about Richard's Constable job. Yes he'd been made that for life, but that was by Edward. Edward's power only lasted as long as his own life (which is why the last act at even current sovereigns' burials is the Lord Chancellor breaking his rod of office and throwing it on their coffin). So it could be challenged that Richard was no longer Constable until this at been re-affirmed by the Council. If I were AW I'd use that excuse.
Doug here:
I knew about rods/staffs of office being broken when a minister was dismissed by the monarch (Godolphin's dismissal ad Lord Treasurer by Queen Anne comes to mind), but are you certain the same actions being required by all such officers on the death of a monarch? I ask because it seems to me there might be a way for both of us to be correct. I did look around for information concerning the office of Constable and discovered it had been hereditary in the Bohun family until the late 14th century. Now, if something is hereditary, then surely it wasn't required that the monarch re-affirm the grant but, rather that the monarch simply not do anything. Then there's be the difference between occupying a position at the pleasure of the king, which certainly applies to your example of the Lord Chancellor, and a grant that would require positive action by the new monarch to change, such as Richard being made Constable for his own lifetime. Or am I grasping at straws here? Or perhaps better, broken staffs?
Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
I do think this illustrates either the naivety or the vanity of AW. Richard was a career soldier who from childhood had lived a life looking over his shoulder. Wouldn't he immediately ask why Rivers had gone miles out of his way to engineer a meeting at Northampton? Wouldn't he also wonder about the delay in taking the young King straight to London? Perhaps AW and his sister had got used to hearing disparaging remarks about 'little brother' from Edward and hadn't grasped that Richard had grown into a more accomplished leader than his brother. Charismatic people, like Edward, often brook no rivals, so Edward would have judged all Richard's successes as an extension of his own and both AW and EW would not have seen that much of the older Richard, particularly since the death of Clarence.
I do think your point about using the messengers as scouts is good. I would think it highly likely. In Scotland Richard had had the chance to hone his scouting (and spying) skills. H
On Sunday, 28 January 2018, 02:22:55 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary wrote:
Doug, You raise a lot of interesting points to which I too will respond later.
Doug here:
No rush, I'm retired!
Hilary continued:
I think the young Edward was possibly sent to Stony Stratford as a decoy.
Doug here:
That was my thinking, although it's possible Rivers had Edward continue to Stony Stratford originally only with the intention of keeping as much distance between Richard and Edward as he could and the idea of an ambush only occurred to Rivers later.
Hilary continued:
If you look at a map, again, you'll see that the main road south from Northampton to Stony Stratford passes through Grafton Regis.
It might have been hard to arrest Richard if AW had young Edward along too. After all, he might actually have preferred Richard. The same road today crosses the M1 and goes through Roade (where there's the Elizabeth Woodville School) and on through Grafton, cuts across the A5 (which now by-passes Milton Keynes) and on to Stony Stratford. Now if Rivers arrested Richard he could drop him off at Grafton, how convenient, and then carry on and pick up young Edward explaining that Richard was a traitor.
Doug here:
That idea would apply regardless of whether Richard and Rivers learned of each other's presence on the night of 28 April, presumably when both were settling in for the night, or the morning of the 29th, when both were preparing to start off on the day's journey. Rivers had to know, however, that once Richard was in such close proximity to Edward, the only way to prevent Richard from taking possession of the king, so to speak, was to capture or kill Richard.
My motoring atlas has a fork in the road leading from Grafton Regis to what is now the A 508; do we know if that fork was there in 1483? If it was, then men could be located in each lane of the fork, waiting for Richard. After he'd passed the first lane and was approaching the second, the troops would then surround Richard and Buckingham. A lot would depend on how large an escort accompanied Richard and Buckingham as to whether or not they'd put up a fight, but I doubt Rivers really cared whether they were taken prisoner or killed.
Hilary continued:
Trouble is, Richard had travelled that route for years. He'd know you had to go through Grafton to reach the A5 unless he came in north of Northampton and joined it at Weedon. The whereabouts of Edward and the strange act of leaving him there must have alerted him to something, even if he hadn't been alerted en route (remember his messenger system). My money too would be on Hastings. The suggestion of AW having a large army escort might have confirmed his suspicions. Did AW too know that Richard had been alerted? Which is why they do this strange dance before it all comes out into the open.
Doug here:
Couldn't that strange dance be explained by Rivers not expecting to meet Richard? That's why I got so hung up with distances and travel time and especially wondered about how important a holy day St. George's might have been.
While we know the two first met in person on 29 April, we don't know when either of them arrived in the area. When exactly Richard arrived, I don't know, but as far as I can determine, Richard could have been there as early as the evening of 27 April if he'd made 40 miles a day. Or, he may have arrived on the 29th, just prior to Rivers setting off for that day's journey. However, it seems to me that the afternoon/early evening of 28 April makes the most sense for both Rivers' arrival and for Richard's. Regardless, I do think Rivers first learned Richard was in Northampton only on his stopping for the night on 28 April.
You mentioned Richard's messenger service as a source of information passing between people but, as Richard was also well-versed in military affairs, there's no reason to not suppose Richard also used his messengers as scouts. IOW, Richard, whenever he arrived at Northampton, immediately sent a scout, or more likely several, to Weedon Bec to discover if Rivers' party had passed through. When Richard received word it hadn't, he sat down to wait. The scouts would have been charged with two duties; first, report back to Richard when Rivers' party came into view and, second, inform Rivers that Richard was waiting at Northampton. And in the late afternoon/early evening of 28 April a scout reports to Richard that Rivers has arrived at Weedon Bec and has been informed of RIchard's whereabouts. I'm guessing here, but it seems likely that Richard would expect that arrangements would be made for his, Richard's, meeting with Edward on the 29th.
Rivers, OTOH, doesn't stop the night at Weeden Bec, but continues on to Towcester and even sends his charge on further to Stony Stratford. I seriously doubt Richard's messenger/scouts didn't keep Richard informed of Rivers' movements. Even if Buckingham had no information concerning the Woodvilles' plan for crowning Edward ASAP, Rivers' actions would themselves alert Richard that something was up. Once again, the scouts are deployed. Aaand it's back to logistics again:
I've searched but can't find any population statistics for medieval Towcester, but it does seem likely that, as he wasn't expecting to be attacked, Rivers may well have taken advantage of the villages between Towcester and Stony Stratford in order to billet his men. My atlas has the following strung out along the A 5: Towcester Paulerspury Potterspury Old Stratford Stony Stratford. We know Edward was at Stony Stratford and must certainly have had a guard with him sufficient for his protection and befitting his rank. So the presence of 200, or even 300, men with Edward wouldn't be surprising.
Towcester is also linked to Northampton by a road via Blisworth and Milton Malsor (today it's the A 43). However, both Paulerspury and Potterspury are, according to my atlas, linked to that road passing Grafton Regis; one to the north, the other a bit more to the south. Another possible means of ambushing Richard? More importantly, did Richard know? Again presuming Richard had men out as scouts, I can't see why he wouldn't have know how Rivers had deployed his men and may very well have had at least one scout observing each of Rivers' detachments. Observing, say, men leaving Paulerspury and Potterspury, and heading for the Northampton to Stony Stratford road? The road Richard would be taking in an hour or two to pay his respects to his new king?
Which brings me back to that meeting on the morning of 30 April when Richard arrested Rivers, Scales and Vaughan. I know I've read somewhere that, upon that trio's arrest, Rivers' men offered no resistance and quickly joined the forces led by Richard and Buckingham. Well, of course, they didn't they likely were out-numbered by Richard's and Buckingham's men! And, once Rivers' men had joined with Richard's and Buckingham's, there was no danger in Richard and Buckingham then proceeding along Watling Street to their meeting with Edward. The troops with Richard and Buckingham would have out-numbered any guarding Edward should they feel the necessity to dispute Richard's assuming the duties of Edward's official escort. They'd also likely out-number those men previously dispatched for whatever reason/s along the back-roads to the Northampton-Stony Stratford road.
Hilary concluded:
One small thing about Richard's Constable job. Yes he'd been made that for life, but that was by Edward. Edward's power only lasted as long as his own life (which is why the last act at even current sovereigns' burials is the Lord Chancellor breaking his rod of office and throwing it on their coffin). So it could be challenged that Richard was no longer Constable until this at been re-affirmed by the Council. If I were AW I'd use that excuse.
Doug here:
I knew about rods/staffs of office being broken when a minister was dismissed by the monarch (Godolphin's dismissal ad Lord Treasurer by Queen Anne comes to mind), but are you certain the same actions being required by all such officers on the death of a monarch? I ask because it seems to me there might be a way for both of us to be correct. I did look around for information concerning the office of Constable and discovered it had been hereditary in the Bohun family until the late 14th century. Now, if something is hereditary, then surely it wasn't required that the monarch re-affirm the grant but, rather that the monarch simply not do anything. Then there's be the difference between occupying a position at the pleasure of the king, which certainly applies to your example of the Lord Chancellor, and a grant that would require positive action by the new monarch to change, such as Richard being made Constable for his own lifetime. Or am I grasping at straws here? Or perhaps better, broken staffs?
Doug
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
I managed to get hold of a copy of Gill. Whilst some of the info is useful, a lot is from Horrox and an awful lot of conjecture is stated as fact - er like Richard killing the princes, Morton persuading Buckingham. In fact it's Horrox rewritten with even more of the 'Richard was so unpopular because....' . And she certainly had a better opinion of HT than Thomas Penn! Sad, I'd hoped for better. Oh and the Woodvilles don't feature much at all :) H
On Friday, 26 January 2018, 12:26:06 GMT, Nicholas Brown nico11238@... [] <> wrote:
Doug: Much would have depended
on the time of day for the escape, I would think. (re: tower escape)
I think I read that the escape was at nighttime on July 29 1483, but I can't remember where.
Doug: As far we know, however, there's been no mention of what
was to happen to Stillington and, most importantly, his proofs. And
what does one do about all those Council members who'd accepted the evidence
Stillington had provided? Some might have gone along, but what were the odds of
everyone doing so? It also seems to me that there'd have been no need
for a plot at all, if the Council was going to reject
Stillington and his evidence. The plot, in other words, was in response to the
knowledge that Stillington's evidence was almost certainly to be
accepted...So Morton
judged the odds of success...and ratted.
I agree with you here. Even if , Morton was involved, he would have known that too many people knew that E5 was illegitimate and the he would never be viable as a King. As things stood then, the proofs would be very difficult to suppress, so Morton would need to do anything he could to distance himself from a plot that looked certain to fail. The Woodvilles and Hastings, otoh were desperate. HT, did manage to suppress Titulus Regius and the precontract story, but a lot had changed in two years, and after 1485 was about protecting the legitmacy of EofY. Henry won the throne by conquest, so his rights were not directly affected and significant figures on the 1483 council were now dead, while the remainder could be rewarded for their loyalty.
Doug: Richard would still need
Hastings' support against the Woodvilles. If, OTOH, Richard became king, then
Hastings' value disappeared.
I agree with that. Hastings may have known that Richard tolerated rather than valued him, and may even have always disliked everything he stood for. If Richard were King, Hastings probably knew he was on his way out.
This does bring me back to the Denham/Collins book. Obviously, I'm cautious about reading too much in from a seance, but while I would discount some things, others seem insightful. One striking part was when the medium said that Richard told him he had no regrets about executing Hastings because he was such a dreadful person. From what I have read about Hastings, I can see why Richard may have disliked him, but had to appease him in the early stages.
Nico
On Thursday, 25 January 2018, 13:38:18 GMT, Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... [] <> wrote:
Doug, You raise a lot of interesting points to which I too will respond later.
I think the young Edward was possibly sent to Stony Stratford as a decoy.
If you look at a map, again, you'll see that the main road south from Northampton to Stony Stratford passes through Grafton Regis.It might have been hard to arrest Richard if AW had young Edward along too. After all, he might actually have preferred Richard. The same road today crosses the M1 and goes through Roade (where there's the Elizabeth Woodville School) and on through Grafton, cuts across the A5 (which now by-passes Milton Keynes) and on to Stony Stratford. Now if Rivers arrested Richard he could drop him off at Grafton, how convenient, and then carry on and pick up young Edward explaining that Richard was a traitor.
Trouble is, Richard had travelled that route for years. He'd know you had to go through Grafton to reach the A5 unless he came in north of Northampton and joined it at Weedon. The whereabouts of Edward and the strange act of leaving him there must have alerted him to something, even if he hadn't been alerted en route (remember his messenger system). My money too would be on Hastings. The suggestion of AW having a large army escort might have confirmed his suspicions. Did AW too know that Richard had been alerted? Which is why they do this strange dance before it all comes out into the open.
One small thing about Richard's Constable job. Yes he'd been made that for life, but that was by Edward. Edward's power only lasted as long as his own life (which is why the last act at even current sovereigns' burials is the Lord Chancellor breaking his rod of office and throwing it on their coffin). So it could be challenged that Richard was no longer Constable until this at been re-affirmed by the Council. If I were AW I'd use that excuse. H
On Thursday, 25 January 2018, 04:56:05 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary wrote: I think we may have missed something else too. The road to Stony Stratford and the A5 from Northampton takes you through Grafton Regis. So was the Woodville plan to ambush Richard at Northampton or whilst he was with them going through Grafton? Remember EW originally wanted AW to bring a 'large army' but Hastings dissuaded her. Doug here: If the sources are correct, on the morning of 29 April, Richard was in Northampton, Rivers had gone back to his camp (likely Towcester as you suggested) and, seemingly, Edward was at Stony Stratford. If Rivers merely wanted to capture Richard, all he'd have to do would be invite Richard to dinner and surround him while they ate. However, the sources also say that Rivers dined with Richard, leading to the conclusion Rivers rode to Northampton. It was also at that dinner, if I remember correctly, that Rivers told Richard he could see Edward the next day at Stony Stratford. So, personally, I'm going for the idea that Rivers intended something to happen to Richard as he traveled from Northampton to Stony Stratford, most likely something fatal. But Richard threw a monkey wrench into Rivers' plans by showing up on the morning of 20 April, not at Grafton Regis, but at Rivers' camp, where he arrested Rivers, Scales and Vaughan. Even as Constable, Richard would have needed a reason to arrest that trio. The contents of the discussion between Richard and Rivers on 29 April may have given Richard what he considered sufficient reason. Perhaps it was, not from Buckingham, but during those discussions that Richard first learned of the plans for a hurried coronation? Then add to that Rivers saying Richard could see Edward at Stony Stratford on the 30th. I can certainly imagine Richard asking himself why did Rivers send Edward to Stony Stratford? Why did Rivers separate himself from his charge, the most important person in the realm? Why does Rivers want Richard only to meet with Edward at Stony Stratford? The military side of Richard takes over, he sends someone to scout out the road leading to Stony Stratford and is brought the information that large numbers of men are moving towards Grafton Regis. Which is why, on the morning of 20 April, Richard didn't go to Stony Stratford and instead went to Rivers' camp and arrested Rivers, Scales and Vaughan. Hilary continued: I'm beginning to think a trap was being set for Richard, in fact at one point Ross says it's possible that EW notified him of Edward's death. That way she could have better control of his movements because she knew he would act in a conventional fashion i.e. hold a service and then leave - which he did. There would then be time to let AW know and to move because he had less distance to cover. Doug here: Well someone informed Richard of his brother's death and EW is as good a choice as any. I can also see her informing Richard there's no need for him to hurry (using the medieval equivalent, of course). After all, why should he? The country was at peace, foreign relations were, on the whole, good; so, other than being London for his nephew's coronation, there wasn't any reason for Richard to hurry. This really isn't off-topic, but does anyone know how widely celebrated St. George's Day was in 15th century England? Could it be that Rivers celebrating that holy day wasn't him being dilatory, but just doing what everyone else was doing? Including, say, Richard? Because, as I mentioned in another post, if Rivers left Ludlow on the same day Richard left York, and both traveled at the same speed, Rivers would be arriving in Dunstable, a full 25 miles of Richard, who'd just be arriving in Northampton. Hilary continued: We don't know how many men both sides had. The 2,000 is an estimate of a medieval 'small army' and sometimes it's thought the size of armies has been exaggerated. We do know Richard didn't bring that many because he was asking for aid from York a few weeks' later. So he probably didn't know when he left York. Doug here: I always wondered about those numbers! And I agree that Richard hadn't any idea of what the Woodvilles were up to when he left York. Of course, as he made his way south, he might have encountered a messenger headed north... Hilary concluded: So who let him know what was going on? Buckingham? Well that explains why he turned up. Or Hastings? Or even Thomas Stanley - who isn't one of those listed as being a member of 'the Council'? Doug here: What do you think of the idea that Richard had no idea about the plans for a quickie coronation until he met up with Buckingham at Northampton? And Buckingham not knowing until after he'd joined Rivers' party somewhere along Watling Street? Then again, Hastings might have dispatched the above-mentioned messenger, hoping not only to forestall the Woodvilles' plans, but also to improve his standing with Richard. Stanley may not be listed as a Council member, but this link: https://en.wikipedia...org/wiki/Thomas_Stanley,_1st_Earl_of_Derby has him being Lord Steward of the King's Household under Edward IV as well as a regular member of the Council; while, if this link is accurate: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lord_Steward the Lord Steward was the premier position in the King's Household. It did cross my mind that the reference in the one article about the Lord Steward being a regular member of the Council didn't confuse this position with that of Lord High Steward. I don't see how Buckingham could have learned of the Woodvilles' plans before he possibly began tagging along with Rivers. There is the possibility, of course, that his wife, Catherine, had been informed, with idea being she could convince her husband to support the Woodvilles, but that's awfully remote, I think. Stanley does deem to be the type who'd want a balance on the Council, if only to increase his own influence but, if he wasn't a member, that idea goes down too. Which leaves Hastings as the most likely candidate for sending a message to warn Richard. I think. Doug
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Nico concluded: I don't think Stillington's proof could have come from a confession, as the seal of confession remains inviolate even if the person who made the confession has died. According to Canon law: "The sacramental seal is inviolable; therefore it is absolutely forbidden for a confessor to betray in any way a penitent in words or in any manner and for any reason." The confessor is always an ordained priest, because in the Catholic Church only ordained priests can absolve sins; lay confession is not recognized. Any person who overhears a confession is likewise bound by the seal." Therefore, the proofs must have come from someone close to Eleanor, or a witness who had told Stillington, but who had not told what he knew as a confession. Doug here: I went hunting for it and couldn't find it, but I seem to remember a previous post that said a superior could waive the seal of Confession. However, your quotation says in any manner and for any reason, so likely I'm mistaken. Of course, a statement made on one's death-bed might, or might not, be considered a confession, I suppose. Doug
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Re medieval offices of state, it seems to have been very much make it up as you go along, and that extended to the succession as well. I would have thought that the Constable was such a powerful position that it couldn't be dictated by a previous regime. It was all right for the more ceremonial offices, such as Earl Marshal to be passed down, but the Constable had real power, which was rare in a Plantagenet monarchy. I note, from looking at Wiki, that it had occasionally been given to the Staffords including Buckingham's father. Perhaps Buckingham had his eye on regaining it - which he did. It is tremendously important because it gave him titular command of the armies (such as they were). I wonder what Buckingham really intended to do with this power in the long term, but perhaps Richard got in the way - he never could let go? And Hastings, as commander of the Calais garrison, could potentially have been a real fly in the ointment to brooking that power. I just can't somehow see Hastings and Buckingham getting on.
BTW Richard had no reason to dislike Hastings. He might not have agreed with his morals, but Hastings was the one who went to the aid of Margaret when Richard and George were forbidden to do so. I think Richard would have admired that. Hastings had taken a stand against Edward on a point of principal just like Richard had taken a stand against him at Picquigny. H
On Wednesday, 31 January 2018, 03:51:53 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Nico wrote: Hilary made an interesting point about the ceremony after the monarch dies symbolizing the end of one era, but surely these positions continue until the council had an opportunity to reaffirm them. Otherwise there would be great potential for total anarchy. The lapse between on king dying and the coronation of another was a vulnerable time, so it would be best for the Constable's powers to arrest troublemakers would remain in force. Of course, his position might have to be reaffirmed, but wouldn't the composition of the Council have to be reaffirmed too? If AW could argue that Richard no longer had any authority as Constable, the surely an authority he had over E5 had also expired. So, it would be best for him to accept Richard's interim authority, but work behind the scenes to alienate him from the Council. It makes sense that E5 moving on to Stony Stratford with troops as well as news of a rushed coronation could have alerted him to trouble. Doug here: I've tried to find out about the appointments to those offices of State, but so far have only really discovered that they've become ceremonial and lists of who's held them. I did mention the possibility of there being a difference between positions held at the pleasure of the king, with such pleasure ending with the king's pleasure or his, and a position possibly held for the life of the appointee; in our case with Richard, for his life. So far, no luck. A position held at the king's pleasure would certainly need reaffirmation on the accession of a new king, but whether a position made as a life-time grant would also need such action, I don't know. I did discover that the position of Constable had been hereditary in the Bohun family until the late 14th century and I was hoping how that office was transferred from one Bohun to the next might shed some light but, again, no luck. My hope is that we'll discover that a position awarded for the life-time of the possessor wouldn't be affected by the king's death. The new king, of course, would still have it in his power to revoke the grant at any time, but wouldn't need to actively re-affirm it either. My original thought was the Woodville plan was to get Edward to London as quickly as possible and have him crowned. Then I realized that the coronation, while it certainly wouldn't hurt, was secondary. The important thing was to get Edward to London and begin re-shaping the make-up of the Council into a more Woodville-friendly body. That could be done regardless of whether or not Edward had yet been crowned. Once in the Royal apartments at the Tower, and under the guidance of Rivers & Co. of course, Edward could affix his seal to the undoubtedly already-prepared dismissals of Council members and the appointments of their successors. A nice little coup d'etat, no? I don't think Rivers expected Richard to be at Northampton as Rivers' party passed by. Richard, in other words, was the fly in the ointment in regards to the Woodvilles plans. As he was the brother of the late king and the uncle of the new one, that made him something none of the Woodvilles, could ever be, regardless of their familial relationship to Edward Richard was royal. He'd be the first person with enough clout to head up any effective resistance to Rivers & Co. plans. And likely be effective in doing so. You mentioned AW working behind the scenes as a method of under-cutting Richard; I think Rivers knew full well that wouldn't work. Which is where that ambush comes in. At all costs, Richard mustn't be allowed to get to London before, or even in company with Edward. Whether dead or held captive didn't matter, Richard had to be kept out of the way until after the re-making of the Council. Once that reshaping had taken place, Richard would have had two options: acceptance or revolt. And I seriously doubt there'd be enough sentiment in favor of revolt; at least, not just then. Nico continued: I certainly think that her brother and sister would be given priority. From the JAH book, I did get the impression that Eleanor was close to her mother and maternal aunts, which is where Buckingham comes in, as his mother was about the same age as Eleanor and lived near her. Margaret Beaufort, Countess of Stafford died in 1474, so was alive at the time of the precontract, so Buckingham could have had second hand knowledge. I don't think he would have been asked to testify, as the brother and sister were closer to her, but he may have been able to confirm that he was familiar with the story, which may have led Richard to take the allegations seriously, and may have been a reason why he could have been targeted in a Hastings/Woodville plot. Doug here: I agree that Buckingham may have heard rumors, so any statement/s by him would have been more in line with the idea of confirmation than anything else. FWIW, I'm still in favor of the idea that Richard was targeted in that June plot because the Council was known to believe Stillington. However, remove Richard and the chances of Edward staying on the throne increased. Whether those chances increased by enough is another question. After all, no doubts had been raised about the legitimacy of Richard's son.
Nico concluded: I don't think Stillington's proof could have come from a confession, as the seal of confession remains inviolate even if the person who made the confession has died. According to Canon law: "The sacramental seal is inviolable; therefore it is absolutely forbidden for a confessor to betray in any way a penitent in words or in any manner and for any reason." The confessor is always an ordained priest, because in the Catholic Church only ordained priests can absolve sins; lay confession is not recognized. Any person who overhears a confession is likewise bound by the seal." Therefore, the proofs must have come from someone close to Eleanor, or a witness who had told Stillington, but who had not told what he knew as a confession. Doug here: I went hunting for it and couldn't find it, but I seem to remember a previous post that said a superior could waive the seal of Confession. However, your quotation says in any manner and for any reason, so likely I'm mistaken. Of course, a statement made on one's death-bed might, or might not, be considered a confession, I suppose. Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Bu
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
Nico continued: I agree with you here. Even if , Morton was involved, he would have known that too many people knew that E5 was illegitimate and the he would never be viable as a King. As things stood then, the proofs would be very difficult to suppress, so Morton would need to do anything he could to distance himself from a plot that looked certain to fail. The Woodvilles and Hastings, otoh were desperate. HT, did manage to suppress Titulus Regius and the precontract story, but a lot had changed in two years, and after 1485 was about protecting the legitmacy of EofY. Henry won the throne by conquest, so his rights were not directly affected and significant figures on the 1483 council were now dead, while the remainder could be rewarded for their loyalty. Doug here: I suppose, and presuming the weight of the entire Council was put behind it, the Pre-Contract might have been spun as it has been for centuries: nothing but a plot to remove a legitimate king. But again, any such action would require the complete unanimity of the Council. And even Richard's death wouldn't accomplish that. Those who believed in the validity of the Pre-Contract still had a legitimate heir to support Edward of Middleham. FWIW, I do think Morton weighed the odds and realized that Richard's death wouldn't help Edward retain the throne. Too many people knew about the Pre-Contract and apparently believed it to be a true account, so that simply removing the immediate beneficiary, Richard, wouldn't stop knowledge of Edward IV's marriage to Eleanor Butler from being spread. There'd now be too many people, important people, with a vested interest in ensuring that knowledge was as widespread as possible. Henry, OTOH, had the support of those important people. Well, as long as Edward or Richard didn't pop up...
Nico concluded:
I agree with that. Hastings may have known that Richard tolerated rather than valued him, and may even have always disliked everything he stood for. If Richard were King, Hastings probably knew he was on his way out. This does bring me back to the Denham/Collins book. Obviously, I'm cautious about reading too much in from a seance, but while I would discount some things, others seem insightful. One striking part was when the medium said that Richard told him he had no regrets about executing Hastings because he was such a dreadful person. From what I have read about Hastings, I can see why Richard may have disliked him, but had to appease him in the early stages. Doug here: Hastings' motives have always caused me problems. The conclusion I've finally come to is that Hastings had become, for want of a better term, addicted to being a person at the center of things, holding positions where he could wield extensive powers. Hastings was Edward IV's Lord Chamberlain and, literally, controlled who saw the king. As Edward's Master of the Mint and Lord of the Exchequer, Hastings would have been involved, as much as wanted to be anyway, in where the royal funds went. And as Captain of Calais, he controlled the largest group of men under arms in the kingdom. All that went when Edward died. Even if Hastings wasn't replaced immediately, he knew he almost certainly would be. I think it was a blow Hastings couldn't adjust to and is why, in the beginning, he did as much as he could to help Richard. Now, how much Richard actually would have utilized Hastings had Richard served as Protector for four or five years, I can't say. I can say, however, that Richard's idea of what a Protector's responsibilities and duties were almost certainly didn't jibe with what the Woodvilles had in mind! As Protector, and facing the continual opposition of the Woodvilles, it's not unimaginable that Richard and Hastings wouldn't have come to some sort of working agreement for mutual protection if nothing else. As king, though, Richard could expect, even demand, support from his Council members and advisors. Which would leave Hastings with little or no room for any quid pro quos. And, of course, there's always the possibility Hastings never believed the Pre-Contract to have existed. Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Bu
The more and more I think about this, the more strange it is that Rivers should have left the most prized person in the kingdom, the new King, to go and meet up with Richard unless there really was a pressing motive. And Richard must have realised that. Surely it was dereliction of duty if nothing else; after all who was looking after the safety of the boy? I reckon you could probably be done for treason for that alone. He could have been kidnapped if there was no commander there to give direction.
One other point, which strangely enough Hicks makes (though to prove another point). Why didn't Richard bring Anne with him? He would know he was destined for a long stay and the Coronation was scheduled for 4 May. Surely as a senior Duchess she would be expected to attend?
Which could indicate that Richard had indeed been warned that something was afoot. But if he did then he clearly didn't bring much military support and in that way the two things don't add up. It is interesting though that he did send for Anne by early June, that is before the 'Hastings' Council meeting. This was still against a background of some unrest so perhaps he, like George, was more dependent on his wife than if often thought? H
On Wednesday, 31 January 2018, 19:50:42 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary wrote: Doug, Northamptonshire would have changed very little, apart from the passing through of canals and the railway. It's predominantly rural with narrow lanes - a lot still have 'passing places' where one car has to pull over and let the other through. The A5 itself is single carriageway until Milton Keynes. It's no better than the road from Banbury to Oxford, which Rivers should have taken. You mention the villages and the other road from Grafton Regis. If you take a left turn in Paulerspury, that is a couple of miles before you reach the crossroads to Stony Stratford (now a roundabout) it brings you out at that other road from Grafton, so AW could also have sent an ambushing party down there. BTW I've travelled these roads for years and never given any of this a thought. Doug here: That road from Paulerspury was one of the roads I considered as a possibility, with the other part of the ambush being the road that runs between Yardley Gobion and what is now the A 5. A second possibility was that fork in the road leading out of Grafton Regis to today's A 508. At any rate, the idea would have been to catch Richard and Buckingham between two groups of men as they rode from Northampton to Stony Stratford. Everything would have depended, though, on the size of the escorts accompanying Richard and Buckingham; as, or so I presume, an ambush wouldn't be effective if Richard and Buckingham were accompanied by their entire respective contingents. Hilary concluded: I do think this illustrates either the naivety or the vanity of AW. Richard was a career soldier who from childhood had lived a life looking over his shoulder. Wouldn't he immediately ask why Rivers had gone miles out of his way to engineer a meeting at Northampton? Wouldn't he also wonder about the delay in taking the young King straight to London? Perhaps AW and his sister had got used to hearing disparaging remarks about 'little brother' from Edward and hadn't grasped that Richard had grown into a more accomplished leader than his brother. Charismatic people, like Edward, often brook no rivals, so Edward would have judged all Richard's successes as an extension of his own and both AW and EW would not have seen that much of the older Richard, particularly since the death of Clarence. I do think your point about using the messengers as scouts is good. I would think it highly likely. In Scotland Richard had had the chance to hone his scouting (and spying) skills. Doug here: FWIW, while I do think Richard intended to meet up with Rivers at Northampton, I really doubt that Rivers expected to meet Richard there, or anywhere other than London. Which was likely due, as you aptly put it, to Rivers' naivety or vanity. If it took Rivers five days to travel 125 miles then, of course, it would take Richard at least six days to travel 150 miles. If I understand it correctly, we have no contemporary sources, or even later first-person accounts, concerning the meeting at Northampton, other than to report that Richard, accompanied by Buckingham, and Rivers did meet there, sometime during 29 April. I also think that the first thing that aroused Richard's suspicions wasn't Rivers failure to spend the night at Northampton, but rather his, and Scales' and Vaughan's, arrival there with the news that Edward had been sent ahead to Stony Stratford. That sent ahead implies to me that Rivers wasn't staying with the king and I wouldn't wonder if it had struck Richard the same way. Why had Rivers separated himself from the king? Which would be where Richard's military experience, and those scouts/messengers, would come in. Start off by placing Richard in Northampton by the evening of 28 April at the latest. His scouts report back the royal party hasn't passed Weedon Bec. So, at first light on 29 April, the scouts/messengers are again sent out and around, say, noon Richard receives a report that Rivers & Co. have reached Weedon Bec and they have been informed Richard is in Northampton. Now, Richard doesn't expect the king to come to him, but he does expect Rivers to halt for the rest of that day and that night and make some sort of arrangements for Richard to meet his nephew, with Weedon Bec itself the most likely meeting place. Instead, Rivers and an escort, likely including Scales and Vaughan, arrive and tell Richard he can't meet Edward at Weedon Bec, because the king is continuing on to Stony Stratford where he'll spend the night. Now, we also know from valid sources that on the morning of 30 April, rather than riding to Stony Stratford, Richard rode to where Rivers had camped for the night and arrested him, Scales and Vaughan. How did Richard know Rivers wasn't with Edward? For that matter, how did Richard know he could arrest Rivers & Co. without fighting a minor battle? Because all the accounts have Richard, after arresting Rivers & Co., riding off to greet his nephew and explain what has happened. If Rivers had been with Edward, that ride wouldn't have been necessary, would it? However, if Richard had employed scouts the previous day, he could very well have known that Rivers was at, say, Towcester and that men were seen gathering in the villages between Watling Street and the road, today's A 508, that was the natural route for Richard to take to meet Edward. The emphasis on that between is because, while it would be obvious the number of men in Edward's escort couldn't be accommodated in Towcester; if Edward was at Stony Stratford, why disperse men into villages off Watling Street when Paulerspury and Peterspury were available? Surely between Towcester, Paulerspury, Peterspury and Stony Stratford, there'd be enough resources? I posit a second set of scouts because of the suspicions that likely would have been raised in Richard's mind upon learning Rivers & Co. weren't spending the night at Stony Stratford. Of course, Rivers himself might have told Richard that he wasn't himself going on to Stony Stratford, but I don't know if the source of that knowledge really matters. There's also the possibility that Rivers, in an attempt to provide cover for the ambush, may have promised an escort for their journey to see Edward. Once, though, once Richard's suspicions had been raised, I can't see him not checking things out for himself. Doug Who again apologizes for the length.
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
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From: 'Doug Stamate' destama@... []
Sent: 02 February 2018 16:09
To:
Subject: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Hilary wrote:
Doug, re the confession, yes a priest can only break the confessional to one of a higher rank, so the other contender for the revelation, Father John Ingleby, could have broken it to his brother's uncle by marriage, Bishop Stillington. It would, after all, be an unbearable secret and Ingleby was from Richard's affinity. He was also EW's confessor, though I don't think for a moment she knew of the PreContract but I could be wrong.
Doug here:
I thought there was a method of breaking the Confessional but, not having much knowledge about Roman Catholic practices, I wasn't certain. My thought has been that Stillinton's evidence was most likely something he'd been told by someone who knew they were dying, but whether that would count as a confession as defined by the Church or an admission as defined by law, I don't know.
I agree that it was most unlikely that Elizabeth knew about the Pre-Contract. If nothing else, as best we can tell, she and Edward were on good terms until his death; something that surely wouldn't have occurred had she known her position was legally and morally compromised?
Hilary continued:
Re medieval offices of state, it seems to have been very much make it up as you go along, and that extended to the succession as well. I would have thought that the Constable was such a powerful position that it couldn't be dictated by a previous regime. It was all right for the more ceremonial offices, such as Earl Marshal to be passed down, but the Constable had real power, which was rare in a Plantagenet monarchy. I note, from looking at Wiki, that it had occasionally been given to the Staffords including Buckingham's father. Perhaps Buckingham had his eye on regaining it - which he did. It is tremendously important because it gave him titular command of the armies (such as they were). I wonder what Buckingham really intended to do with this power in the long term, but perhaps Richard got in the way - he never could let go? And Hastings, as commander of the Calais garrison, could potentially have been a real fly in the ointment to brooking that power. I just can't somehow see Hastings and Buckingham getting on.
Doug here:
When I was doing what research I could, I discovered that the office of Constable had been hereditary in the Bohun family for a couple of centuries and it was that which caused me to wonder if an appointment to such an office might be made so as to still be effective on the death of the king who had originally made it. It wouldn't mean that, say, Edward V couldn't appoint someone else as Constable, just that, until/unless he did, Richard remained Constable.
Which, BTW, would give Rivers & Co. yet another reason to wish Richard out of the way, wouldn't it?
Not only had the father of our Buckingham been Constable, his son was as well. What I find really interesting is that, before Edward Stafford held the office, Thomas, Lord Stanley, was Constable.
Hilary concluded:
BTW Richard had no reason to dislike Hastings. He might not have agreed with his morals, but Hastings was the one who went to the aid of Margaret when Richard and George were forbidden to do so. I think Richard would have admired that. Hastings had taken a stand against Edward on a point of principal just like Richard had taken a stand against him at Picquigny.
Doug here:
I must admit that the longer I live the less I understand people, but it did occur to me that Hastings' support of Margaret and his position at Picquigny might have made any workable relationship between Richard and he just that much more difficult. After all, hadn't Hastings demonstrated on those occasions that he could stand up to Edward? So when it came to the wine and women, why hadn't he? That doesn't mean some sort of working relationship mightn't have developed, more that for it to do so would require time and that wasn't available to them.
Doug
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Rivers would only have to claim that Richard had acted in a similar treasonable way, invoked 'disappointment' and the Council would have appointed another Constable.
Things like this are fraught with issues. For example you probably know Chief Justice Sir John Markham made a ruling that the King could not prosecute an individual for treason, because the King was the intended victim. Very sensible really. Needless to say Edward fell out with him.
Trouble is we have to wait for a couple of hundred years for the Law to cover any of these things H
On Friday, 2 February 2018, 17:13:36 GMT, Stephen stephenmlark@... [] <> wrote:
Carson has written a whole book on Richard's two appointments as Lord High Constable and Lord Protector and Defender of the Realm. It is clear from the precedents quoted in this that a person appointed for life to such a position serves until death or active disappointment so Richard remained Constable until, ironically, appointing his own successor.
Sent from Mail for Windows 10
From: 'Doug Stamate' destama@... []
Sent: 02 February 2018 16:09
To:
Subject: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Hilary wrote:
Doug, re the confession, yes a priest can only break the confessional to one of a higher rank, so the other contender for the revelation, Father John Ingleby, could have broken it to his brother's uncle by marriage, Bishop Stillington. It would, after all, be an unbearable secret and Ingleby was from Richard's affinity. He was also EW's confessor, though I don't think for a moment she knew of the PreContract but I could be wrong.
Doug here:
I thought there was a method of breaking the Confessional but, not having much knowledge about Roman Catholic practices, I wasn't certain. My thought has been that Stillinton's evidence was most likely something he'd been told by someone who knew they were dying, but whether that would count as a confession as defined by the Church or an admission as defined by law, I don't know.
I agree that it was most unlikely that Elizabeth knew about the Pre-Contract. If nothing else, as best we can tell, she and Edward were on good terms until his death; something that surely wouldn't have occurred had she known her position was legally and morally compromised?
Hilary continued:
Re medieval offices of state, it seems to have been very much make it up as you go along, and that extended to the succession as well. I would have thought that the Constable was such a powerful position that it couldn't be dictated by a previous regime. It was all right for the more ceremonial offices, such as Earl Marshal to be passed down, but the Constable had real power, which was rare in a Plantagenet monarchy. I note, from looking at Wiki, that it had occasionally been given to the Staffords including Buckingham's father. Perhaps Buckingham had his eye on regaining it - which he did. It is tremendously important because it gave him titular command of the armies (such as they were). I wonder what Buckingham really intended to do with this power in the long term, but perhaps Richard got in the way - he never could let go? And Hastings, as commander of the Calais garrison, could potentially have been a real fly in the ointment to brooking that power. I just can't somehow see Hastings and Buckingham getting on.
Doug here:
When I was doing what research I could, I discovered that the office of Constable had been hereditary in the Bohun family for a couple of centuries and it was that which caused me to wonder if an appointment to such an office might be made so as to still be effective on the death of the king who had originally made it. It wouldn't mean that, say, Edward V couldn't appoint someone else as Constable, just that, until/unless he did, Richard remained Constable.
Which, BTW, would give Rivers & Co. yet another reason to wish Richard out of the way, wouldn't it?
Not only had the father of our Buckingham been Constable, his son was as well. What I find really interesting is that, before Edward Stafford held the office, Thomas, Lord Stanley, was Constable.
Hilary concluded:
BTW Richard had no reason to dislike Hastings. He might not have agreed with his morals, but Hastings was the one who went to the aid of Margaret when Richard and George were forbidden to do so. I think Richard would have admired that. Hastings had taken a stand against Edward on a point of principal just like Richard had taken a stand against him at Picquigny.
Doug here:
I must admit that the longer I live the less I understand people, but it did occur to me that Hastings' support of Margaret and his position at Picquigny might have made any workable relationship between Richard and he just that much more difficult. After all, hadn't Hastings demonstrated on those occasions that he could stand up to Edward? So when it came to the wine and women, why hadn't he? That doesn't mean some sort of working relationship mightn't have developed, more that for it to do so would require time and that wasn't available to them.
Doug
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion andthe Precontract
Compare this with Thomas Cranmer, who was deprived of the province of Canterbury in summer 1553 and attainted after the Grey-Dudley conspiracy.
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From: Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... []
Sent: 03 February 2018 10:53
To:
Subject: Re: RE: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion andthe Precontract
Not if there was a significant change in regime Stephen. John de Vere took over from Richard during the Readeption. Some others, like Humphrey Stafford and Richard Woodville conveniently got themselves killed at just the right moment. The only real continuity was with the Bohuns with whom it was an inherited office. Like the succession itself, it was make it up as you go along. After all, what if Richard had let Buckingham live, would he have said the King couldn't take his Office from him? I suppose that this is an example of 'disappointment' but that is very subjective..
Rivers would only have to claim that Richard had acted in a similar treasonable way, invoked 'disappointment' and the Council would have appointed another Constable.
Things like this are fraught with issues. For example you probably know Chief Justice Sir John Markham made a ruling that the King could not prosecute an individual for treason, because the King was the intended victim. Very sensible really. Needless to say Edward fell out with him.
Trouble is we have to wait for a couple of hundred years for the Law to cover any of these things H
On Friday, 2 February 2018, 17:13:36 GMT, Stephen stephenmlark@... [] <> wrote:
Carson has written a whole book on Richard's two appointments as Lord High Constable and Lord Protector and Defender of the Realm. It is clear from the precedents quoted in this that a person appointed for life to such a position serves until death or active disappointment so Richard remained Constable until, ironically, appointing his own successor.
Sent from Mail for Windows 10
From: 'Doug Stamate' destama@... []
Sent: 02 February 2018 16:09
To:
Subject: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Hilary wrote:
Doug, re the confession, yes a priest can only break the confessional to one of a higher rank, so the other contender for the revelation, Father John Ingleby, could have broken it to his brother's uncle by marriage, Bishop Stillington. It would, after all, be an unbearable secret and Ingleby was from Richard's affinity. He was also EW's confessor, though I don't think for a moment she knew of the PreContract but I could be wrong.
Doug here:
I thought there was a method of breaking the Confessional but, not having much knowledge about Roman Catholic practices, I wasn't certain. My thought has been that Stillinton's evidence was most likely something he'd been told by someone who knew they were dying, but whether that would count as a confession as defined by the Church or an admission as defined by law, I don't know.
I agree that it was most unlikely that Elizabeth knew about the Pre-Contract. If nothing else, as best we can tell, she and Edward were on good terms until his death; something that surely wouldn't have occurred had she known her position was legally and morally compromised?
Hilary continued:
Re medieval offices of state, it seems to have been very much make it up as you go along, and that extended to the succession as well. I would have thought that the Constable was such a powerful position that it couldn't be dictated by a previous regime. It was all right for the more ceremonial offices, such as Earl Marshal to be passed down, but the Constable had real power, which was rare in a Plantagenet monarchy. I note, from looking at Wiki, that it had occasionally been given to the Staffords including Buckingham's father. Perhaps Buckingham had his eye on regaining it - which he did. It is tremendously important because it gave him titular command of the armies (such as they were). I wonder what Buckingham really intended to do with this power in the long term, but perhaps Richard got in the way - he never could let go? And Hastings, as commander of the Calais garrison, could potentially have been a real fly in the ointment to brooking that power. I just can't somehow see Hastings and Buckingham getting on.
Doug here:
When I was doing what research I could, I discovered that the office of Constable had been hereditary in the Bohun family for a couple of centuries and it was that which caused me to wonder if an appointment to such an office might be made so as to still be effective on the death of the king who had originally made it. It wouldn't mean that, say, Edward V couldn't appoint someone else as Constable, just that, until/unless he did, Richard remained Constable.
Which, BTW, would give Rivers & Co. yet another reason to wish Richard out of the way, wouldn't it?
Not only had the father of our Buckingham been Constable, his son was as well. What I find really interesting is that, before Edward Stafford held the office, Thomas, Lord Stanley, was Constable.
Hilary concluded:
BTW Richard had no reason to dislike Hastings. He might not have agreed with his morals, but Hastings was the one who went to the aid of Margaret when Richard and George were forbidden to do so. I think Richard would have admired that. Hastings had taken a stand against Edward on a point of principal just like Richard had taken a stand against him at Picquigny.
Doug here:
I must admit that the longer I live the less I understand people, but it did occur to me that Hastings' support of Margaret and his position at Picquigny might have made any workable relationship between Richard and he just that much more difficult. After all, hadn't Hastings demonstrated on those occasions that he could stand up to Edward? So when it came to the wine and women, why hadn't he? That doesn't mean some sort of working relationship mightn't have developed, more that for it to do so would require time and that wasn't available to them.
Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebe
Russhe in its many forms of spelling is quite a rare name at this time but I haven't so far been able to link them. We know quite a bit more about John Russhe though. This is because he came into the possession of the manor of Stambridge, and when he died in 1498, the ownership was contested by his wife and later his daughter. His wife was Isabel Stanley, daughter of Sir John Stanley of Elford in Staffs, a cousin of our two heroes and descendant of the High Sheriff of Warks/Staffs branch of the Stanleys. He didn't marry her though until 1490, when her first husband died (by him she was the grandmother of Bessie Blount).
Now Stambridge had belonged for generations to the Benstede family from Benington Herts. William Benstede had been esquire to both Edward IV and Richard but he had no children. Whether he was in debt (which he was) or he didn't want his estate to go to his aunt - Horrox and Gill theorise on both but blame Richard for not paying him enough (!) - he sold £300 of his estates back to Edward and another £500's worth to Stillington in 1485. These are the Marylebone properties that Bray bought back from the Stillington family after the Bishop's death.
Benstede died in September 1485 and his IPM awards his properties to his aunt, Ellen. However, they next appear with John Russhe, and after his death there emerges one Edward Benstede, who is knighted by HT and claims the estates and is married to Joyce Dudley, the daughter of Edmund Dudley. No-one has ever found a father for Edward Benstede. Another lovely example of dodgy property dealings. You asked me to let you know when I found some more, Doug. H
On Thursday, 1 February 2018, 22:08:21 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Nico wrote: I think I read that the escape was at nighttime on July 29 1483, but I can't remember where. Doug here: Working on the presumption that those executed; Pardoner Davy, Wardrober Ireland, Groom Smith and Sarjeant Rushe, were the only one directly involved, a night-time escape would make sense. Grease a few palms, bundle the boys up in working-class clothing and have them leave as Rushe's henchmen-in-training or some similar position. My guess is the plan failed because of someone who wasn't in on it starting asking too many unanswerable questions; likely scarcely before the boys had left their rooms. It does seem likely, as well, that the plan must have originated a week or two before the attempt was made, if only to get the right sort of people on board. And a couple of weeks brings us back to the week following Richard's coronation, doesn't it? Excellent cover, I'd imagine.
Nico continued: I agree with you here. Even if , Morton was involved, he would have known that too many people knew that E5 was illegitimate and the he would never be viable as a King. As things stood then, the proofs would be very difficult to suppress, so Morton would need to do anything he could to distance himself from a plot that looked certain to fail. The Woodvilles and Hastings, otoh were desperate. HT, did manage to suppress Titulus Regius and the precontract story, but a lot had changed in two years, and after 1485 was about protecting the legitmacy of EofY. Henry won the throne by conquest, so his rights were not directly affected and significant figures on the 1483 council were now dead, while the remainder could be rewarded for their loyalty. Doug here: I suppose, and presuming the weight of the entire Council was put behind it, the Pre-Contract might have been spun as it has been for centuries: nothing but a plot to remove a legitimate king. But again, any such action would require the complete unanimity of the Council. And even Richard's death wouldn't accomplish that. Those who believed in the validity of the Pre-Contract still had a legitimate heir to support Edward of Middleham. FWIW, I do think Morton weighed the odds and realized that Richard's death wouldn't help Edward retain the throne. Too many people knew about the Pre-Contract and apparently believed it to be a true account, so that simply removing the immediate beneficiary, Richard, wouldn't stop knowledge of Edward IV's marriage to Eleanor Butler from being spread. There'd now be too many people, important people, with a vested interest in ensuring that knowledge was as widespread as possible. Henry, OTOH, had the support of those important people. Well, as long as Edward or Richard didn't pop up...
Nico concluded:
I agree with that. Hastings may have known that Richard tolerated rather than valued him, and may even have always disliked everything he stood for. If Richard were King, Hastings probably knew he was on his way out. This does bring me back to the Denham/Collins book. Obviously, I'm cautious about reading too much in from a seance, but while I would discount some things, others seem insightful. One striking part was when the medium said that Richard told him he had no regrets about executing Hastings because he was such a dreadful person. From what I have read about Hastings, I can see why Richard may have disliked him, but had to appease him in the early stages. Doug here: Hastings' motives have always caused me problems. The conclusion I've finally come to is that Hastings had become, for want of a better term, addicted to being a person at the center of things, holding positions where he could wield extensive powers. Hastings was Edward IV's Lord Chamberlain and, literally, controlled who saw the king. As Edward's Master of the Mint and Lord of the Exchequer, Hastings would have been involved, as much as wanted to be anyway, in where the royal funds went. And as Captain of Calais, he controlled the largest group of men under arms in the kingdom. All that went when Edward died. Even if Hastings wasn't replaced immediately, he knew he almost certainly would be. I think it was a blow Hastings couldn't adjust to and is why, in the beginning, he did as much as he could to help Richard. Now, how much Richard actually would have utilized Hastings had Richard served as Protector for four or five years, I can't say. I can say, however, that Richard's idea of what a Protector's responsibilities and duties were almost certainly didn't jibe with what the Woodvilles had in mind! As Protector, and facing the continual opposition of the Woodvilles, it's not unimaginable that Richard and Hastings wouldn't have come to some sort of working agreement for mutual protection if nothing else. As king, though, Richard could expect, even demand, support from his Council members and advisors. Which would leave Hastings with little or no room for any quid pro quos. And, of course, there's always the possibility Hastings never believed the Pre-Contract to have existed. Doug
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion andthe Precontract
On Saturday, 3 February 2018, 11:13:32 GMT, Stephen stephenmlark@... [] <> wrote:
No, those who were not killed in battle were actively deprived and replaced by a different regime.
Compare this with Thomas Cranmer, who was deprived of the province of Canterbury in summer 1553 and attainted after the Grey-Dudley conspiracy.
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From: Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... []
Sent: 03 February 2018 10:53
To:
Subject: Re: RE: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion andthe Precontract
Not if there was a significant change in regime Stephen. John de Vere took over from Richard during the Readeption. Some others, like Humphrey Stafford and Richard Woodville conveniently got themselves killed at just the right moment. The only real continuity was with the Bohuns with whom it was an inherited office. Like the succession itself, it was make it up as you go along. After all, what if Richard had let Buckingham live, would he have said the King couldn't take his Office from him? I suppose that this is an example of 'disappointment' but that is very subjective..
Rivers would only have to claim that Richard had acted in a similar treasonable way, invoked 'disappointment' and the Council would have appointed another Constable.
Things like this are fraught with issues. For example you probably know Chief Justice Sir John Markham made a ruling that the King could not prosecute an individual for treason, because the King was the intended victim. Very sensible really. Needless to say Edward fell out with him.
Trouble is we have to wait for a couple of hundred years for the Law to cover any of these things H
On Friday, 2 February 2018, 17:13:36 GMT, Stephen stephenmlark@... [] <> wrote:
Carson has written a whole book on Richard's two appointments as Lord High Constable and Lord Protector and Defender of the Realm. It is clear from the precedents quoted in this that a person appointed for life to such a position serves until death or active disappointment so Richard remained Constable until, ironically, appointing his own successor.
Sent from Mail for Windows 10
From: 'Doug Stamate' destama@... []
Sent: 02 February 2018 16:09
To:
Subject: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Hilary wrote:
Doug, re the confession, yes a priest can only break the confessional to one of a higher rank, so the other contender for the revelation, Father John Ingleby, could have broken it to his brother's uncle by marriage, Bishop Stillington. It would, after all, be an unbearable secret and Ingleby was from Richard's affinity. He was also EW's confessor, though I don't think for a moment she knew of the PreContract but I could be wrong.
Doug here:
I thought there was a method of breaking the Confessional but, not having much knowledge about Roman Catholic practices, I wasn't certain. My thought has been that Stillinton's evidence was most likely something he'd been told by someone who knew they were dying, but whether that would count as a confession as defined by the Church or an admission as defined by law, I don't know.
I agree that it was most unlikely that Elizabeth knew about the Pre-Contract. If nothing else, as best we can tell, she and Edward were on good terms until his death; something that surely wouldn't have occurred had she known her position was legally and morally compromised?
Hilary continued:
Re medieval offices of state, it seems to have been very much make it up as you go along, and that extended to the succession as well. I would have thought that the Constable was such a powerful position that it couldn't be dictated by a previous regime. It was all right for the more ceremonial offices, such as Earl Marshal to be passed down, but the Constable had real power, which was rare in a Plantagenet monarchy. I note, from looking at Wiki, that it had occasionally been given to the Staffords including Buckingham's father. Perhaps Buckingham had his eye on regaining it - which he did. It is tremendously important because it gave him titular command of the armies (such as they were). I wonder what Buckingham really intended to do with this power in the long term, but perhaps Richard got in the way - he never could let go? And Hastings, as commander of the Calais garrison, could potentially have been a real fly in the ointment to brooking that power. I just can't somehow see Hastings and Buckingham getting on.
Doug here:
When I was doing what research I could, I discovered that the office of Constable had been hereditary in the Bohun family for a couple of centuries and it was that which caused me to wonder if an appointment to such an office might be made so as to still be effective on the death of the king who had originally made it. It wouldn't mean that, say, Edward V couldn't appoint someone else as Constable, just that, until/unless he did, Richard remained Constable.
Which, BTW, would give Rivers & Co. yet another reason to wish Richard out of the way, wouldn't it?
Not only had the father of our Buckingham been Constable, his son was as well. What I find really interesting is that, before Edward Stafford held the office, Thomas, Lord Stanley, was Constable.
Hilary concluded:
BTW Richard had no reason to dislike Hastings. He might not have agreed with his morals, but Hastings was the one who went to the aid of Margaret when Richard and George were forbidden to do so. I think Richard would have admired that. Hastings had taken a stand against Edward on a point of principal just like Richard had taken a stand against him at Picquigny.
Doug here:
I must admit that the longer I live the less I understand people, but it did occur to me that Hastings' support of Margaret and his position at Picquigny might have made any workable relationship between Richard and he just that much more difficult. After all, hadn't Hastings demonstrated on those occasions that he could stand up to Edward? So when it came to the wine and women, why hadn't he? That doesn't mean some sort of working relationship mightn't have developed, more that for it to do so would require time and that wasn't available to them.
Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Societ
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
"Carson has written a whole book on Richard's two appointments as Lord High
Constable and Lord Protector and Defender of the Realm. It is clear from the
precedents quoted in this that a person appointed for life to such a
position serves until death or active disappointment so Richard remained
Constable until, ironically, appointing his own successor."
Doug here:
I'm presuming that "active disappointment" means the king revoking the
grant? So, until/unless Edward V revoked his father's grant, Richard would
continue as Constable of England - and able to exercise its powers.
Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Societ
Mary
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Envoyé de mon iPad
Le 3 févr. 2018 à 17:35, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> a écrit :
Stephen wrote:
"Carson has written a whole book on Richard's two appointments as Lord High
Constable and Lord Protector and Defender of the Realm. It is clear from the
precedents quoted in this that a person appointed for life to such a
position serves until death or active disappointment so Richard remained
Constable until, ironically, appointing his own successor."
Doug here:
I'm presuming that "active disappointment" means the king revoking the
grant? So, until/unless Edward V revoked his father's grant, Richard would
continue as Constable of England - and able to exercise its powers.
Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Societ
On Saturday, 3 February 2018, 17:29:44 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
So if Richard didn't know that the Coronation was on 4th May then, while he might have wanted Anne to come to London to be with him and obviously to attend the Coronation, he possibly wouldn't have been too bothered about her travelling with him as he needed to get there as quickly as possible if we are to believe that Hastings wrote telling him to come quickly. Also another scenario would be if he knew or suspected that the Woodvilles were plotting to kill him then he wouldn't want to put Anne in any danger. The fact that Edward of Middleham didn't come with her is also a puzzle. It has been said that he was a sickly child but there doesn't seem to be a lot of evidence to support that.
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's
Carson wrote in depth about this.
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From: 'Doug Stamate' destama@... []
Sent: 04 February 2018 18:09
To:
Subject: Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Hilary wrote:
Not if there was a significant change in regime Stephen. John de Vere took over from Richard during the Readeption. Some others, like Humphrey Stafford and Richard Woodville conveniently got themselves killed at just the right moment. The only real continuity was with the Bohuns with whom it was an inherited office. Like the succession itself, it was make it up as you go along. After all, what if Richard had let Buckingham live, would he have said the King couldn't take his Office from him? I suppose that this is an example of 'disappointment' but that is very subjective..
Doug here:
If I'm understanding the process correctly, it's not unlike a bequest in a will, isn't it? The main difference being that the bequest goes to the beneficiary while the testator, in this case Edward IV, is still living. However, as long as Edward is alive, he always has the ability to change that bequest, even if the terms of the bequest were for the life of the beneficiary. What matters in our case is that if, at the death of the king making the bequest [Edward IV], the beneficiary [Richard] continues in possession of it unless or until the new king [Edward V] makes any changes. Nor, again if I understand the process correctly, would Richard have to apply for any re-confirmation of his possession of the office of Constable, that was covered by his holding that office until his own demise; again until/unless it was revoked by the new king. BTW, am I correct in presuming that someone in possession of, say, the fees of a manor as a result of a grant by Edward IV, would have to re-apply for that grant from the new king? It does seem to me that it really boils down to those two things; how the grant of the Constableship was phrased and, presuming the phraseology was similar, what was expected of those who held grants such as fees from manors.
Although de Vere becoming Constable upon Henry VI's return was the result of a revolt, not death, changing the regime, the process was the same; a new king always has the power to change any and all such bequests, as well as any and all other appointments made by the previous monarch. However, until any changes were made, the old bequests and appointments remained in force. Just another example of at the pleasure of the king, if you will.
Hilary concluded:
Rivers would only have to claim that Richard had acted in a similar treasonable way, invoked 'disappointment' and the Council would have appointed another Constable.
Things like this are fraught with issues. For example you probably know Chief Justice Sir John Markham made a ruling that the King could not prosecute an individual for treason, because the King was the intended victim. Very sensible really. Needless to say Edward fell out with him.
Doug here:
Until Edward V revoked the appointment of Richard as Constable-for-life made by Edward IV, Richard would have retained that position's full authority and powers. Thus, strictly speaking, anything Richard did would have been legal, but whether his actions would have had the Council's approval would be a separate question.
Well, as long as the Woodville's didn't control the Council....
Doug
Who wonders if we have the exact wording of Edward's grant to Richard anywhere?
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's
Richard had not actually been named Protector, as many historians are eager to point out, and Dorset's statement about the power of the Woodvilles was in response to attempts by the Council to already start imposing such limitations. Ross cites Roskell who defines the role of the Council - 'they must act pending the appointment of a sworn council of the regular kind, not only as the king's advisers but as virtually constituting the executive'. And indeed they had already re-appointed the judges. So if the majority of the Council were on the side of the Woodvilles, then Richard's days as Constable were indeed numbered. For example, given that the Office put him in charge of the armed forces he wasn't involved in the measures taken by the Council for the defense of the realm against Louis XI. It's very difficult to say what is 'legal' in the circumstances since none of this was enshrined in Law.
A lot of people have Richard grabbing the King and executing Rivers as his way of surviving and taking over. But given the above, he couldn't have got anywhere without the approval of the Council. The fact that he did suggests that did endorse his actions. As for military action, it was actually Rivers roaming round the countryside with a hoard of Welsh soldiers, not Richard with his modest band from York - so no armed coup. Ross of course totally discards the Pre Contract in a sentence and, like Horsepool, puts it all down to Richard's fear.
BTW Doug, we have two versions of who babysat Edward. One has Rivers, Grey, Vaughan and Haute riding to Northampton, the other only Rivers riding to Northampton and the others being arrested when Richard got to Stony Stratford. In either case I find it astonishing that Rivers would leave such a prized charge with anyone. H
On Sunday, 4 February 2018, 18:49:18 GMT, Stephen stephenmlark@... [] <> wrote:
Correct.
Carson wrote in depth about this.
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From: 'Doug Stamate' destama@... []
Sent: 04 February 2018 18:09
To:
Subject: Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Hilary wrote:
Not if there was a significant change in regime Stephen. John de Vere took over from Richard during the Readeption. Some others, like Humphrey Stafford and Richard Woodville conveniently got themselves killed at just the right moment. The only real continuity was with the Bohuns with whom it was an inherited office. Like the succession itself, it was make it up as you go along. After all, what if Richard had let Buckingham live, would he have said the King couldn't take his Office from him? I suppose that this is an example of 'disappointment' but that is very subjective..
Doug here:
If I'm understanding the process correctly, it's not unlike a bequest in a will, isn't it? The main difference being that the bequest goes to the beneficiary while the testator, in this case Edward IV, is still living. However, as long as Edward is alive, he always has the ability to change that bequest, even if the terms of the bequest were for the life of the beneficiary. What matters in our case is that if, at the death of the king making the bequest [Edward IV], the beneficiary [Richard] continues in possession of it unless or until the new king [Edward V] makes any changes. Nor, again if I understand the process correctly, would Richard have to apply for any re-confirmation of his possession of the office of Constable, that was covered by his holding that office until his own demise; again until/unless it was revoked by the new king. BTW, am I correct in presuming that someone in possession of, say, the fees of a manor as a result of a grant by Edward IV, would have to re-apply for that grant from the new king? It does seem to me that it really boils down to those two things; how the grant of the Constableship was phrased and, presuming the phraseology was similar, what was expected of those who held grants such as fees from manors.
Although de Vere becoming Constable upon Henry VI's return was the result of a revolt, not death, changing the regime, the process was the same; a new king always has the power to change any and all such bequests, as well as any and all other appointments made by the previous monarch. However, until any changes were made, the old bequests and appointments remained in force. Just another example of at the pleasure of the king, if you will.
Hilary concluded:
Rivers would only have to claim that Richard had acted in a similar treasonable way, invoked 'disappointment' and the Council would have appointed another Constable.
Things like this are fraught with issues. For example you probably know Chief Justice Sir John Markham made a ruling that the King could not prosecute an individual for treason, because the King was the intended victim. Very sensible really. Needless to say Edward fell out with him.
Doug here:
Until Edward V revoked the appointment of Richard as Constable-for-life made by Edward IV, Richard would have retained that position's full authority and powers. Thus, strictly speaking, anything Richard did would have been legal, but whether his actions would have had the Council's approval would be a separate question.
Well, as long as the Woodville's didn't control the Council.....
Doug
Who wonders if we have the exact wording of Edward's grant to Richard anywhere?
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Societ
Hilary wrote:
"Same as you say about Edward of Middleham being a sickly child. If he was that bad why wasn't Argentein sent? I seem to recall Edward sent him to the Scottish campaign? H"
Just popping up in this very interesting discussion to say that William Hobbys was actually the doctor Edward sent on the Scottish campaign. He specifically charged Hobbys with tending to Richard, which in light of what we now know about Richard's scoliosis is intriguing in hindsight.
But your point remains, since Hobbys continued to serve as Richard's doctor after Richard became king. He was a very long-established servant of the house of York, so if Richard was worried about his son's health then we might expect him to put Hobbys on the case. There's no indication that he did. Despite the subsequent and persistent "sickly child" narrative, I get the impression that Edward of Middleham's death was sudden and took everyone by surprise.
Cathy
Sent: Sunday, February 4, 2018 8:48 AM
To:
Subject: Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Trouble is we only have two so-called contemporary records - Croyland (which was post hoc) and Mancini. The rest, as Ross says, is 'Tudor' history. None of this really adds up, does it? It shows how willingly we all repeat what is taken as truth by generations.
Same as you say about Edward of Middleham being a sickly child. If he was that bad why wasn't Argentein sent? I seem to recall Edward sent him to the Scottish campaign? H
On Saturday, 3 February 2018, 17:29:44 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
So if Richard didn't know that the Coronation was on 4th May then, while he might have wanted Anne to come to London to be with him and obviously to attend the Coronation, he possibly wouldn't have been too bothered about her travelling with him as he needed to get there as quickly as possible if we are to believe that Hastings wrote telling him to come quickly. Also another scenario would be if he knew or suspected that the Woodvilles were plotting to kill him then he wouldn't want to put Anne in any danger. The fact that Edward of Middleham didn't come with her is also a puzzle. It has been said that he was a sickly child but there doesn't seem to be a lot of evidence to support that.
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Societ
Envoyé de mon iPad
Le 5 févr. 2018 à 01:21, CM O ottcm@... [] <> a écrit :
Hilary wrote:
"Same as you say about Edward of Middleham being a sickly child. If he was that bad why wasn't Argentein sent? I seem to recall Edward sent him to the Scottish campaign? H"
Just popping up in this very interesting discussion to say that William Hobbys was actually the doctor Edward sent on the Scottish campaign. He specifically charged Hobbys with tending to Richard, which in light of what we now know about Richard's scoliosis is intriguing in hindsight.
But your point remains, since Hobbys continued to serve as Richard's doctor after Richard became king. He was a very long-established servant of the house of York, so if Richard was worried about his son's health then we might expect him to put Hobbys on the case. There's no indication that he did. Despite the subsequent and persistent "sickly child" narrative, I get the impression that Edward of Middleham's death was sudden and took everyone by surprise.
Cathy
Sent: Sunday, February 4, 2018 8:48 AM
To:
Subject: Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Trouble is we only have two so-called contemporary records - Croyland (which was post hoc) and Mancini. The rest, as Ross says, is 'Tudor' history. None of this really adds up, does it? It shows how willingly we all repeat what is taken as truth by generations.
Same as you say about Edward of Middleham being a sickly child. If he was that bad why wasn't Argentein sent? I seem to recall Edward sent him to the Scottish campaign? H
On Saturday, 3 February 2018, 17:29:44 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
So if Richard didn't know that the Coronation was on 4th May then, while he might have wanted Anne to come to London to be with him and obviously to attend the Coronation, he possibly wouldn't have been too bothered about her travelling with him as he needed to get there as quickly as possible if we are to believe that Hastings wrote telling him to come quickly. Also another scenario would be if he knew or suspected that the Woodvilles were plotting to kill him then he wouldn't want to put Anne in any danger. The fact that Edward of Middleham didn't come with her is also a puzzle. It has been said that he was a sickly child but there doesn't seem to be a lot of evidence to support that.
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Societ
On Monday, 5 February 2018, 10:52:28 GMT, CM O ottcm@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary wrote:
"Same as you say about Edward of Middleham being a sickly child. If he was that bad why wasn't Argentein sent? I seem to recall Edward sent him to the Scottish campaign? H"
Just popping up in this very interesting discussion to say that William Hobbys was actually the doctor Edward sent on the Scottish campaign. He specifically charged Hobbys with tending to Richard, which in light of what we now know about Richard's scoliosis is intriguing in hindsight.
But your point remains, since Hobbys continued to serve as Richard's doctor after Richard became king. He was a very long-established servant of the house of York, so if Richard was worried about his son's health then we might expect him to put Hobbys on the case. There's no indication that he did. Despite the subsequent and persistent "sickly child" narrative, I get the impression that Edward of Middleham's death was sudden and took everyone by surprise.
Cathy
Sent: Sunday, February 4, 2018 8:48 AM
To:
Subject: Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Trouble is we only have two so-called contemporary records - Croyland (which was post hoc) and Mancini. The rest, as Ross says, is 'Tudor' history. None of this really adds up, does it? It shows how willingly we all repeat what is taken as truth by generations.
Same as you say about Edward of Middleham being a sickly child. If he was that bad why wasn't Argentein sent? I seem to recall Edward sent him to the Scottish campaign? H
On Saturday, 3 February 2018, 17:29:44 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
So if Richard didn't know that the Coronation was on 4th May then, while he might have wanted Anne to come to London to be with him and obviously to attend the Coronation, he possibly wouldn't have been too bothered about her travelling with him as he needed to get there as quickly as possible if we are to believe that Hastings wrote telling him to come quickly. Also another scenario would be if he knew or suspected that the Woodvilles were plotting to kill him then he wouldn't want to put Anne in any danger. The fact that Edward of Middleham didn't come with her is also a puzzle. It has been said that he was a sickly child but there doesn't seem to be a lot of evidence to support that.
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Societ
Would it for example mean that people like the Woodvilles would know of Richard's 'illness' and think he wouldn't last long or be a threat? And could it also mean that Edward felt some guilt at sending Richard but was too ill himself to go? H
On Monday, 5 February 2018, 10:52:28 GMT, CM O ottcm@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary wrote:
"Same as you say about Edward of Middleham being a sickly child. If he was that bad why wasn't Argentein sent? I seem to recall Edward sent him to the Scottish campaign? H"
Just popping up in this very interesting discussion to say that William Hobbys was actually the doctor Edward sent on the Scottish campaign. He specifically charged Hobbys with tending to Richard, which in light of what we now know about Richard's scoliosis is intriguing in hindsight.
But your point remains, since Hobbys continued to serve as Richard's doctor after Richard became king. He was a very long-established servant of the house of York, so if Richard was worried about his son's health then we might expect him to put Hobbys on the case. There's no indication that he did. Despite the subsequent and persistent "sickly child" narrative, I get the impression that Edward of Middleham's death was sudden and took everyone by surprise.
Cathy
Sent: Sunday, February 4, 2018 8:48 AM
To:
Subject: Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Trouble is we only have two so-called contemporary records - Croyland (which was post hoc) and Mancini. The rest, as Ross says, is 'Tudor' history. None of this really adds up, does it? It shows how willingly we all repeat what is taken as truth by generations.
Same as you say about Edward of Middleham being a sickly child. If he was that bad why wasn't Argentein sent? I seem to recall Edward sent him to the Scottish campaign? H
On Saturday, 3 February 2018, 17:29:44 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
So if Richard didn't know that the Coronation was on 4th May then, while he might have wanted Anne to come to London to be with him and obviously to attend the Coronation, he possibly wouldn't have been too bothered about her travelling with him as he needed to get there as quickly as possible if we are to believe that Hastings wrote telling him to come quickly. Also another scenario would be if he knew or suspected that the Woodvilles were plotting to kill him then he wouldn't want to put Anne in any danger. The fact that Edward of Middleham didn't come with her is also a puzzle. It has been said that he was a sickly child but there doesn't seem to be a lot of evidence to support that.
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Societ
Envoyé de mon iPad
Le 5 févr. 2018 à 13:05, Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... [] <> a écrit :
You know your point about Hobbys caring for Richard is very interesting as you say.
Would it for example mean that people like the Woodvilles would know of Richard's 'illness' and think he wouldn't last long or be a threat? And could it also mean that Edward felt some guilt at sending Richard but was too ill himself to go? H
On Monday, 5 February 2018, 10:52:28 GMT, CM O ottcm@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary wrote:
"Same as you say about Edward of Middleham being a sickly child. If he was that bad why wasn't Argentein sent? I seem to recall Edward sent him to the Scottish campaign? H"
Just popping up in this very interesting discussion to say that William Hobbys was actually the doctor Edward sent on the Scottish campaign. He specifically charged Hobbys with tending to Richard, which in light of what we now know about Richard's scoliosis is intriguing in hindsight.
But your point remains, since Hobbys continued to serve as Richard's doctor after Richard became king. He was a very long-established servant of the house of York, so if Richard was worried about his son's health then we might expect him to put Hobbys on the case. There's no indication that he did. Despite the subsequent and persistent "sickly child" narrative, I get the impression that Edward of Middleham's death was sudden and took everyone by surprise.
Cathy
Sent: Sunday, February 4, 2018 8:48 AM
To:
Subject: Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Trouble is we only have two so-called contemporary records - Croyland (which was post hoc) and Mancini. The rest, as Ross says, is 'Tudor' history. None of this really adds up, does it? It shows how willingly we all repeat what is taken as truth by generations.
Same as you say about Edward of Middleham being a sickly child. If he was that bad why wasn't Argentein sent? I seem to recall Edward sent him to the Scottish campaign? H
On Saturday, 3 February 2018, 17:29:44 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
So if Richard didn't know that the Coronation was on 4th May then, while he might have wanted Anne to come to London to be with him and obviously to attend the Coronation, he possibly wouldn't have been too bothered about her travelling with him as he needed to get there as quickly as possible if we are to believe that Hastings wrote telling him to come quickly. Also another scenario would be if he knew or suspected that the Woodvilles were plotting to kill him then he wouldn't want to put Anne in any danger. The fact that Edward of Middleham didn't come with her is also a puzzle. It has been said that he was a sickly child but there doesn't seem to be a lot of evidence to support that.
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Societ
See my later post on the Russhes and Brecon.
Re our earlier conversations re the possibility of Stillington being a 'plant', I was looking at the Carents and noticed that Nicholas Carent, Dean of Wells, had also been Secretary to MOA. He might need watching, might he not and the two overlapped for about 3 or 4 years till he died in the late 1460s? Could that be a reason why Stillington was pardoned by Edward after the Readeption?
Re Pardoners, I agree, same with Necromansers - lovely name. Bit like wandering Friars and gypsies, go everywhere, hear everything. H
On Sunday, 21 January 2018, 17:12:40 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary, I don't know if this will help, but I looked up the terms and came up with: Pardoner Usually associated with the sale of Indulgences. In an entry further down there was this: These grants of Indulgences were often entrusted to preachers of note who carried them from town to town, collecting money and using their eloquence to recommend the good work in question and to enhance the spiritual privileges attached to it. Wasn't one of the charges against Margaret that she'd raised money, and presumably sent it out of England? At any rate, once the boys were freed, they'd need money to help in their flight to...wherever. Tower Wardrober A wardrober would have been someone in charge of the clothing and personal effects of another person. The Tower was a Royal palace as well as a fortress, so Tower Wardrober likely refers to a person who worked for the king, but which one? My understanding is that, until after Buckingham's Rebellion, the boys were kept, if not in the Royal apartments, then in ones befitting their rank (not the dungeons, IOW). Which means they'd almost certainly have servants to look after their clothing. Sarjeant of London The spelling/phrasing led me first to wonder why a member of the legal profession was involved, but the other, military meaning could also apply. However, there is the possibility that he was of the legal profession if only because, when the king was absent from London, the Tower would be one of the main sites of government. We know the Council met there, the Mint was located there, so, or so it seems to me, there'd likely be a lot of paperwork flowing in and out. Groom of the Stirrup couldn't find a definition, but there were definitions for Groom of the Chamber and Groom of the Stool (with the latter being exactly what you think it was). However, remembering what I've seen in movies and on television, could a Groom of the Stirrup be providing services such as a doorman might today? Today's doorman might call a taxi, even help one in and out the taxi, possibly see that one's luggage is stowed away. Or, if the hotel is ritzy enough, he might even have one's car brought out or placed in a garage. Would substituting horse for car/taxi gives an idea of what a Groom of the Stirrup might do? I've also seen depictions of processions where a man is apparently leading the horse on which an important person is riding. Sometimes the rider is female, but not always. Whatever the exact duties, it does appear to be a more exalted position than that of someone who worked in the stables. At any rate, we've someone who could have been moving money around for Margaret (that Pardoner), someone who seemingly has time on his hands (the legal or military Sarjeant), someone directly associated with being inside the part of the Tower where the boys were (the Wardrober), and a Groom associated with the most likely means of a rapid exit. Brackenbury was the Constable of the Tower, so I think we can rule out any involvement of him. Now, Buckingham was Constable of England, which would given him enough authority to have the boys moved on their own, wouldn't it? If someone showed up at the Tower with papers saying the boys were to be moved to (fill in the blank), would anyone refuse? Of course, everything would depend on where the Constable of the Tower was and, most importantly, where Richard was, so that there wouldn't be an opportunity to check on those orders. So I'm going for Margaret Beaufort, with possible input from Elizabeth Woodville, as being the one behind the attempt. Doug Who can recommend some hot, buttered toast to go along with the scrambled eggs... Hilary wrote: Hi Nico, they are: William Davy Pardoner Stephen Ireland Tower Wardrober Robert Rushe Sarjeant of London John Smith Groom of the Stirrup So looks like a bit of an inside job. They are very difficult to track down because, as Doug once said, they were probably servants - but of whom? Buckingham held a lot of land virtually everywhere. I'll see if I can get his exact Northants holdings from one of his ancestor's IPM. I'm pretty sure from the 'King's Mother' book that MB visited Buckingham at least once and that he visited her in Guildford. I'll look it up. Re your other post I'm still 'wayting' but I can only do it in bits as it turns your brain to scrambled eggs :)
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] : Buck
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] : Buck
'Considering furthermore that those people whose names are written below were the leading and particular movers, stirrers and doers of the said offences and heinous treasons; that is to say, Henry, late duke of Buckingham, lately standing and being in as great favour, tender trust and affection with our sovereign lord the king as ever any subject was with his prince and liege lord, as was very well and publicly known by all this realm, not being content with this, or with the good and politic governance of his said sovereign lord, but full of rancour and insatiable covetousness; and also John, bishop of Ely, William Knyvet late of Buckenham Castle in the county of Norfolk, knight, John Rushe late of London, merchant, and Thomas Nandyke late of Cambridge, necromancer, being with the same duke at Brecon in Wales on 18 October in the first year of the reign of our said sovereign lord [1483], then and there falsely and traitorously, as false traitors and rebels, intended, conspired, plotted and planned the death and destruction of the most royal person of our said sovereign lord the king, and falsely and traitorously to ......'
Still working on the Russhes. But two in London both associated with Buckingham is a bit of a coincidence.
I don't think Benstede was providing for illegitimate offspring. I do believe he was in debt or wanted to stop his aunt inheriting. Viz:
Reference: E 40/726Description: Grant by William Bensted to William Parre, knt., William Paston, John Russhe, and Thomas Lovell, of the manor of Great Stanbrygge, which descended to him on the death of John Bensted, knt., his father: appointing attorneys to deliver them seisin of the premises. Essex
Note: Fragment of sealDate: 28 June, 20 Edw. IV
I do believe that Edward Benstede, husband of Edmund Dudley's daughter, was someone whose name had been changed to that, so that, like Joan Swete and the Romsey case, he could lay claim to the estates - which he did with the endorsement of the Crown. It proves once more that there was quite a career in inheritance claiming and in particular spotting what lines were about to die out. H
On Monday, 5 February 2018, 15:28:47 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary, If Russhe is such an unusual surname, it seems a pity John can't be linked to Robert! Did the attainder specify what type of merchant John was? It also occurred to me that, presuming the rebellion in October 1483 was instigated to re-instate Edward, he'd need someplace out-of-the-way to hide beforehand, and what better place than the wilds of Wales? BTW, why, if he was a London merchant, was John attainted at Brecon? Or have I misunderstood? It sounds to me as if William Benstede was providing for an illegitimate son; that Edward of unknown parentage. From the way you phrased it, I presume Edward's claims actually got him those estates but, somehow, he managed to do so without proving his parentage? Dodgy, indeed! Doug Hilary wrote: Just digressing a bit, but on the same topic, above there were actually two people with the surname Russhe indicted in 1484. The other was London merchant John Russhe, who was attainted for rebellion at Brecon. (Russhe Tower, Russhe Brecon, Buckingham?)Russhe in its many forms of spelling is quite a rare name at this time but I haven't so far been able to link them. We know quite a bit more about John Russhe though. This is because he came into the possession of the manor of Stambridge, and when he died in 1498, the ownership was contested by his wife and later his daughter. His wife was Isabel Stanley, daughter of Sir John Stanley of Elford in Staffs, a cousin of our two heroes and descendant of the High Sheriff of Warks/Staffs branch of the Stanleys. He didn't marry her though until 1490, when her first husband died (by him she was the grandmother of Bessie Blount). Now Stambridge had belonged for generations to the Benstede family from Benington Herts. William Benstede had been esquire to both Edward IV and Richard but he had no children. Whether he was in debt (which he was) or he didn't want his estate to go to his aunt - Horrox and Gill theorise on both but blame Richard for not paying him enough (!) - he sold £300 of his estates back to Edward and another £500's worth to Stillington in 1485. These are the Marylebone properties that Bray bought back from the Stillington family after the Bishop's death. Benstede died in September 1485 and his IPM awards his properties to his aunt, Ellen. However, they next appear with John Russhe, and after his death there emerges one Edward Benstede, who is knighted by HT and claims the estates and is married to Joyce Dudley, the daughter of Edmund Dudley. No-one has ever found a father for Edward Benstede. Another lovely example of dodgy property dealings. You asked me to let you know when I found some more, Doug.
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Society Forum] : Buck
On Monday, 5 February 2018, 15:28:47 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary, If Russhe is such an unusual surname, it seems a pity John can't be linked to Robert! Did the attainder specify what type of merchant John was? It also occurred to me that, presuming the rebellion in October 1483 was instigated to re-instate Edward, he'd need someplace out-of-the-way to hide beforehand, and what better place than the wilds of Wales? BTW, why, if he was a London merchant, was John attainted at Brecon? Or have I misunderstood? It sounds to me as if William Benstede was providing for an illegitimate son; that Edward of unknown parentage. From the way you phrased it, I presume Edward's claims actually got him those estates but, somehow, he managed to do so without proving his parentage? Dodgy, indeed! Doug Hilary wrote: Just digressing a bit, but on the same topic, above there were actually two people with the surname Russhe indicted in 1484. The other was London merchant John Russhe, who was attainted for rebellion at Brecon. (Russhe Tower, Russhe Brecon, Buckingham?)Russhe in its many forms of spelling is quite a rare name at this time but I haven't so far been able to link them. We know quite a bit more about John Russhe though. This is because he came into the possession of the manor of Stambridge, and when he died in 1498, the ownership was contested by his wife and later his daughter. His wife was Isabel Stanley, daughter of Sir John Stanley of Elford in Staffs, a cousin of our two heroes and descendant of the High Sheriff of Warks/Staffs branch of the Stanleys. He didn't marry her though until 1490, when her first husband died (by him she was the grandmother of Bessie Blount). Now Stambridge had belonged for generations to the Benstede family from Benington Herts. William Benstede had been esquire to both Edward IV and Richard but he had no children. Whether he was in debt (which he was) or he didn't want his estate to go to his aunt - Horrox and Gill theorise on both but blame Richard for not paying him enough (!) - he sold £300 of his estates back to Edward and another £500's worth to Stillington in 1485. These are the Marylebone properties that Bray bought back from the Stillington family after the Bishop's death. Benstede died in September 1485 and his IPM awards his properties to his aunt, Ellen. However, they next appear with John Russhe, and after his death there emerges one Edward Benstede, who is knighted by HT and claims the estates and is married to Joyce Dudley, the daughter of Edmund Dudley. No-one has ever found a father for Edward Benstede. Another lovely example of dodgy property dealings. You asked me to let you know when I found some more, Doug.
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum
I think both these events, and the October rebellions, were serious strategic mistakes by the Woodvilles. They seem to have succeeded in building quite a body of support amongst their former gentry colleagues, dispossessed old Lancaster. That's what may have given them the confidence to act as they did when Edward died? Later, when King Richard set out on his Progress (and charm offensive) they might have realised that they had to act fast, or their body of support would start to erode. Richard had already shown that he wanted to woo the country not just London, he might also become more generous with old offenders. So regardless of boys in Towers they had to act then. Until for some reason Buckingham rashly waded in and upset the apple cart.
Whilst we're on the topic of the Council can I ask something about Stillington's revelation? Would one of the reasons he revealed it there be because he could only reveal it to a superior cleric and the two Archbishops were members? It might perhaps explain why it went to Council first? Just a thought. H
On Monday, 5 February 2018, 23:15:11 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary wrote: I can't get hold of Carson but I did go back to Ross. It was likely, he believes not unreasonably, that the Council summoned by the Woodvilles in the days after Edward's death would take for their model that set up in 1422 on the death of Henry V. That Council went out of it's way to curb the powers of Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, who had been named by his brother as Protector. It's an illustration of how the influence of a king as powerful of Henry V can be terminated by death. Doug here: I guess I have to disagree with Ross, then. If the Woodvilles could get a majority of the Council to agree to a Protectorate on the lines of the on Duke Humphrey faced, then there would have been no need for a rushed coronation, would there? A period of six to eight weeks between the death of a king and the coronation of his successor seems to be the usual, yet the Woodvilles were cutting that down to less than four weeks. They were risking angering all sorts of important people who could normally expect to play a part in Edward's coronation, why? Could I have been that, as a crowned king, Edward could, on the advice of his relatives, dismiss Council members and appoint replacements, thus changing the Council's composition to one more friendly to the Woodvilles? And, needless to say, establish just the sort of Protectorate that so frustrated the previous Duke of Gloucester? Hilary continued: Richard had not actually been named Protector, as many historians are eager to point out, and Dorset's statement about the power of the Woodvilles was in response to attempts by the Council to already start imposing such limitations. Ross cites Roskell who defines the role of the Council - 'they must act pending the appointment of a sworn council of the regular kind, not only as the king's advisers but as virtually constituting the executive'. And indeed they had already re-appointed the judges. So if the majority of the Council were on the side of the Woodvilles, then Richard's days as Constable were indeed numbered. For example, given that the Office put him in charge of the armed forces he wasn't involved in the measures taken by the Council for the defense of the realm against Louis XI. It's very difficult to say what is 'legal' in the circumstances since none of this was enshrined in Law. Doug here: I wonder if such remarks as those attributed to Dorset weren't the result of anything the Council had already done, but more as a threat because the Council hadn't done what he wanted? It seems to me that the Council and its' members were a hybrid; a cross between a modern-day Cabinet and the upper reaches of the Civil Service. The Council wouldn't, usually anyway, be involved in decision-making unless the king asked for an opinion. However, in this situation, while there is a king, he's not only not in London, but he's a minor and has just inherited the throne IOW, the Council was making decisions that, they hoped, would meet with Edward's approval when he did arrive. So they limited their official actions to re-appointing judges and guarding against Louis XI, neither of which would have been particularly controversial. But notice what the Council didn't do: it didn't proclaim Richard as Protector. That would require Edward V's agreement, as his father's will, except for personal bequests, couldn't bind the new king's actions. Hilary continued: A lot of people have Richard grabbing the King and executing Rivers as his way of surviving and taking over. But given the above, he couldn't have got anywhere without the approval of the Council. The fact that he did suggests that did endorse his actions. As for military action, it was actually Rivers roaming round the countryside with a hoard of Welsh soldiers, not Richard with his modest band from York - so no armed coup. Ross of course totally discards the Pre Contract in a sentence and, like Horsepool, puts it all down to Richard's fear. Doug here: I think the fact that the Council, as it was constituted on Edward IV's death, approved Richard's actions, is the reason the Woodvilles wanted Edward V in London and crowned. Because that would have given them the opportunity to reshape the Council into one that was more to their liking. Once Edward was crowned, any refusal to obey him, say in resigning a position on the Council, would be treason. The only option left to the opponents of the Woodvilles would have been to rebel and hope they could gain custody of Edward, running things in his name, if not with his complete agreement. IOW, back to the bad old days of Edward III, Richard II and the later portion of Henry VI's reign! Hilary concluded: BTW Doug, we have two versions of who babysat Edward. One has Rivers, Grey, Vaughan and Haute riding to Northampton, the other only Rivers riding to Northampton and the others being arrested when Richard got to Stony Stratford. In either case I find it astonishing that Rivers would leave such a prized charge with anyone. Doug here: It would certainly be nice to find out just where Rivers did spend the night of 29/30 April, wouldn't it? Of course, if Edward was being used as bait, then Rivers wouldn't want to be anywhere near him, would he? The more I think of it, the more I tend to believe that not only was there a plan for an ambush, but its' aim wasn't directed at Richard as, say, Protector-to-be, but at Richard as a figure around which an un-reconstructed Council could gather and frustrate the Woodvilles' plans. Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum
On 6 Feb 2018, at 11:14, Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... [] <> wrote:
Doug here:I think the fact that the Council, as it was constituted on Edward IV's death, approved Richard's actions, is the reason the Woodvilles wanted Edward V in London and crowned. Because that would have given them the opportunity to reshape the Council into one that was more to their liking. Once Edward was crowned, any refusal to obey him, say in resigning a position on the Council, would be treason.
Still reminding you that Richard remained Constable, and the important thing to remember is that between the death of the king and the coronation of the next the most powerful man in the land was the Constable. Richard had assumed the powers of the king the moment Edward died. This is without doubt the reason for the Woodvilles to do all they could to get Edward to London and crown him before Richard could act.Paul
Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum
That would have been a good reason why Stillington went to the Council; if he did get the information from a confession; a combination of needing a superior cleric in addition to the subject of the confession being of national importance. However, I don't think that a report of a confession by itself would be sufficient for the council to endorse regime change. There must have been some further investigation to back it up and the desperate behaviour of Hastings and the Woodvilles suggests that what they learned was almost certain to be accepted.
Doug: If the Woodvilles could get a majority of the Council to agree to a Protectorate on the lines of the on Duke Humphrey faced, then there would have been no need for a rushed coronation, would there? A period of six to eight weeks between the death of a king and the coronation of his successor seems to be the usual, yet the Woodvilles were cutting that down to less than four weeks.
This asks the ultimate question for me about the Woodvilles: why were they so determined to push Richard aside to the extent of resorting to violence and a possible ambush? Was it just an unwillingness to share power with him or could Richard have something else on them that AW knew would lead to them being consigned to the wilderness? Richard had a quickly arranged coronation, but that was understandable under the unstable circumstances. I'm beginning to wonder if they had heard some rumours about the precontract, and all these unusual routes and indications of plans for an ambush were AW's idea of how to deal with it.
There have been so many insightful comments this week. I have been following, but too busy to join in. Good to see the forum thriving.
Nico
On Tuesday, 6 February 2018, 10:20:02 GMT, Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... [] <> wrote:
Yes I do indeed agree with your last point. Actual knowledge about who turned out for the Council seems quite vague and relies to an extent on Croyland I believe. Interestingly Bourchier didn't seem to be there and neither did Suffolk or Arundel, though they sent their sons (making it up again). Apparently Arundel claimed to be too old and ill to attend but he clearly recovered very well to play a full part in Richard's coronation and then betray him! One does wonder how much of all this was strategic. According to Mancini they voted against the notion of a full regency but agreed that Richard could be chief member of the Council in spite of a letter which Richard had sent to them and had circulated round London saying that he would not abuse his powers. Does anyone know of this letter? It's not referenced.
I think both these events, and the October rebellions, were serious strategic mistakes by the Woodvilles. They seem to have succeeded in building quite a body of support amongst their former gentry colleagues, dispossessed old Lancaster. That's what may have given them the confidence to act as they did when Edward died? Later, when King Richard set out on his Progress (and charm offensive) they might have realised that they had to act fast, or their body of support would start to erode. Richard had already shown that he wanted to woo the country not just London, he might also become more generous with old offenders. So regardless of boys in Towers they had to act then. Until for some reason Buckingham rashly waded in and upset the apple cart.
Whilst we're on the topic of the Council can I ask something about Stillington's revelation? Would one of the reasons he revealed it there be because he could only reveal it to a superior cleric and the two Archbishops were members? It might perhaps explain why it went to Council first? Just a thought. H
On Monday, 5 February 2018, 23:15:11 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary wrote: I can't get hold of Carson but I did go back to Ross. It was likely, he believes not unreasonably, that the Council summoned by the Woodvilles in the days after Edward's death would take for their model that set up in 1422 on the death of Henry V. That Council went out of it's way to curb the powers of Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, who had been named by his brother as Protector. It's an illustration of how the influence of a king as powerful of Henry V can be terminated by death. Doug here: I guess I have to disagree with Ross, then. If the Woodvilles could get a majority of the Council to agree to a Protectorate on the lines of the on Duke Humphrey faced, then there would have been no need for a rushed coronation, would there? A period of six to eight weeks between the death of a king and the coronation of his successor seems to be the usual, yet the Woodvilles were cutting that down to less than four weeks. They were risking angering all sorts of important people who could normally expect to play a part in Edward's coronation, why? Could I have been that, as a crowned king, Edward could, on the advice of his relatives, dismiss Council members and appoint replacements, thus changing the Council's composition to one more friendly to the Woodvilles? And, needless to say, establish just the sort of Protectorate that so frustrated the previous Duke of Gloucester? Hilary continued: Richard had not actually been named Protector, as many historians are eager to point out, and Dorset's statement about the power of the Woodvilles was in response to attempts by the Council to already start imposing such limitations. Ross cites Roskell who defines the role of the Council - 'they must act pending the appointment of a sworn council of the regular kind, not only as the king's advisers but as virtually constituting the executive'. And indeed they had already re-appointed the judges. So if the majority of the Council were on the side of the Woodvilles, then Richard's days as Constable were indeed numbered. For example, given that the Office put him in charge of the armed forces he wasn't involved in the measures taken by the Council for the defense of the realm against Louis XI. It's very difficult to say what is 'legal' in the circumstances since none of this was enshrined in Law. Doug here: I wonder if such remarks as those attributed to Dorset weren't the result of anything the Council had already done, but more as a threat because the Council hadn't done what he wanted? It seems to me that the Council and its' members were a hybrid; a cross between a modern-day Cabinet and the upper reaches of the Civil Service. The Council wouldn't, usually anyway, be involved in decision-making unless the king asked for an opinion. However, in this situation, while there is a king, he's not only not in London, but he's a minor and has just inherited the throne IOW, the Council was making decisions that, they hoped, would meet with Edward's approval when he did arrive. So they limited their official actions to re-appointing judges and guarding against Louis XI, neither of which would have been particularly controversial. But notice what the Council didn't do: it didn't proclaim Richard as Protector. That would require Edward V's agreement, as his father's will, except for personal bequests, couldn't bind the new king's actions. Hilary continued: A lot of people have Richard grabbing the King and executing Rivers as his way of surviving and taking over. But given the above, he couldn't have got anywhere without the approval of the Council. The fact that he did suggests that did endorse his actions. As for military action, it was actually Rivers roaming round the countryside with a hoard of Welsh soldiers, not Richard with his modest band from York - so no armed coup. Ross of course totally discards the Pre Contract in a sentence and, like Horsepool, puts it all down to Richard's fear. Doug here: I think the fact that the Council, as it was constituted on Edward IV's death, approved Richard's actions, is the reason the Woodvilles wanted Edward V in London and crowned. Because that would have given them the opportunity to reshape the Council into one that was more to their liking. Once Edward was crowned, any refusal to obey him, say in resigning a position on the Council, would be treason. The only option left to the opponents of the Woodvilles would have been to rebel and hope they could gain custody of Edward, running things in his name, if not with his complete agreement. IOW, back to the bad old days of Edward III, Richard II and the later portion of Henry VI's reign! Hilary concluded: BTW Doug, we have two versions of who babysat Edward. One has Rivers, Grey, Vaughan and Haute riding to Northampton, the other only Rivers riding to Northampton and the others being arrested when Richard got to Stony Stratford. In either case I find it astonishing that Rivers would leave such a prized charge with anyone. Doug here: It would certainly be nice to find out just where Rivers did spend the night of 29/30 April, wouldn't it? Of course, if Edward was being used as bait, then Rivers wouldn't want to be anywhere near him, would he? The more I think of it, the more I tend to believe that not only was there a plan for an ambush, but its' aim wasn't directed at Richard as, say, Protector-to-be, but at Richard as a figure around which an un-reconstructed Council could gather and frustrate the Woodvilles' plans. Doug
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Hilary wrote:
"Not if there was a significant change in regime Stephen. John de Vere took over from Richard during the Readeption."
Carol responds:
That was completely different, the restoration of a regime that the Yorkists had overthrown, not the continuation of the Yorkist dynasty. Both Edward and Richard were declared traitors by the new Henry VI/Warwick regime, a complete contrast to the brother of the late king and uncle of the new one who had the complete trust of Edward IV and had been appointed both Constable and Lord Admiral for life, as well as named Protector in E4's will. Far from being a traitor whose life was forfeit (as he was during the Readeption), he was the most important man in the realm--and AW, it appears, did not want him controlling both the realm and the new king.
Carol
Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum] Re:Buckingham's R
1) Edward IV's codicil named Richard as Lord Protector. NOBODY, even the Wydevilles, contradicted this; they just tried to limit his powers.
2) The Constable's powers survived one monarch into the reign of the next, as Paul has stated at least twice.
3) Logically, Stillington either witnessed the 1461 marriage as a Canon or was told soon afterwards by Edward. His promotion to the see of Bath and Wells comes within months of the bigamy at the first possible opportunity afterwards. It is unnecessary to invent a second, third or fourth priest to transmit any message to him by whatever means.
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From: Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... []
Sent: 05 February 2018 10:25
To:
Subject: Re: RE: {Disarmed} Re: RE: Re:Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
I can't get hold of Carson but I did go back to Ross. It was likely, he believes not unreasonably, that the Council summoned by the Woodvilles in the days after Edward's death would take for their model that set up in 1422 on the death of Henry V. That Council went out of it's way to curb the powers of Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, who had been named by his brother as Protector. It's an illustration of how the influence of a king as powerful of Henry V can be terminated by death.
Richard had not actually been named Protector, as many historians are eager to point out, and Dorset's statement about the power of the Woodvilles was in response to attempts by the Council to already start imposing such limitations. Ross cites Roskell who defines the role of the Council - 'they must act pending the appointment of a sworn council of the regular kind, not only as the king's advisers but as virtually constituting the executive'. And indeed they had already re-appointed the judges. So if the majority of the Council were on the side of the Woodvilles, then Richard's days as Constable were indeed numbered. For example, given that the Office put him in charge of the armed forces he wasn't involved in the measures taken by the Council for the defense of the realm against Louis XI. It's very difficult to say what is 'legal' in the circumstances since none of this was enshrined in Law.
A lot of people have Richard grabbing the King and executing Rivers as his way of surviving and taking over. But given the above, he couldn't have got anywhere without the approval of the Council. The fact that he did suggests that did endorse his actions. As for military action, it was actually Rivers roaming round the countryside with a hoard of Welsh soldiers, not Richard with his modest band from York - so no armed coup. Ross of course totally discards the Pre Contract in a sentence and, like Horsepool, puts it all down to Richard's fear.
BTW Doug, we have two versions of who babysat Edward. One has Rivers, Grey, Vaughan and Haute riding to Northampton, the other only Rivers riding to Northampton and the others being arrested when Richard got to Stony Stratford. In either case I find it astonishing that Rivers would leave such a prized charge with anyone. H
On Sunday, 4 February 2018, 18:49:18 GMT, Stephen stephenmlark@... [] <> wrote:
Correct.
Carson wrote in depth about this.
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From: 'Doug Stamate' destama@... []
Sent: 04 February 2018 18:09
To:
Subject: Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Hilary wrote:
Not if there was a significant change in regime Stephen. John de Vere took over from Richard during the Readeption. Some others, like Humphrey Stafford and Richard Woodville conveniently got themselves killed at just the right moment. The only real continuity was with the Bohuns with whom it was an inherited office. Like the succession itself, it was make it up as you go along. After all, what if Richard had let Buckingham live, would he have said the King couldn't take his Office from him? I suppose that this is an example of 'disappointment' but that is very subjective..
Doug here:
If I'm understanding the process correctly, it's not unlike a bequest in a will, isn't it? The main difference being that the bequest goes to the beneficiary while the testator, in this case Edward IV, is still living. However, as long as Edward is alive, he always has the ability to change that bequest, even if the terms of the bequest were for the life of the beneficiary. What matters in our case is that if, at the death of the king making the bequest [Edward IV], the beneficiary [Richard] continues in possession of it unless or until the new king [Edward V] makes any changes. Nor, again if I understand the process correctly, would Richard have to apply for any re-confirmation of his possession of the office of Constable, that was covered by his holding that office until his own demise; again until/unless it was revoked by the new king. BTW, am I correct in presuming that someone in possession of, say, the fees of a manor as a result of a grant by Edward IV, would have to re-apply for that grant from the new king? It does seem to me that it really boils down to those two things; how the grant of the Constableship was phrased and, presuming the phraseology was similar, what was expected of those who held grants such as fees from manors.
Although de Vere becoming Constable upon Henry VI's return was the result of a revolt, not death, changing the regime, the process was the same; a new king always has the power to change any and all such bequests, as well as any and all other appointments made by the previous monarch. However, until any changes were made, the old bequests and appointments remained in force. Just another example of at the pleasure of the king, if you will.
Hilary concluded:
Rivers would only have to claim that Richard had acted in a similar treasonable way, invoked 'disappointment' and the Council would have appointed another Constable.
Things like this are fraught with issues. For example you probably know Chief Justice Sir John Markham made a ruling that the King could not prosecute an individual for treason, because the King was the intended victim. Very sensible really. Needless to say Edward fell out with him.
Doug here:
Until Edward V revoked the appointment of Richard as Constable-for-life made by Edward IV, Richard would have retained that position's full authority and powers. Thus, strictly speaking, anything Richard did would have been legal, but whether his actions would have had the Council's approval would be a separate question.
Well, as long as the Woodville's didn't control the Council......
Doug
Who wonders if we have the exact wording of Edward's grant to Richard anywhere?
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
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From: justcarol67@... []
Sent: 06 February 2018 16:54
To:
Subject: Re: RE: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Hilary wrote:
"Not if there was a significant change in regime Stephen. John de Vere took over from Richard during the Readeption."
Carol responds:
That was completely different, the restoration of a regime that the Yorkists had overthrown, not the continuation of the Yorkist dynasty. Both Edward and Richard were declared traitors by the new Henry VI/Warwick regime, a complete contrast to the brother of the late king and uncle of the new one who had the complete trust of Edward IV and had been appointed both Constable and Lord Admiral for life, as well as named Protector in E4's will. Far from being a traitor whose life was forfeit (as he was during the Readeption), he was the most importa nt man in the realm--and AW, it appears, did not want him controlling both the realm and the new king.
Carol
Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's
Hilary wrote:
"I can't get hold of Carson but I did go back to Ross."
Carol responds:
Hilary, Carson's book on Richard as Protector and Constable is available on Kindle (from Amazon) for $4.61 (odd price!). Don't know how much that is in English currency, but it can't be mush. And it's very much worth reading.
Carol
Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's
Carol earlier:
"Don't know how much that is in English currency, but it can't be mush."
Carol again:
Er, make that "much." But it can't be "mush," either.
BTW, is anyone else having trouble with posts not loading on the forum site? I keep having to hit Reload or go back to Conversations. Could be my browser, I guess. I may be the only person on the forum using SeaMonkey.
Carol
Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum] Re:Buckingham's R
On 6 Feb 2018, at 18:00, Stephen stephenmlark@... [] <> wrote:
I have both the Carson volumes to hand, including Richard, Duke of Gloucester, as Lord Protector and HIGH CONSTABLE of England. When I have a moment, I shall consult the latter in full, including the Henry V-VI precedent, but can be sure that they will confirm:
1) Edward IV's codicil named Richard as Lord Protector. NOBODY, even the Wydevilles, contradicted this; they just tried to limit his powers.
2) The Constable's powers survived one monarch into the reign of the next, as Paul has stated at least twice.
3) Logically, Stillington either witnessed the 1461 marriage as a Canon or was told soon afterwards by Edward. His promotion to the see of Bath and Wells comes within months of the bigamy at the first possible opportunity afterwards. It is unnecessary to invent a second, third or fourth priest to transmit any message to him by whatever means.
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From: Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... []
Sent: 05 February 2018 10:25
To:
Subject: Re: RE: {Disarmed} Re: RE: Re:Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
I can't get hold of Carson but I did go back to Ross. It was likely, he believes not unreasonably, that the Council summoned by the Woodvilles in the days after Edward's death would take for their model that set up in 1422 on the death of Henry V. That Council went out of it's way to curb the powers of Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, who had been named by his brother as Protector. It's an illustration of how the influence of a king as powerful of Henry V can be terminated by death.
Richard had not actually been named Protector, as many historians are eager to point out, and Dorset's statement about the power of the Woodvilles was in response to attempts by the Council to already start imposing such limitations. Ross cites Roskell who defines the role of the Council - 'they must act pending the appointment of a sworn council of the regular kind, not only as the king's advisers but as virtually constituting the executive'. And indeed they had already re-appointed the judges. So if the majority of the Council were on the side of the Woodvilles, then Richard's days as Constable were indeed numbered. For example, given that the Office put him in charge of the armed forces he wasn't involved in the measures taken by the Council for the defense of the realm against Louis XI. It's very difficult to say what is 'legal' in the circumstances since none of this was enshrined in Law.
A lot of people have Richard grabbing the King and executing Rivers as his way of surviving and taking over. But given the above, he couldn't have got anywhere without the approval of the Council. The fact that he did suggests that did endorse his actions. As for military action, it was actually Rivers roaming round the countryside with a hoard of Welsh soldiers, not Richard with his modest band from York - so no armed coup. Ross of course totally discards the Pre Contract in a sentence and, like Horsepool, puts it all down to Richard's fear.
BTW Doug, we have two versions of who babysat Edward. One has Rivers, Grey, Vaughan and Haute riding to Northampton, the other only Rivers riding to Northampton and the others being arrested when Richard got to Stony Stratford. In either case I find it astonishing that Rivers would leave such a prized charge with anyone. H
On Sunday, 4 February 2018, 18:49:18 GMT, Stephen stephenmlark@...[] <> wrote:
Correct.
Carson wrote in depth about this.
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From: 'Doug Stamate' destama@... []
Sent: 04 February 2018 18:09
To:
Subject: Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Hilary wrote:
Not if there was a significant change in regime Stephen. John de Vere took over from Richard during the Readeption. Some others, like Humphrey Stafford and Richard Woodville conveniently got themselves killed at just the right moment. The only real continuity was with the Bohuns with whom it was an inherited office. Like the succession itself, it was make it up as you go along. After all, what if Richard had let Buckingham live, would he have said the King couldn't take his Office from him? I suppose that this is an example of 'disappointment' but that is very subjective..
Doug here:
If I'm understanding the process correctly, it's not unlike a bequest in a will, isn't it? The main difference being that the bequest goes to the beneficiary while the testator, in this case Edward IV, is still living. However, as long as Edward is alive, he always has the ability to change that bequest, even if the terms of the bequest were for the life of the beneficiary. What matters in our case is that if, at the death of the king making the bequest [Edward IV], the beneficiary [Richard] continues in possession of it unless or until the new king [Edward V] makes any changes. Nor, again if I understand the process correctly, would Richard have to apply for any re-confirmation of his possession of the office of Constable, that was covered by his holding that office until his own demise; again until/unless it was revoked by the new king. BTW, am I correct in presuming that someone in possession of, say, the fees of a manor as a result of a grant by Edward IV, would have to re-apply for that grant from the new king? It does seem to me that it really boils down to those two things; how the grant of the Constableship was phrased and, presuming the phraseology was similar, what was expected of those who held grants such as fees from manors.
Although de Vere becoming Constable upon Henry VI's return was the result of a revolt, not death, changing the regime, the process was the same; a new king always has the power to change any and all such bequests, as well as any and all other appointments made by the previous monarch. However, until any changes were made, the old bequests and appointments remained in force. Just another example of at the pleasure of the king, if you will.
Hilary concluded:
Rivers would only have to claim that Richard had acted in a similar treasonable way, invoked 'disappointment' and the Council would have appointed another Constable.
Things like this are fraught with issues. For example you probably know Chief Justice Sir John Markham made a ruling that the King could not prosecute an individual for treason, because the King was the intended victim. Very sensible really. Needless to say Edward fell out with him.
Doug here:
Until Edward V revoked the appointment of Richard as Constable-for-life made by Edward IV, Richard would have retained that position's full authority and powers. Thus, strictly speaking, anything Richard did would have been legal, but whether his actions would have had the Council's approval would be a separate question.
Well, as long as the Woodville's didn't control the Council.......
Doug
Who wonders if we have the exact wording of Edward's grant to Richard anywhere?
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum] Re:Buckingham'sRe
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From: Bale Paul Trevr bale.paul-trevor@... []
Sent: 06 February 2018 18:13
To:
Subject: Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: Re:Buckingham'sRebellion and the Precontract
Glad you got Annette's book. Very good it is too, as are all he writings on Richard and those about him and during his time.
Paul
On 6 Feb 2018, at 18:00, Stephen stephenmlark@... [] <> wrote:
I have both the Carson volumes to hand, including Richard, Duke of Gloucester, as Lord Protector and HIGH CONSTABLE of England. When I have a moment, I shall consult the latter in full, including the Henry V-VI precedent, but can be sure that they will confirm:
1) Edward IV's codicil named Richard as Lord Protector. NOBODY, even the Wydevilles, contradicted this; they just tried to limit his powers.
2) The Constable's powers survived one monarch into the reign of the next, as Paul has stated at least twice.
3) Logically, Stillington either witnessed the 1461 marriage as a Canon or was told soon afterwards by Edward. His promotion to the see of Bath and Wells comes within months of the bigamy at the first possible opportunity afterwards. It is unnecessary to invent a second, third or fourth priest to transmit any message to him by whatever means.
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From: Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... []
Sent: 05 February 2018 10:25
To:
Subject: Re: RE: {Disarmed} Re: RE: Re:Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
I can't get hold of Carson but I did go back to Ross. It was likely, he believes not unreasonably, that the Council summoned by the Woodvilles in the days after Edward's death would take for their model that set up in 1422 on the death of Henry V. That Council went out of it's way to curb the powers of Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, who had been named by his brother as Protector. It's an illustration of how the influence of a king as powerful of Henry V can be terminated by death.
Richard had not actually been named Protector, as many historians are eager to point out, and Dorset's statement about the power of the Woodvilles was in response to attempts by the Council to already start imposing such limitations. Ross cites Roskell who defines the role of the Council - 'they must act pending the appointment of a sworn council of the regular kind, not only as the king's advisers but as virtually constituting the executive'. And indeed they had already re-appointed the judges. So if the majority of the Council were on the side of the Woodvilles, then Richard's days as Constable were indeed numbered. For example, given that the Office put him in charge of the armed forces he wasn't involved in the measures taken by the Council for the defense of the realm against Louis XI. It's very difficult to say what is 'legal' in the circumstances since none of this was enshrined in Law.
A lot of people have Richard grabbing the King and executing Rivers as his way of surviving and taking over. But given the above, he couldn't have got anywhere without the approval of the Council. The fact that he did suggests that did endorse his actions. As for military action, it was actually Rivers roaming round the countryside with a hoard of Welsh soldiers, not Richard with his modest band from York - so no armed coup. Ross of course totally discards the Pre Contract in a sentence and, like Horsepool, puts it all down to Richard's fear.
BTW Doug, we have two versions of who babysat Edward. One has Rivers, Grey, Vaughan and Haute riding to Northampton, the other only Rivers riding to Northampton and the others being arrested when Richard got to Stony Stratford. In either case I find it astonishing that Rivers would leave such a prized charge with anyone. H
On Sunday, 4 February 2018, 18:49:18 GMT, Stephen stephenmlark@...[] <> wrote:
Correct.
Carson wrote in depth about this.
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From: 'Doug Stamate' destama@... []
Sent: 04 February 2018 18:09
To:
Subject: Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Hilary wrote:
Not if there was a significant change in regime Stephen. John de Vere took over from Richard during the Readeption. Some others, like Humphrey Stafford and Richard Woodville conveniently got themselves killed at just the right moment. The only real continuity was with the Bohuns with whom it was an inherited office. Like the succession itself, it was make it up as you go along. After all, what if Richard had let Buckingham live, would he have said the King couldn't take his Office from him? I suppose that this is an example of 'disappointment' but that is very subjective..
Doug here:
If I'm understanding the process correctly, it's not unlike a bequest in a will, isn't it? The main difference being that the bequest goes to the beneficiary while the testator, in this case Edward IV, is still living. However, as long as Edward is alive, he always has the ability to change that bequest, even if the terms of the bequest were for the life of the beneficiary. What matters in our case is that if, at the death of the king making the bequest [Edward IV], the beneficiary [Richard] continues in possession of it unless or until the new king [Edward V] makes any changes. Nor, again if I understand the process correctly, would Richard have to apply for any re-confirmation of his possession of the office of Constable, that was covered by his holding that office until his own demise; again until/unless it was revoked by the new king. BTW, am I correct in presuming that someone in possession of, say, the fees of a manor as a result of a grant by Edward IV, would have to re-apply for that grant from the new king? It does seem to me that it really boils down to those two things; how the grant of the Constableship was phrased and, presuming the phraseology was similar, what was expected of those who held grants such as fees from manors.
Although de Vere becoming Constable upon Henry VI's return was the result of a revolt, not death, changing the regime, the process was the same; a new king always has the power to change any and all such bequests, as well as any and all other appointments made by the previous monarch. However, until any changes were made, the old bequests and appointments remained in force. Just another example of at the pleasure of the king, if you will.
Hilary concluded:
Rivers would only have to claim that Richard had acted in a similar treasonable way, invoked 'disappointment' and the Council would have appointed another Constable.
Things like this are fraught with issues. For example you probably know Chief Justice Sir John Markham made a ruling that the King could not prosecute an individual for treason, because the King was the intended victim. Very sensible really. Needless to say Edward fell out with him.
Doug here:
Until Edward V revoked the appointment of Richard as Constable-for-life made by Edward IV, Richard would have retained that position's full authority and powers. Thus, strictly speaking, anything Richard did would have been legal, but whether his actions would have had the Council's approval would be a separate question.
Well, as long as the Woodville's didn't control the Council.......
Doug
Who wonders if we have the exact wording of Edward's grant to Richard anywhere?
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Societ
Note: Fragment of seal Date: 28 June, 20 Edw. IV
I do believe that Edward Benstede, husband of Edmund Dudley's daughter, was someone whose name had been changed to that, so that, like Joan Swete and the Romsey case, he could lay claim to the estates - which he did with the endorsement of the Crown. It proves once more that there was quite a career in inheritance claiming and in particular spotting what lines were about to die out. Doug here: So, if I understand it properly, this Edward Bensted was most likely not even a remote relation, but rather a ringer brought in to lay claim to properties? Tch, tch! Merry Olde England indeed! Doug
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Re: Buckingham's Rebelli
So Richard was vulnerable and I agree entirely with your views on AWs standpoint and that of the Woodvilles. As I said to Doug this was their chance. We are on the same side all of us but we have to be objective about legalities. There were none, only precedent which could be changed at will. H
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On Tuesday, February 6, 2018, 4:54 pm, justcarol67@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary wrote:
"Not if there was a significant change in regime Stephen. John de Vere took over from Richard during the Readeption."
Carol responds:
That was completely different, the restoration of a regime that the Yorkists had overthrown, not the continuation of the Yorkist dynasty. Both Edward and Richard were declared traitors by the new Henry VI/Warwick regime, a complete contrast to the brother of the late king and uncle of the new one who had the complete trust of Edward IV and had been appointed both Constable and Lord Admiral for life, as well as named Protector in E4's will. Far from being a traitor whose life was forfeit (as he was during the Readeption), he was the most important man in the realm--and AW, it appears, did not want him controlling both the realm and the new king.
Carol
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's
"Until Edward V revoked the appointment of Richard as Constable-for-life made by Edward IV, Richard would have retained that position's full authority and powers. Thus, strictly speaking, anything Richard did would have been legal, but whether his actions would have had the Council's approval would be a separate question.
Well, as long as the Woodville's didn't control the Council..."
Carol responds:
We know (from Croyland) that the Council *did* approve Richard's actions (he wrote to them explaining what had happened) and that Dorset's attempts to raise an army against him failed utterly (so Dorset fled sanctuary). If only we had Richard's letter to the council!
Carol
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Mary
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's
On Wednesday, 7 February 2018, 00:29:32 GMT, justcarol67@... [] <> wrote:
Doug wrote:
"Until Edward V revoked the appointment of Richard as Constable-for-life made by Edward IV, Richard would have retained that position's full authority and powers. Thus, strictly speaking, anything Richard did would have been legal, but whether his actions would have had the Council's approval would be a separate question.
Well, as long as the Woodville's didn't control the Council..."
Carol responds:
We know (from Croyland) that the Council *did* approve Richard's actions (he wrote to them explaining what had happened) and that Dorset's attempts to raise an army against him failed utterly (so Dorset fled sanctuary). If only we had Richard's letter to the council!
Carol
Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: [Richard III Societ
BTW that contested inheritance of Walter Romsey by Joan Swete which Edward upheld was no small thing. Walter's mother was Margaret Biset, the last of the Bisets and owner of the manor of Kidderminster. Manassees Biset her ancestor had been steward to Henry II.
And re Edward Benstede, there's one deed which calls him William Cowper (I think will have to find it again) alias Edward Benstede. Well Empson & Dudley were famous for that sort of thing. H
On Tuesday, 6 February 2018, 18:49:06 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary wrote: Doug from the 1484 Parliament : 'Considering furthermore that those people whose names are written below were the leading and particular movers, stirrers and doers of the said offences and heinous treasons; that is to say, Henry, late duke of Buckingham, lately standing and being in as great favour, tender trust and affection with our sovereign lord the king as ever any subject was with his prince and liege lord, as was very well and publicly known by all this realm, not being content with this, or with the good and politic governance of his said sovereign lord, but full of rancour and insatiable covetousness; and also John, bishop of Ely, William Knyvet late of Buckenham Castle in the county of Norfolk, knight, John Rushe late of London, merchant, and Thomas Nandyke late of Cambridge, necromancer, being with the same duke at Brecon in Wales on 18 October in the first year of the reign of our said sovereign lord [1483], then and there falsely and traitorously, as false traitors and rebels, intended, conspired, plotted and planned the death and destruction of the most royal person of our said sovereign lord the king, and falsely and traitorously to ......' Still working on the Russhes. But two in London both associated with Buckingham is a bit of a coincidence. Doug here: If Rushe wasn't that a common name during this period, I'd be tempted to go beyond coincidence! There's also the question what was a merchant of London doing in Brecon, Wales? Unless he was associated in some way with the wool trade? Whatever, and unless he travelled all the way at the gallop, he was in the London area until around 11 October. Perhaps he was bringing information on the readiness of the rebels in the southern counties, with Knyvet doing the same for the area north of London? Where's a GPS tracker when you need it? Hilary concluded: I don't think Benstede was providing for illegitimate offspring. I do believe he was in debt or wanted to stop his aunt inheriting. Viz: Reference: E 40/726 Description: Grant by William Bensted to William Parre, knt., William Paston, John Russhe, and Thomas Lovell, of the manor of Great Stanbrygge, which descended to him on the death of John Bensted, knt., his father: appointing attorneys to deliver them seisin of the premises. Essex
Note: Fragment of seal Date: 28 June, 20 Edw.. IV
I do believe that Edward Benstede, husband of Edmund Dudley's daughter, was someone whose name had been changed to that, so that, like Joan Swete and the Romsey case, he could lay claim to the estates - which he did with the endorsement of the Crown. It proves once more that there was quite a career in inheritance claiming and in particular spotting what lines were about to die out. Doug here: So, if I understand it properly, this Edward Bensted was most likely not even a remote relation, but rather a ringer brought in to lay claim to properties? Tch, tch! Merry Olde England indeed! Doug
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Mary
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
On Wednesday, 7 February 2018, 14:44:26 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
Sorry about this appearing several times. there was some difficulty sending it but I didn't realise that it had been sent several times
Mary
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard II
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's
Envoyé de mon iPad
Le 7 févr. 2018 à 01:16, justcarol67@... [] <> a écrit :
Doug wrote:
"Until Edward V revoked the appointment of Richard as Constable-for-life made by Edward IV, Richard would have retained that position's full authority and powers. Thus, strictly speaking, anything Richard did would have been legal, but whether his actions would have had the Council's approval would be a separate question.
Well, as long as the Woodville's didn't control the Council..."
Carol responds:
We know (from Croyland) that the Council *did* approve Richard's actions (he wrote to them explaining what had happened) and that Dorset's attempts to raise an army against him failed utterly (so Dorset fled sanctuary). If only we had Richard's letter to the council!
Carol
Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's
"So this is 'the letter' Carol. Ross mentions it but doesn't give a source. Neither does he say at what point it was written, in York, Northampton, or later. Do you know any more?"
Carol responds:
Sorry, I must be thinking of Mancini. All Croyland says (in his very one-sided account) is
" The duke of Gloucester, however, who was the ringleader in this outbreak, did not omit or refuse to pay every mark of respect to the king, his nephew, in the way of uncovering the head, bending the knee, or other posture of the body required in a subject. He asserted that his only care was for the protection of his own person, as he knew for certain that there were men in attendance upon the king who had conspired against both his own honor and his very existence. . . . These reports having reached London on the following night, queen Elizabeth betook herself, with all her children, to the sanctuary of Westminster."
However, since the aldermen of London put out a proclamation that "certain persons of every fellowship of the city in one clothing of murrey shall be ready to attend on the Mayor on horseback for to meet and receive our King Edward the fifth at such time as by the Mayor shall be commanded" (from Hammond and Sutton, "Road to Bosworth Field"), it seems clear that Richard wrote to the council and others to let them know that all was well.
Certainly, the council approved his actions or they would not have confirmed his appointment as Protector. Croyland specifically points (with bitter irony) to Hastings's delight at this turn of events.
But note that Croyland's brief summary of Richard's statement (which he could not have heard in person) could have come from a publicly proclaimed letter. Also, since no one would join Dorset's attempt to attack Richard (which must also be from Mancini since I can't find it in Croyland), it seems that Richard's conduct was universally approved.
Carol
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
On Wednesday, 7 February 2018, 16:26:17 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary wrote: Yes I do indeed agree with your last point. Actual knowledge about who turned out for the Council seems quite vague and relies to an extent on Croyland I believe. Interestingly Bourchier didn't seem to be there and neither did Suffolk or Arundel, though they sent their sons (making it up again). Apparently Arundel claimed to be too old and ill to attend but he clearly recovered very well to play a full part in Richard's coronation and then betray him! One does wonder how much of all this was strategic. According to Mancini they voted against the notion of a full regency but agreed that Richard could be chief member of the Council in spite of a letter which Richard had sent to them and had circulated round London saying that he would not abuse his powers. Does anyone know of this letter? It's not referenced. Doug here: I sort of hate to say it, but I think Mancini supports my idea that the Council wasn't about to make any major decisions until after Richard and Edward had arrived in London. I don't what differences, if any, there'd be between a Regent and a Protector, but it appears to me the Council wasn't going to make any decision of such importance on its' own. With Edward to make any decision the Council arrived at completely legal, that'd be different matter, but until then, the matter could wait. And that's what I believe motivated the Woodvilles. If they'd had enough support on the Council to advise Edward to make any wanted changes in, say, the powers of the Protector, basically making him a figurehead, then there'd have been no need to get Edward crowned in such a hurried manner. It was exactly because they didn't have that support that a crowned king, even though a minor, was essential. Regarding the letter Mancini references, could it be the same as the one quoted by, I believe, Croyland, where Richard says soothing things to Elizabeth WOodville? Hilary continued: I think both these events, and the October rebellions, were serious strategic mistakes by the Woodvilles. They seem to have succeeded in building quite a body of support amongst their former gentry colleagues, dispossessed old Lancaster. That's what may have given them the confidence to act as they did when Edward died? Later, when King Richard set out on his Progress (and charm offensive) they might have realised that they had to act fast, or their body of support would start to erode. Richard had already shown that he wanted to woo the country not just London, he might also become more generous with old offenders. So regardless of boys in Towers they had to act then. Until for some reason Buckingham rashly waded in and upset the apple cart. Doug here: It does appears as if the Woodvilles may have thought it a case of now or never, doesn't it? Of course, we don't know how the Council would have acted, but their actions leave me with the impression the various Woodvilles didn't expect much support for their vision of a Protector. Or, for that matter, any sort of government that would rule the realm while Edward was still a minor. Capturing, or even killing, the Constable of England simply to prevent his participation in the Council, does seem a rather desperate move. And once the Pre-Contract came out, leading to the recognition of Edward as illegitimate and his being set aside, there wasn't even the option of laying low for a couple of years and then staging a comeback when Edward reached 16 or whatever age agreed on. As you say, following his coronation, there was Richard's charm offensive (aka a Royal progress). It certainly appears to me as if the Woodvilles decided that their only hope was to try and overthrow Richard before two things occurred; the news of the Pre-Contract became, not only widespread, but also something everyone, high and low, had heard, and Richard had been, not only acknowledged, but also accepted as king. Reversing attainders on those who hadn't demonstrated any further animosity to Edward IV or Richard could certainly cut into potential Woodville support. Hilary concluded: Whilst we're on the topic of the Council can I ask something about Stillington's revelation? Would one of the reasons he revealed it there be because he could only reveal it to a superior cleric and the two Archbishops were members? It might perhaps explain why it went to Council first? Just a thought. Doug here: If he had received his knowledge of the Pre-Contract from a priest, Stillington himself could absolve the priest; so I guess the question is: would Stillington need the permission of either Archbishop to make his knowledge public? I don't know the answer to that, unfortunately. And, of course, whether or not the information was received via the Confessional or a deathbed statement would, I should think, make a huge difference. Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard II
Little bit more information tucked away in a footnote in Ross. The average size of a 'retinue' to escort a duke was 250 men. Makes a lot more sense than 2000 H
On Wednesday, 7 February 2018, 17:25:54 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Nico wrote: ...This asks the ultimate question for me about the Woodvilles: why were they so determined to push Richard aside to the extent of resorting to violence and a possible ambush? Was it just an unwillingness to share power with him or could Richard have something else on them that AW knew would lead to them being consigned to the wilderness? Richard had a quickly arranged coronation, but that was understandable under the unstable circumstances. I'm beginning to wonder if they had heard some rumours about the precontract, and all these unusual routes and indications of plans for an ambush were AW's idea of how to deal with it. There have been so many insightful comments this week. I have been following, but too busy to join in. Good to see the forum thriving. Doug here: My guess concerning the Woodvilles seemingly desperate determination to keep Richard out is that they fully expected the Council to agree to the provision of Edward IV's will that set up a Protectorate as envisioned by Edward. A protectorate, IOW, that gave the person appointed all the power and authority of a king, keeping back only the title itself. Edward V would be taken from his Woodville relatives and placed under the care and instruction of Richard who, almost certainly, would devote as much time as possible preparing his nephew for his future role as King in his own right. For four to six years, all the while at a quite impressionable age, Edward would be in his royal uncle's care. Could the various Woodvilles count on Edward tossing out everything Richard had tried to ingrain in him and return to ruling in the interests of those selfsame relatives? FWIW, I'm almost positive the Woodvilles didn't know anything definite about the Pre-Contract before it was revealed to the Council. Mainly because of their actions before that Council meeting. If Anthony Woodville had heard rumors, would even he have been so incompetent as to wait to celebrate any holiday before heading for London? If Elizabeth Woodville had heard any such rumor, wouldn't she have included it any message to brother? All the while stressing the importance of Edward getting to London ASAP? We know the first didn't happen and we can presume, because of that, the second didn't either. Unless/until something pops up, of course! Unless some other information shows up, I'm going with Rivers taking the route he did to avoid the same problems in the spring of 1483 that Buckingham encountered that autumn; roads that consisted of mud who knew how deep and flooded streams all but impassable and requiring wide divergences to ford. And if there were any wagons in that escort, it would be best to take the route where the roads, such as they were, were in better condition, continuous and bridges spanning the rivers and streams. If, as I think may have been the case, the Council consisted of an anti-Woodville majority and only lacked a leader of stature, someone such as Richard, then it would be imperative that potential leader didn't get to London either before or, just as bad, in company with Edward and Rivers. Edward IV died on 9 April and the news was received in Wales within, at most, two days. Even allowing for a day or two to arrange and celebrate a requiem mass, there really was no reason for Rivers to not set out for London by, at the latest, 15 April, which would have gotten them to London on 20 or 21 April. There are all sorts of scenarios imaginable but, to me anyway, it looks as if Rivers thought he had nothing to worry about until Richard showed up at Northampton. BTW, I just thought of an excellent reason for that ambush. What do you think Rivers' reaction would have been if, at that meeting in Northampton, that he, Richard, would be taking over as Edward's escort the rest of the way to London? The one ace the Woodvilles' held, possession of the king, would have been trumped. Once Richard took over as Edward's escort and (small p) protector the person controlling who saw Edward would be Richard, not RIvers... Doug
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
"We know (from Croyland) that the Council *did* approve Richard's actions
(he wrote to them explaining what had happened) and that Dorset's attempts
to raise an army against him failed utterly (so Dorset fled sanctuary). If
only we had Richard's letter to the council!"
Doug here:
The fact that the Council did approve Richard's actions, both in arresting
Rivers & Co. and taking over as Edward's escort, is the main reason I
believe the Council was fairly evenly divided between pro-Woodville
supporters and anti-Woodville-ites.
If, once Edward and Rivers had arrived in London, Council members could see
that Edward was willing to be "guided" by his Woodville relations, that
alone might garner the extra needed support to maintain a Woodville majority
on the Council. More importantly, if the Woodvilles' possession of Edward
didn't do the trick, then there'd be Edward's power to replace Council
members to fall back on to remove a few non-supporters, replacing them with
supporters.
And, short of rebellion, there'd be nothing anyone could do about it! All
the Council members, after all, served at "the king's pleasure." Not even
Richard's positions as Constable and Lord High Admiral would be safe; if so
advised and agreeable, Edward could revoke his father's lifetime grants (as
could his father at t any time had he so wished).
FWIW, I get the impression that the plans by Rivers and Dorset were "spur of
the moment" ones, quickly arrived at because they'd viewed their position as
impregnable. They had the king in their possession and apparently felt that
guaranteed success. To be honest, in such situations, it often was.
To be honest, I'd prefer the records of the Council meetings myself. From,
say, mid-April 1483 through June? Wouldn't turn down a copy of Richard's
letter , though.
Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard II
The precontract probably did come as a big surprise. I keep having it at the back of my mind that EW may have known, but there isn't any evidence for it. If she did, I can't see her not telling AW. J-AH was speculating about Eleanor and the Duke of Norfolk and some other people being murdered by EW and the precontract being the reason. However, there doesn't seem seem to be any evidence that they died of anything other than natural causes.
Nico
On Thursday, 8 February 2018, 09:52:54 GMT, Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... [] <> wrote:
Re your last point absolutely Doug. In fact I always thought it was a given that Richard would take over, with Rivers a few gallops behind.
Little bit more information tucked away in a footnote in Ross. The average size of a 'retinue' to escort a duke was 250 men. Makes a lot more sense than 2000 H
On Wednesday, 7 February 2018, 17:25:54 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Nico wrote: ...This asks the ultimate question for me about the Woodvilles: why were they so determined to push Richard aside to the extent of resorting to violence and a possible ambush? Was it just an unwillingness to share power with him or could Richard have something else on them that AW knew would lead to them being consigned to the wilderness? Richard had a quickly arranged coronation, but that was understandable under the unstable circumstances. I'm beginning to wonder if they had heard some rumours about the precontract, and all these unusual routes and indications of plans for an ambush were AW's idea of how to deal with it. There have been so many insightful comments this week. I have been following, but too busy to join in. Good to see the forum thriving. Doug here: My guess concerning the Woodvilles seemingly desperate determination to keep Richard out is that they fully expected the Council to agree to the provision of Edward IV's will that set up a Protectorate as envisioned by Edward. A protectorate, IOW, that gave the person appointed all the power and authority of a king, keeping back only the title itself. Edward V would be taken from his Woodville relatives and placed under the care and instruction of Richard who, almost certainly, would devote as much time as possible preparing his nephew for his future role as King in his own right. For four to six years, all the while at a quite impressionable age, Edward would be in his royal uncle's care. Could the various Woodvilles count on Edward tossing out everything Richard had tried to ingrain in him and return to ruling in the interests of those selfsame relatives? FWIW, I'm almost positive the Woodvilles didn't know anything definite about the Pre-Contract before it was revealed to the Council. Mainly because of their actions before that Council meeting. If Anthony Woodville had heard rumors, would even he have been so incompetent as to wait to celebrate any holiday before heading for London? If Elizabeth Woodville had heard any such rumor, wouldn't she have included it any message to brother? All the while stressing the importance of Edward getting to London ASAP? We know the first didn't happen and we can presume, because of that, the second didn't either. Unless/until something pops up, of course! Unless some other information shows up, I'm going with Rivers taking the route he did to avoid the same problems in the spring of 1483 that Buckingham encountered that autumn; roads that consisted of mud who knew how deep and flooded streams all but impassable and requiring wide divergences to ford. And if there were any wagons in that escort, it would be best to take the route where the roads, such as they were, were in better condition, continuous and bridges spanning the rivers and streams. If, as I think may have been the case, the Council consisted of an anti-Woodville majority and only lacked a leader of stature, someone such as Richard, then it would be imperative that potential leader didn't get to London either before or, just as bad, in company with Edward and Rivers. Edward IV died on 9 April and the news was received in Wales within, at most, two days. Even allowing for a day or two to arrange and celebrate a requiem mass, there really was no reason for Rivers to not set out for London by, at the latest, 15 April, which would have gotten them to London on 20 or 21 April. There are all sorts of scenarios imaginable but, to me anyway, it looks as if Rivers thought he had nothing to worry about until Richard showed up at Northampton. BTW, I just thought of an excellent reason for that ambush. What do you think Rivers' reaction would have been if, at that meeting in Northampton, that he, Richard, would be taking over as Edward's escort the rest of the way to London? The one ace the Woodvilles' held, possession of the king, would have been trumped. Once Richard took over as Edward's escort and (small p) protector the person controlling who saw Edward would be Richard, not RIvers... Doug
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If been sort of quarter following this debate.
There are just a couple of little things I'd like to contribute, if I may.
1) Regarding the date when news of Edward IV's death reached Ludlow. This was 14 April - we know this because Edward V wrote to King's Lynn on the 16th with the news, which he said "was shewed unto us the xiiiith daye of this present moneth".
2) The Garter Statutes made it mandatory for members to stay put on St. George's Day to observe the feast in their regalia. Richard appears to have done the same thing at York.
3) The Northampton route from Ludlow to London is actually only about 14 miles longer than the southern route - if you check google maps, you'll see that Ludlow is actually slightly further north than Northampton. It was also a route which would take them through areas where Rivers had lands and influence and the ability to call on men. I imagine it was the route Rivers normally took if he was heading for London from Ludlow, and certainly a road he would have known well as the one linking Ludlow with his East Midlands estates.
4) Rivers was not young Edward's hands-on carer. His was an administrative role, and the surviving letters of his attorney, Dymmok, indicate that he only visited Ludlow from time to time (we don't even know for sure that he was at Ludlow when he heard of King Edward's death). I don't think, therefore, that he would have been in dereliction of duty in leaving Edward V with his normal carers at Stony Stratford for one night.
5) Is it possible that the real reason why Richard and the Woovilles were so jittery about each other has to do with Clarence's execution? I know some historians try to deny it, but there is evidence that the Woodvilles were felt by many including Richard to have been responsible for pushing Edward IV to execute George. That being so, Richard would have been afraid that, without Edward IV's protection, they would now pick him off too, whilst the Woodvilles would have been afraid that Richard would try to take revenge on them for his brother's death.
6) There are no surviving council records for Edward and Richard's reigns, so that would explain why the letter to the council to which Mancini refers has been lost.
7) The autumn rebellion had originally been intended to restore Edward V until word got round that he and his brother were dead. Crowland is quite clear about that. He also claims that Buckingham only came in at a late stage in the preparations. The rebellion may have failed in large measure because of the resulting confusion about its aims.
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John Rushe clearly knew Stonor, he was writing about Stonor's sister's inheritance and signs himself 'servant' but that might not have been literal - a bit like 'your obedient servant' as a courtesy in letters as you say. Still got more reading to do there. Although he's termed a 'merchant' he doesn't appear in a very good little book I've good on London merchants in the fifteenth century, so he probably procured stuff, like quite a few people and termed himself merchant at some point. People always seem to be importing wine! And he must have known the Staffordshire Stanleys to marry one of them. We know he's buried in All Hallows Barking, so perhaps I should look more in Essex.
The name Rushe has some peculiar variants, even Rowse, so I probably haven't stumbled across them all yet. I do wish organistations like the NA would do searches on name variations like a lot of the genealogy ones do. You can spend years looking for someone and then they appear in the variation of a name you've never guessed. Still we're lucky to have searches at all. h
On Friday, 9 February 2018, 18:08:55 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary, I'm afraid I'm a bit confused. John Rushe was the merchant of London named in 1484 for participating in Buckingham's Rebellion and Robert Rushe was that sarjeant of London executed in 1484, so I'm presuming your our George a typo and actually refers to John? Which means John seemingly began as a small landholder (that yeoman); lost his lands for supporting, I presume, the failed 1469 rebellion, and ended up a merchant (of what we don't know). When he referred to himself as William Stonor's servant, does the context suggest he was an actual servant or could he have been using it more in the manner of a letter ending, something on the lines of I remain your obedient servant? I believe you mentioned that the surname Rushe (and its' variants) was unusal during this time period, but weren't able to connect our two Rushes? However, if John was trying to regain a confiscated holding, it would make sense for him to employ a legal expert, wouldn't it? IOW, a London sarjeant at law? Who better than a relative, however distant (with heavy emphasis on that distant!)? I hate to admit it, but there's a lot to be said for the modern requirement for filing everything in triplicate! That Benstede affair doesn't say much about how things were better in The Good Old Days, now does it? And here I thought all those Gothic romance novels were exaggerations! Just carrying on an old tradition, apparently... Doug Hilary wrote: I've found out a bit more on John Rushe. He was one of a long list of names in the CPR in April 1470 who were to have their lands confiscated for rebellion. Top of the list is our George. Rushe is described as 'yoman'. He crops up again in the Stonor papers describing himself as 'servant' to William Stonor and corresponding about - inheritance issues. BTW that contested inheritance of Walter Romsey by Joan Swete which Edward upheld was no small thing. Walter's mother was Margaret Biset, the last of the Bisets and owner of the manor of Kidderminster. Manassees Biset her ancestor had been steward to Henry II. And re Edward Benstede, there's one deed which calls him William Cowper (I think will have to find it again) alias Edward Benstede.. Well Empson & Dudley were famous for that sort of thing.
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And yes, the upper nobility were so fragmented and depleted that they weren't going to be producing any Magna Carta. In fact a lot of this is about the world having changed. We're entering the era of cronyism so beloved of the Tudors and so beneficial to the gentry.
(So when I read on a website that Parliament abolished Benevolences because Richard was trying to invoke them I was amazed. Some people will go far out of their way to discredit good that Richard himself did) H
On Saturday, 10 February 2018, 04:00:25 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Nico wrote: I think you are right about that Doug. They were are afraid of losing the power they had been enjoying, especially AW and Dorset. If they had co-operated with Richard, they may have retained some relationship with E5, but on a reduced level, and he may have given them some privileges once they came of age. Either they were just very greedy or they knew for some reason that both Richard and the council would sideline them, so they resorted to desperate measures. Doug here: I get the impression that too many people who look at this period, and even write novels about it, don't understand how personal the power of a monarch really was. Parliament was only summoned at the king's pleasure, so it wasn't in any position to act as a counter-weight. The upper nobility had men, but rarely were united enough to force a king to do something he didn't want to do. So we end up with a situation where having some sort of personal relationship with the king is of, literally, inestimable value. Hastings was Edward IV's Lord Chamberlain and his friend. Either position gave him enormous power; the first by his control over who saw Edward, the second by his knowledge of Edward as a person Edward's likes and dislikes when it came to people or policies. Richard would likely have had the same access to Edward as did Hastings, but being stationed in the north, he had much less chance to make any direct use of his familial relationship. OTOH, Edward V was a minor and whoever had possession of his person could almost run the kingdom as they wished. As long as Edward retained all his royal power and authority and, more importantly, remained under the control of the Woodvilles. Nico concluded: The precontract probably did come as a big surprise. I keep having it at the back of my mind that EW may have known, but there isn't any evidence for it. If she did, I can't see her not telling AW. J-AH was speculating about Eleanor and the Duke of Norfolk and some other people being murdered by EW and the precontract being the reason. However, there doesn't seem seem to be any evidence that they died of anything other than natural causes. Doug here: Yes, it's exactly the responses of EW and AW to the death of Edward IV that cause me to believe they didn't know about the Pre-Contract. I just can't see Rivers shilly-shallying around in Wales, St. George's Day or no, if he knew there was a good case to be made that his nephew was illegitimate. Get Edward to London ASAP and get him crowned immediately in order to reshape the Council into a body that could label any revelations about Edward IV and Eleanor Butler as treason was their only hope. It wouldn't have mattered whether Richard presented himself to the Council as Constable of England or prospective Protector, any attempt by him to over-rule a king backed by the majority of his Council, and regardless of the king's age, would have been an act of rebellion. Regarding those deaths, and lacking any further evidence, I tend to go with the fact that coincidences do happen. Doug
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I shall ponder on them more. There are so very little actual facts on which to construct narrative and some of them, like both the closest sources are likely to be tainted with bias and knowledge of what happened afterwards. Thanks again! H
On Saturday, 10 February 2018, 10:52:50 GMT, mariewalsh2003 <[email protected]> wrote:
If been sort of quarter following this debate.
There are just a couple of little things I'd like to contribute, if I may.
1) Regarding the date when news of Edward IV's death reached Ludlow. This was 14 April - we know this because Edward V wrote to King's Lynn on the 16th with the news, which he said "was shewed unto us the xiiiith daye of this present moneth".
2) The Garter Statutes made it mandatory for members to stay put on St. George's Day to observe the feast in their regalia. Richard appears to have done the same thing at York.
3) The Northampton route from Ludlow to London is actually only about 14 miles longer than the southern route - if you check google maps, you'll see that Ludlow is actually slightly further north than Northampton. It was also a route which would take them through areas where Rivers had lands and influence and the ability to call on men. I imagine it was the route Rivers normally took if he was heading for London from Ludlow, and certainly a road he would have known well as the one linking Ludlow with his East Midlands estates.
4) Rivers was not young Edward's hands-on carer. His was an administrative role, and the surviving letters of his attorney, Dymmok, indicate that he only visited Ludlow from time to time (we don't even know for sure that he was at Ludlow when he heard of King Edward's death). I don't think, therefore, that he would have been in dereliction of duty in leaving Edward V with his normal carers at Stony Stratford for one night.
5) Is it possible that the real reason why Richard and the Woovilles were so jittery about each other has to do with Clarence's execution? I know some historians try to deny it, but there is evidence that the Woodvilles were felt by many including Richard to have been responsible for pushing Edward IV to execute George. That being so, Richard would have been afraid that, without Edward IV's protection, they would now pick him off too, whilst the Woodvilles would have been afraid that Richard would try to take revenge on them for his brother's death.
6) There are no surviving council records for Edward and Richard's reigns, so that would explain why the letter to the council to which Mancini refers has been lost.
7) The autumn rebellion had originally been intended to restore Edward V until word got round that he and his brother were dead. Crowland is quite clear about that. He also claims that Buckingham only came in at a late stage in the preparations. The rebellion may have failed in large measure because of the resulting confusion about its aims.
Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
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Marie,
First off, thank you for taking the time to put all this together! Of course, I do have some questions...
Marie wrote:
1) Regarding the date when news of Edward IV's death reached Ludlow. This was 14 April - we know this because Edward V wrote to King's Lynn on the 16th with the news, which he said "was shewed unto us the xiiiith daye of this present moneth."
Have you any idea why it would take four days for a messenger to get the news to Ludlow? Especially in view of the fact that it apparently took Edward's party four or five days to get to the vicinity of Northampton (25 April to 28/29 April)? I admit to being at sea in trying to explain it unless it was the time needed to prepare and hold a requiem mass?
2) The Garter Statutes made it mandatory for members to stay put on St. George's Day to observe the feast in their regalia. Richard appears to have done the same thing at York.
Couldn't the required celebrations be attended to while en route? The Garter regalia itself could have been brought along, couldn't it? I'm presuming the St. George's Day observances included religious services, but were there any special requirements that couldn't be met during a journey? Requirements that would prevent them from just stopping wherever they were on the 23rd and carrying out the observance the next day?
3) The Northampton route from Ludlow to London is actually only about 14 miles longer than the southern route - if you check google maps, you'll see that Ludlow is actually slightly further north than Northampton. It was also a route which would take them through areas where Rivers had lands and influence and the ability to call on men. I imagine it was the route Rivers normally took if he was heading for London from Ludlow, and certainly a road he would have known well as the one linking Ludlow with his East Midlands estates.
I'm a bit embarrassed to admit I didn't think of Watling Street passing through the Midlands, even though I knew Rivers had properties there! So it's possible Edward's escort grew in size after departing Ludlow. Likely, in fact, as it would make no sense to send a fairly large body of men in one direction one day, only to have them return via the same route only a day or so later.
4) Rivers was not young Edward's hands-on carer. His was an administrative role, and the surviving letters of his attorney, Dymmok, indicate that he only visited Ludlow from time to time (we don't even know for sure that he was at Ludlow when he heard of King Edward's death). I don't think, therefore, that he would have been in dereliction of duty in leaving Edward V with his normal carers at Stony Stratford for one night.
Now that did surprise me! However, ff Rivers wasn't expected to spend all his time in Ludlow, do we know who was actually in charge of the day-to-day running of Edward's household? And if Rivers wasn't at Ludlow when Edward IV died, where was he? Oi! BTW, am I correct in presuming that, once Richard's party had met Edward's, it would have been expected that Richard would take over providing the new king's escort? Then there's Rivers failure to immediately arrange a meeting between the new King and his Constable uncle. Still, I'm definitely going to have to have a re-think about various parts of my Northampton scenario! It still seems strange to me that Rivers would want a meeting with Richard anytime before he, Rivers, had gotten to London with Edward.
5) Is it possible that the real reason why Richard and the Woovilles were so jittery about each other has to do with Clar ence's execution? I know some historians try to d eny it, but there is evidence that the Woodvilles were felt by many including Richard to have been responsible for pushing Edward IV to execute George. That being so, Richard would have been afraid that, without Edward IV's protection, they would now pick him off too, whilst the Woodvilles would have been afraid that Richard would try to take revenge on them for his brother's death.
I must also admit I hadn't given any thought to how both parties might have viewed each other regarding the events of George's execution, but it would emphasize again why both parties were so concerned to respectively retain or gain custody of Edward V, wouldn't it? It would also give the Woodvilles a reason to oppose an effective Protectorate. Richard as Protector, a king in all but name, would have been a dismaying prospect, regardless of whether the Woodvilles had pushed for George's execution or not. For Richard, if he suspected the Woodvilles of urging George's execution, an Edward V advised and counseled by the Woodvilles, might literally be his death warrant. Thus, custody of the young king's person, could represent either party's only form of life insurance.
6) There are no surviving council records for Edward and Richard's reigns, so that would explain why the letter to the council to which Mancini refers has been lost.
Which means we have no way of knowing how accurate the quotation really is. Why am I not surprised?
7) The autumn rebellion had originally been intended to restore Edward V until word got round that he and his brother were dead. Crowland is quite clear about that. He also claims that Buckingham only came in at a late stage in the preparations. The rebellion may have failed in large measure because of the resulting confusion about its aims.
So we have the rebellion being planned to restore Edward V with Buckingham a definite participant, but not the originator. Then the rumors spread and seemingly killed any chances of success. I suppose it may just be coincidence, but still... looks like it's back to that darn rumor and who started it!
Doug
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I know we're now not sure on what day Edward actually died but around 9 April seems to be accepted. So I agree, why 4 days, when a messenger (albeit well-practised) could get to York in 2 days? And I agree, who was accompanying young Edward - Haute and Vaughan? What worries me is that this wasn't a four-year old they were escorting it was a stroppy teenager. What would they have done if he'd said he wanted them to carry on to London? If Rivers wasn't with him it all seems highly risky. Was Rivers gathering in Northants the extra troops that Hastings reckoned he's dissuaded EW from requesting? He was supposed to have Welshmen in tow, so they would be from Ludlow?
Can I throw another one in, this time about the October rebellions?. John Rushe is obviously an associate of William Stonor, Gyles Wellesbourne is Stonor's ward. Stonor decides to rebel, presumably to support EW whom he knows? So why is Rushe, one of the few people plotting with Buckingham and Morton at Brecon, and why do Gyles and his brother play a part in hunting down and delivering Buckingham? And Gyles and brother get rewarded by Richard. It's like one of the Logic exercises that I once had to do which seemingly reaches no logical conclusion. H
On Monday, 12 February 2018, 06:09:43 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Marie,
First off, thank you for taking the time to put all this together! Of course, I do have some questions...
Marie wrote:
1) Regarding the date when news of Edward IV's death reached Ludlow. This was 14 April - we know this because Edward V wrote to King's Lynn on the 16th with the news, which he said "was shewed unto us the xiiiith daye of this present moneth."
Have you any idea why it would take four days for a messenger to get the news to Ludlow? Especially in view of the fact that it apparently took Edward's party four or five days to get to the vicinity of Northampton (25 April to 28/29 April)? I admit to being at sea in trying to explain it unless it was the time needed to prepare and hold a requiem mass?
2) The Garter Statutes made it mandatory for members to stay put on St. George's Day to observe the feast in their regalia. Richard appears to have done the same thing at York.
Couldn't the required celebrations be attended to while en route? The Garter regalia itself could have been brought along, couldn't it? I'm presuming the St. George's Day observances included religious services, but were there any special requirements that couldn't be met during a journey? Requirements that would prevent them from just stopping wherever they were on the 23rd and carrying out the observance the next day?
3) The Northampton route from Ludlow to London is actually only about 14 miles longer than the southern route - if you check google maps, you'll see that Ludlow is actually slightly further north than Northampton. It was also a route which would take them through areas where Rivers had lands and influence and the ability to call on men. I imagine it was the route Rivers normally took if he was heading for London from Ludlow, and certainly a road he would have known well as the one linking Ludlow with his East Midlands estates.
I'm a bit embarrassed to admit I didn't think of Watling Street passing through the Midlands, even though I knew Rivers had properties there! So it's possible Edward's escort grew in size after departing Ludlow. Likely, in fact, as it would make no sense to send a fairly large body of men in one direction one day, only to have them return via the same route only a day or so later..
4) Rivers was not young Edward's hands-on carer. His was an administrative role, and the surviving letters of his attorney, Dymmok, indicate that he only visited Ludlow from time to time (we don't even know for sure that he was at Ludlow when he heard of King Edward's death). I don't think, therefore, that he would have been in dereliction of duty in leaving Edward V with his normal carers at Stony Stratford for one night.
Now that did surprise me! However, ff Rivers wasn't expected to spend all his time in Ludlow, do we know who was actually in charge of the day-to-day running of Edward's household? And if Rivers wasn't at Ludlow when Edward IV died, where was he? Oi! BTW, am I correct in presuming that, once Richard's party had met Edward's, it would have been expected that Richard would take over providing the new king's escort? Then there's Rivers failure to immediately arrange a meeting between the new King and his Constable uncle. Still, I'm definitely going to have to have a re-think about various parts of my Northampton scenario! It still seems strange to me that Rivers would want a meeting with Richard anytime before he, Rivers, had gotten to London with Edward.
5) Is it possible that the real reason why Richard and the Woovilles were so jittery about each other has to do with Clar ence's execution? I know some historians try to d eny it, but there is evidence that the Woodvilles were felt by many including Richard to have been responsible for pushing Edward IV to execute George. That being so, Richard would have been afraid that, without Edward IV's protection, they would now pick him off too, whilst the Woodvilles would have been afraid that Richard would try to take revenge on them for his brother's death.
I must also admit I hadn't given any thought to how both parties might have viewed each other regarding the events of George's execution, but it would emphasize again why both parties were so concerned to respectively retain or gain custody of Edward V, wouldn't it? It would also give the Woodvilles a reason to oppose an effective Protectorate. Richard as Protector, a king in all but name, would have been a dismaying prospect, regardless of whether the Woodvilles had pushed for George's execution or not. For Richard, if he suspected the Woodvilles of urging George's execution, an Edward V advised and counseled by the Woodvilles, might literally be his death warrant. Thus, custody of the young king's person, could represent either party's only form of life insurance.
6) There are no surviving council records for Edward and Richard's reigns, so that would explain why the letter to the council to which Mancini refers has been lost.
Which means we have no way of knowing how accurate the quotation really is. Why am I not surprised?
7) The autumn rebellion had originally been intended to restore Edward V until word got round that he and his brother were dead. Crowland is quite clear about that.. He also claims that Buckingham only came in at a late stage in the preparations. The rebellion may have failed in large measure because of the resulting confusion about its aims.
So we have the rebellion being planned to restore Edward V with Buckingham a definite participant, but not the originator. Then the rumors spread and seemingly killed any chances of success. I suppose it may just be coincidence, but still... looks like it's back to that darn rumor and who started it!
Doug
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Regarding the Order of the Garter, the Statues of the Order obliged members to observe the Feast Day by wearing their regalia wherever they were. I do not think that the Feast was observed on behalf of the Order at York in 1483. Reasons are
1. The surviving records of the Order's chapters before the Tudor era show perhaps one example of the Order's Great Feast not being observed at Windsor.
2. Rous says "On the morrow of St George's day, after the accustomed service of the Knights of the Garter had been solemnly celebrated at Ludlow after the English habit, concluding with a splendid banquet, the young king removed towards London." (Alison Hanham's translation). This looks like an individual member of the Order observing the occasion since3. Anstis's translation of the Black Book of the Order states:
On May 24, 1483, the Order of the Garter observed St George's Feast at Windsor. Anstis's translation of the Black Book reads(In the First Year of King Edward the Fifth, a Youth of a Disposition truly Royal, on the twenty fourth Day of May, Lord Dudeley empowered by the Authority of the King's Highness and Commission, held the accustomed Solemnity at Wyndesor, having Sir John Astheley to join with him.(The Sovereign was absent, being intent on the Solemnity of his Coronation and other weighty Affairs of the Kingdom.(The other Knights of this most excellent Order were not there, being either secured by the King's Protection, or probably hindered by other Affairs.
A J
On Mon, Feb 12, 2018 at 9:32 AM, Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... [] <> wrote:
Wow Doug It just makes one ask more and more questions, doesn't it?
I know we're now not sure on what day Edward actually died but around 9 April seems to be accepted. So I agree, why 4 days, when a messenger (albeit well-practised) could get to York in 2 days? And I agree, who was accompanying young Edward - Haute and Vaughan? What worries me is that this wasn't a four-year old they were escorting it was a stroppy teenager. What would they have done if he'd said he wanted them to carry on to London? If Rivers wasn't with him it all seems highly risky. Was Rivers gathering in Northants the extra troops that Hastings reckoned he's dissuaded EW from requesting? He was supposed to have Welshmen in tow, so they would be from Ludlow?
Can I throw another one in, this time about the October rebellions?. John Rushe is obviously an associate of William Stonor, Gyles Wellesbourne is Stonor's ward. Stonor decides to rebel, presumably to support EW whom he knows? So why is Rushe, one of the few people plotting with Buckingham and Morton at Brecon, and why do Gyles and his brother play a part in hunting down and delivering Buckingham? And Gyles and brother get rewarded by Richard. It's like one of the Logic exercises that I once had to do which seemingly reaches no logical conclusion. H
On Monday, 12 February 2018, 06:09:43 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <@ yahoogroups.com> wrote:
Marie,
First off, thank you for taking the time to put all this together! Of course, I do have some questions...
Marie wrote:
1) Regarding the date when news of Edward IV's death reached Ludlow. This was 14 April - we know this because Edward V wrote to King's Lynn on the 16th with the news, which he said "was shewed unto us the xiiiith daye of this present moneth."
Have you any idea why it would take four days for a messenger to get the news to Ludlow? Especially in view of the fact that it apparently took Edward's party four or five days to get to the vicinity of Northampton (25 April to 28/29 April)? I admit to being at sea in trying to explain it unless it was the time needed to prepare and hold a requiem mass?
2) The Garter Statutes made it mandatory for members to stay put on St. George's Day to observe the feast in their regalia. Richard appears to have done the same thing at York.
Couldn't the required celebrations be attended to while en route? The Garter regalia itself could have been brought along, couldn't it? I'm presuming the St. George's Day observances included religious services, but were there any special requirements that couldn't be met during a journey? Requirements that would prevent them from just stopping wherever they were on the 23rd and carrying out the observance the next day?
3) The Northampton route from Ludlow to London is actually only about 14 miles longer than the southern route - if you check google maps, you'll see that Ludlow is actually slightly further north than Northampton. It was also a route which would take them through areas where Rivers had lands and influence and the ability to call on men. I imagine it was the route Rivers normally took if he was heading for London from Ludlow, and certainly a road he would have known well as the one linking Ludlow with his East Midlands estates.
I'm a bit embarrassed to admit I didn't think of Watling Street passing through the Midlands, even though I knew Rivers had properties there! So it's possible Edward's escort grew in size after departing Ludlow. Likely, in fact, as it would make no sense to send a fairly large body of men in one direction one day, only to have them return via the same route only a day or so later...
4) Rivers was not young Edward's hands-on carer. His was an administrative role, and the surviving letters of his attorney, Dymmok, indicate that he only visited Ludlow from time to time (we don't even know for sure that he was at Ludlow when he heard of King Edward's death). I don't think, therefore, that he would have been in dereliction of duty in leaving Edward V with his normal carers at Stony Stratford for one night.
Now that did surprise me! However, ff Rivers wasn't expected to spend all his time in Ludlow, do we know who was actually in charge of the day-to-day running of Edward's household? And if Rivers wasn't at Ludlow when Edward IV died, where was he? Oi! BTW, am I correct in presuming that, once Richard's party had met Edward's, it would have been expected that Richard would take over providing the new king's escort? Then there's Rivers failure to immediately arrange a meeting between the new King and his Constable uncle. Still, I'm definitely going to have to have a re-think about various parts of my Northampton scenario! It still seems strange to me that Rivers would want a meeting with Richard anytime before he, Rivers, had gotten to London with Edward.
5) Is it possible that the real reason why Richard and the Woovilles were so jittery about each other has to do with Clar ence's execution? I know some historians try to d eny it, but there is evidence that the Woodvilles were felt by many including Richard to have been responsible for pushing Edward IV to execute George. That being so, Richard would have been afraid that, without Edward IV's protection, they would now pick him off too, whilst the Woodvilles would have been afraid that Richard would try to take revenge on them for his brother's death.
I must also admit I hadn't given any thought to how both parties might have viewed each other regarding the events of George's execution, but it would emphasize again why both parties were so concerned to respectively retain or gain custody of Edward V, wouldn't it? It would also give the Woodvilles a reason to oppose an effective Protectorate. Richard as Protector, a king in all but name, would have been a dismaying prospect, regardless of whether the Woodvilles had pushed for George's execution or not. For Richard, if he suspected the Woodvilles of urging George's execution, an Edward V advised and counseled by the Woodvilles, might literally be his death warrant. Thus, custody of the young king's person, could represent either party's only form of life insurance.
6) There are no surviving council records for Edward and Richard's reigns, so that would explain why the letter to the council to which Mancini refers has been lost.
Which means we have no way of knowing how accurate the quotation really is. Why am I not surprised?
7) The autumn rebellion had originally been intended to restore Edward V until word got round that he and his brother were dead. Crowland is quite clear about that... He also claims that Buckingham only came in at a late stage in the preparations. The rebellion may have failed in large measure because of the resulting confusion about its aims.
So we have the rebellion being planned to restore Edward V with Buckingham a definite participant, but not the originator. Then the rumors spread and seemingly killed any chances of success. I suppose it may just be coincidence, but still... looks like it's back to that darn rumor and who started it!
Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE:
Envoyé de mon iPad
Le 12 févr. 2018 à 17:13, A J Hibbard ajhibbard@... [] <> a écrit :
Regarding travel times. According to Crowland the posting system developed by Edward & Richard to stay in touch during the Scottish campaign could cover 200 miles in two days. However, a more realistic time frame appears to be the example of Sir Richard Ratcliffe carrying urgent messages from Richard to York when he averaged 50 miles a day for 4 days.
Regarding the Order of the Garter, the Statues of the Order obliged members to observe the Feast Day by wearing their regalia wherever they were. I do not think that the Feast was observed on behalf of the Order at York in 1483. Reasons are
1. The surviving records of the Order's chapters before the Tudor era show perhaps one example of the Order's Great Feast not being observed at Windsor.
2. Rous says "On the morrow of St George's day, after the accustomed service of the Knights of the Garter had been solemnly celebrated at Ludlow after the English habit, concluding with a splendid banquet, the young king removed towards London." (Alison Hanham's translation). This looks like an individual member of the Order observing the occasion since3. Anstis's translation of the Black Book of the Order states:
On May 24, 1483, the Order of the Garter observed St George's Feast at Windsor.. Anstis's translation of the Black Book reads(In the First Year of King Edward the Fifth, a Youth of a Disposition truly Royal, on the twenty fourth Day of May, Lord Dudeley empowered by the Authority of the King's Highness and Commission, held the accustomed Solemnity at Wyndesor, having Sir John Astheley to join with him.(The Sovereign was absent, being intent on the Solemnity of his Coronation and other weighty Affairs of the Kingdom.(The other Knights of this most excellent Order were not there, being either secured by the King's Protection, or probably hindered by other Affairs.
A J
On Mon, Feb 12, 2018 at 9:32 AM, Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... [] <> wrote:
Wow Doug It just makes one ask more and more questions, doesn't it?
I know we're now not sure on what day Edward actually died but around 9 April seems to be accepted. So I agree, why 4 days, when a messenger (albeit well-practised) could get to York in 2 days? And I agree, who was accompanying young Edward - Haute and Vaughan? What worries me is that this wasn't a four-year old they were escorting it was a stroppy teenager. What would they have done if he'd said he wanted them to carry on to London? If Rivers wasn't with him it all seems highly risky. Was Rivers gathering in Northants the extra troops that Hastings reckoned he's dissuaded EW from requesting? He was supposed to have Welshmen in tow, so they would be from Ludlow?
Can I throw another one in, this time about the October rebellions?. John Rushe is obviously an associate of William Stonor, Gyles Wellesbourne is Stonor's ward. Stonor decides to rebel, presumably to support EW whom he knows? So why is Rushe, one of the few people plotting with Buckingham and Morton at Brecon, and why do Gyles and his brother play a part in hunting down and delivering Buckingham? And Gyles and brother get rewarded by Richard. It's like one of the Logic exercises that I once had to do which seemingly reaches no logical conclusion. H
On Monday, 12 February 2018, 06:09:43 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <@ yahoogroups.com> wrote:
Marie,
First off, thank you for taking the time to put all this together! Of course, I do have some questions...
Marie wrote:
1) Regarding the date when news of Edward IV's death reached Ludlow. This was 14 April - we know this because Edward V wrote to King's Lynn on the 16th with the news, which he said "was shewed unto us the xiiiith daye of this present moneth."
Have you any idea why it would take four days for a messenger to get the news to Ludlow? Especially in view of the fact that it apparently took Edward's party four or five days to get to the vicinity of Northampton (25 April to 28/29 April)? I admit to being at sea in trying to explain it unless it was the time needed to prepare and hold a requiem mass?
2) The Garter Statutes made it mandatory for members to stay put on St. George's Day to observe the feast in their regalia. Richard appears to have done the same thing at York.
Couldn't the required celebrations be attended to while en route? The Garter regalia itself could have been brought along, couldn't it? I'm presuming the St. George's Day observances included religious services, but were there any special requirements that couldn't be met during a journey? Requirements that would prevent them from just stopping wherever they were on the 23rd and carrying out the observance the next day?
3) The Northampton route from Ludlow to London is actually only about 14 miles longer than the southern route - if you check google maps, you'll see that Ludlow is actually slightly further north than Northampton. It was also a route which would take them through areas where Rivers had lands and influence and the ability to call on men. I imagine it was the route Rivers normally took if he was heading for London from Ludlow, and certainly a road he would have known well as the one linking Ludlow with his East Midlands estates.
I'm a bit embarrassed to admit I didn't think of Watling Street passing through the Midlands, even though I knew Rivers had properties there! So it's possible Edward's escort grew in size after departing Ludlow. Likely, in fact, as it would make no sense to send a fairly large body of men in one direction one day, only to have them return via the same route only a day or so later....
4) Rivers was not young Edward's hands-on carer. His was an administrative role, and the surviving letters of his attorney, Dymmok, indicate that he only visited Ludlow from time to time (we don't even know for sure that he was at Ludlow when he heard of King Edward's death). I don't think, therefore, that he would have been in dereliction of duty in leaving Edward V with his normal carers at Stony Stratford for one night.
Now that did surprise me! However, ff Rivers wasn't expected to spend all his time in Ludlow, do we know who was actually in charge of the day-to-day running of Edward's household? And if Rivers wasn't at Ludlow when Edward IV died, where was he? Oi! BTW, am I correct in presuming that, once Richard's party had met Edward's, it would have been expected that Richard would take over providing the new king's escort? Then there's Rivers failure to immediately arrange a meeting between the new King and his Constable uncle. Still, I'm definitely going to have to have a re-think about various parts of my Northampton scenario! It still seems strange to me that Rivers would want a meeting with Richard anytime before he, Rivers, had gotten to London with Edward.
5) Is it possible that the real reason why Richard and the Woovilles were so jittery about each other has to do with Clar ence's execution? I know some historians try to d eny it, but there is evidence that the Woodvilles were felt by many including Richard to have been responsible for pushing Edward IV to execute George. That being so, Richard would have been afraid that, without Edward IV's protection, they would now pick him off too, whilst the Woodvilles would have been afraid that Richard would try to take revenge on them for his brother's death.
I must also admit I hadn't given any thought to how both parties might have viewed each other regarding the events of George's execution, but it would emphasize again why both parties were so concerned to respectively retain or gain custody of Edward V, wouldn't it? It would also give the Woodvilles a reason to oppose an effective Protectorate. Richard as Protector, a king in all but name, would have been a dismaying prospect, regardless of whether the Woodvilles had pushed for George's execution or not. For Richard, if he suspected the Woodvilles of urging George's execution, an Edward V advised and counseled by the Woodvilles, might literally be his death warrant. Thus, custody of the young king's person, could represent either party's only form of life insurance.
6) There are no surviving council records for Edward and Richard's reigns, so that would explain why the letter to the council to which Mancini refers has been lost.
Which means we have no way of knowing how accurate the quotation really is. Why am I not surprised?
7) The autumn rebellion had originally been intended to restore Edward V until word got round that he and his brother were dead. Crowland is quite clear about that.... He also claims that Buckingham only came in at a late stage in the preparations. The rebellion may have failed in large measure because of the resulting confusion about its aims.
So we have the rebellion being planned to restore Edward V with Buckingham a definite participant, but not the originator. Then the rumors spread and seemingly killed any chances of success. I suppose it may just be coincidence, but still... looks like it's back to that darn rumor and who started it!
Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE:
On Monday, 12 February 2018, 16:13:18 GMT, A J Hibbard ajhibbard@... [] <> wrote:
Regarding travel times. According to Crowland the posting system developed by Edward & Richard to stay in touch during the Scottish campaign could cover 200 miles in two days. However, a more realistic time frame appears to be the example of Sir Richard Ratcliffe carrying urgent messages from Richard to York when he averaged 50 miles a day for 4 days.
Regarding the Order of the Garter, the Statues of the Order obliged members to observe the Feast Day by wearing their regalia wherever they were. I do not think that the Feast was observed on behalf of the Order at York in 1483. Reasons are
1. The surviving records of the Order's chapters before the Tudor era show perhaps one example of the Order's Great Feast not being observed at Windsor.
2. Rous says "On the morrow of St George's day, after the accustomed service of the Knights of the Garter had been solemnly celebrated at Ludlow after the English habit, concluding with a splendid banquet, the young king removed towards London." (Alison Hanham's translation). This looks like an individual member of the Order observing the occasion since3. Anstis's translation of the Black Book of the Order states:
On May 24, 1483, the Order of the Garter observed St George's Feast at Windsor.. Anstis's translation of the Black Book reads(In the First Year of King Edward the Fifth, a Youth of a Disposition truly Royal, on the twenty fourth Day of May, Lord Dudeley empowered by the Authority of the King's Highness and Commission, held the accustomed Solemnity at Wyndesor, having Sir John Astheley to join with him.(The Sovereign was absent, being intent on the Solemnity of his Coronation and other weighty Affairs of the Kingdom.(The other Knights of this most excellent Order were not there, being either secured by the King's Protection, or probably hindered by other Affairs.
A J
On Mon, Feb 12, 2018 at 9:32 AM, Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... [] <> wrote:
Wow Doug It just makes one ask more and more questions, doesn't it?
I know we're now not sure on what day Edward actually died but around 9 April seems to be accepted. So I agree, why 4 days, when a messenger (albeit well-practised) could get to York in 2 days? And I agree, who was accompanying young Edward - Haute and Vaughan? What worries me is that this wasn't a four-year old they were escorting it was a stroppy teenager. What would they have done if he'd said he wanted them to carry on to London? If Rivers wasn't with him it all seems highly risky. Was Rivers gathering in Northants the extra troops that Hastings reckoned he's dissuaded EW from requesting? He was supposed to have Welshmen in tow, so they would be from Ludlow?
Can I throw another one in, this time about the October rebellions?. John Rushe is obviously an associate of William Stonor, Gyles Wellesbourne is Stonor's ward. Stonor decides to rebel, presumably to support EW whom he knows? So why is Rushe, one of the few people plotting with Buckingham and Morton at Brecon, and why do Gyles and his brother play a part in hunting down and delivering Buckingham? And Gyles and brother get rewarded by Richard. It's like one of the Logic exercises that I once had to do which seemingly reaches no logical conclusion. H
On Monday, 12 February 2018, 06:09:43 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <@ yahoogroups.com> wrote:
Marie,
First off, thank you for taking the time to put all this together! Of course, I do have some questions...
Marie wrote:
1) Regarding the date when news of Edward IV's death reached Ludlow. This was 14 April - we know this because Edward V wrote to King's Lynn on the 16th with the news, which he said "was shewed unto us the xiiiith daye of this present moneth."
Have you any idea why it would take four days for a messenger to get the news to Ludlow? Especially in view of the fact that it apparently took Edward's party four or five days to get to the vicinity of Northampton (25 April to 28/29 April)? I admit to being at sea in trying to explain it unless it was the time needed to prepare and hold a requiem mass?
2) The Garter Statutes made it mandatory for members to stay put on St. George's Day to observe the feast in their regalia. Richard appears to have done the same thing at York.
Couldn't the required celebrations be attended to while en route? The Garter regalia itself could have been brought along, couldn't it? I'm presuming the St. George's Day observances included religious services, but were there any special requirements that couldn't be met during a journey? Requirements that would prevent them from just stopping wherever they were on the 23rd and carrying out the observance the next day?
3) The Northampton route from Ludlow to London is actually only about 14 miles longer than the southern route - if you check google maps, you'll see that Ludlow is actually slightly further north than Northampton. It was also a route which would take them through areas where Rivers had lands and influence and the ability to call on men. I imagine it was the route Rivers normally took if he was heading for London from Ludlow, and certainly a road he would have known well as the one linking Ludlow with his East Midlands estates.
I'm a bit embarrassed to admit I didn't think of Watling Street passing through the Midlands, even though I knew Rivers had properties there! So it's possible Edward's escort grew in size after departing Ludlow. Likely, in fact, as it would make no sense to send a fairly large body of men in one direction one day, only to have them return via the same route only a day or so later....
4) Rivers was not young Edward's hands-on carer. His was an administrative role, and the surviving letters of his attorney, Dymmok, indicate that he only visited Ludlow from time to time (we don't even know for sure that he was at Ludlow when he heard of King Edward's death). I don't think, therefore, that he would have been in dereliction of duty in leaving Edward V with his normal carers at Stony Stratford for one night.
Now that did surprise me! However, ff Rivers wasn't expected to spend all his time in Ludlow, do we know who was actually in charge of the day-to-day running of Edward's household? And if Rivers wasn't at Ludlow when Edward IV died, where was he? Oi! BTW, am I correct in presuming that, once Richard's party had met Edward's, it would have been expected that Richard would take over providing the new king's escort? Then there's Rivers failure to immediately arrange a meeting between the new King and his Constable uncle. Still, I'm definitely going to have to have a re-think about various parts of my Northampton scenario! It still seems strange to me that Rivers would want a meeting with Richard anytime before he, Rivers, had gotten to London with Edward.
5) Is it possible that the real reason why Richard and the Woovilles were so jittery about each other has to do with Clar ence's execution? I know some historians try to d eny it, but there is evidence that the Woodvilles were felt by many including Richard to have been responsible for pushing Edward IV to execute George. That being so, Richard would have been afraid that, without Edward IV's protection, they would now pick him off too, whilst the Woodvilles would have been afraid that Richard would try to take revenge on them for his brother's death.
I must also admit I hadn't given any thought to how both parties might have viewed each other regarding the events of George's execution, but it would emphasize again why both parties were so concerned to respectively retain or gain custody of Edward V, wouldn't it? It would also give the Woodvilles a reason to oppose an effective Protectorate. Richard as Protector, a king in all but name, would have been a dismaying prospect, regardless of whether the Woodvilles had pushed for George's execution or not. For Richard, if he suspected the Woodvilles of urging George's execution, an Edward V advised and counseled by the Woodvilles, might literally be his death warrant. Thus, custody of the young king's person, could represent either party's only form of life insurance.
6) There are no surviving council records for Edward and Richard's reigns, so that would explain why the letter to the council to which Mancini refers has been lost.
Which means we have no way of knowing how accurate the quotation really is. Why am I not surprised?
7) The autumn rebellion had originally been intended to restore Edward V until word got round that he and his brother were dead. Crowland is quite clear about that.... He also claims that Buckingham only came in at a late stage in the preparations. The rebellion may have failed in large measure because of the resulting confusion about its aims.
So we have the rebellion being planned to restore Edward V with Buckingham a definite participant, but not the originator. Then the rumors spread and seemingly killed any chances of success. I suppose it may just be coincidence, but still... looks like it's back to that darn rumor and who started it!
Doug
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
So if you want to get your qualification you're not going to delve into Ross or Hicks's primary sources. They're the experts, you trust them, and they probably taught your Lecturer! So when, like Skidmore, or Licence, you write your own books you have no problem in using the same sources as the Masters - that was what you were taught to do. Real forensic History has a lot further to go and unfortunately Richard is one of the great victims here. It will take quite some time and some investigation to put things right. Just my view :) H
On Monday, 12 February 2018, 06:24:22 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary wrote: Re your first paragraph Doug for my sins I am reading 'The English Parliament in the Middle Ages' which I managed to acquire for £2 - not a highly sought-after volume! It endorses what you say and, by Edward's second reign he is actually personally initialing those measures he wants particularly to see passed by the Parliament which he of course has summoned. This practice apparently continued. Incidentally it's another indication that he wasn't lazy at all. Doug here: My understanding was that, until after the Tudors, it was royal policy to manage the House of Commons, usually via a nominated Speaker. And it wasn't until Elizabeth I and the early Stuarts that the use of committees to prepare legislation became, if you'll pardon me, common. Non-royal originated activity seems to have been mostly limited to petitions to the king regarding some form of perceived abuse. Hilary continued: And yes, the upper nobility were so fragmented and depleted that they weren't going to be producing any Magna Carta. In fact a lot of this is about the world having changed. We're entering the era of cronyism so beloved of the Tudors and so beneficial to the gentry. Doug here: To be fair to the Tudors (I suppose someone has to be?), I've always viewed their use of the gentry as a counter-weight to any pretensions of the remaining nobility. Edward VI's reign showed the dangers of an unchecked nobility; as, for that matter, did the last years of Elizabeth I's reign. Hilary concluded: (So when I read on a website that Parliament abolished Benevolences because Richard was trying to invoke them I was amazed. Some people will go far out of their way to discredit good that Richard himself did). Doug here: Yet another example of historians not knowing their history... Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE:
A J
On Tue, Feb 13, 2018 at 4:42 AM, Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... [] <> wrote:
Hi AJ, the messenger service could make it so much faster because it was like a relay - I recall men and horses changed every 20 miles (Ross) - 200 miles in 2 days York to London. So yes it would take longer, depending presumably whether there were frequent changes of horse - but I doubt that for a retinue of 250. About 4 days I would have thought, if they were proceeding with some urgency. H
On Monday, 12 February 2018, 16:13:18 GMT, A J Hibbard ajhibbard@... [] <@ yahoogroups.com> wrote:
Regarding travel times.. According to Crowland the posting system developed by Edward & Richard to stay in touch during the Scottish campaign could cover 200 miles in two days. However, a more realistic time frame appears to be the example of Sir Richard Ratcliffe carrying urgent messages from Richard to York when he averaged 50 miles a day for 4 days.
Regarding the Order of the Garter, the Statues of the Order obliged members to observe the Feast Day by wearing their regalia wherever they were. I do not think that the Feast was observed on behalf of the Order at York in 1483. Reasons are
1. The surviving records of the Order's chapters before the Tudor era show perhaps one example of the Order's Great Feast not being observed at Windsor.
2. Rous says "On the morrow of St George's day, after the accustomed service of the Knights of the Garter had been solemnly celebrated at Ludlow after the English habit, concluding with a splendid banquet, the young king removed towards London." (Alison Hanham's translation). This looks like an individual member of the Order observing the occasion since3. Anstis's translation of the Black Book of the Order states:
On May 24, 1483, the Order of the Garter observed St George's Feast at Windsor.. Anstis's translation of the Black Book reads(In the First Year of King Edward the Fifth, a Youth of a Disposition truly Royal, on the twenty fourth Day of May, Lord Dudeley empowered by the Authority of the King's Highness and Commission, held the accustomed Solemnity at Wyndesor, having Sir John Astheley to join with him.(The Sovereign was absent, being intent on the Solemnity of his Coronation and other weighty Affairs of the Kingdom.(The other Knights of this most excellent Order were not there, being either secured by the King's Protection, or probably hindered by other Affairs.
A J
On Mon, Feb 12, 2018 at 9:32 AM, Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... [] <@ yahoogroups.com> wrote:
Wow Doug It just makes one ask more and more questions, doesn't it?
I know we're now not sure on what day Edward actually died but around 9 April seems to be accepted. So I agree, why 4 days, when a messenger (albeit well-practised) could get to York in 2 days? And I agree, who was accompanying young Edward - Haute and Vaughan? What worries me is that this wasn't a four-year old they were escorting it was a stroppy teenager. What would they have done if he'd said he wanted them to carry on to London? If Rivers wasn't with him it all seems highly risky. Was Rivers gathering in Northants the extra troops that Hastings reckoned he's dissuaded EW from requesting? He was supposed to have Welshmen in tow, so they would be from Ludlow?
Can I throw another one in, this time about the October rebellions?. John Rushe is obviously an associate of William Stonor, Gyles Wellesbourne is Stonor's ward. Stonor decides to rebel, presumably to support EW whom he knows? So why is Rushe, one of the few people plotting with Buckingham and Morton at Brecon, and why do Gyles and his brother play a part in hunting down and delivering Buckingham? And Gyles and brother get rewarded by Richard. It's like one of the Logic exercises that I once had to do which seemingly reaches no logical conclusion. H
On Monday, 12 February 2018, 06:09:43 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <@ yahoogroups.com> wrote:
Marie,
First off, thank you for taking the time to put all this together! Of course, I do have some questions...
Marie wrote:
1) Regarding the date when news of Edward IV's death reached Ludlow. This was 14 April - we know this because Edward V wrote to King's Lynn on the 16th with the news, which he said "was shewed unto us the xiiiith daye of this present moneth."
Have you any idea why it would take four days for a messenger to get the news to Ludlow? Especially in view of the fact that it apparently took Edward's party four or five days to get to the vicinity of Northampton (25 April to 28/29 April)? I admit to being at sea in trying to explain it unless it was the time needed to prepare and hold a requiem mass?
2) The Garter Statutes made it mandatory for members to stay put on St. George's Day to observe the feast in their regalia. Richard appears to have done the same thing at York.
Couldn't the required celebrations be attended to while en route? The Garter regalia itself could have been brought along, couldn't it? I'm presuming the St. George's Day observances included religious services, but were there any special requirements that couldn't be met during a journey? Requirements that would prevent them from just stopping wherever they were on the 23rd and carrying out the observance the next day?
3) The Northampton route from Ludlow to London is actually only about 14 miles longer than the southern route - if you check google maps, you'll see that Ludlow is actually slightly further north than Northampton. It was also a route which would take them through areas where Rivers had lands and influence and the ability to call on men. I imagine it was the route Rivers normally took if he was heading for London from Ludlow, and certainly a road he would have known well as the one linking Ludlow with his East Midlands estates.
I'm a bit embarrassed to admit I didn't think of Watling Street passing through the Midlands, even though I knew Rivers had properties there! So it's possible Edward's escort grew in size after departing Ludlow. Likely, in fact, as it would make no sense to send a fairly large body of men in one direction one day, only to have them return via the same route only a day or so later.....
4) Rivers was not young Edward's hands-on carer. His was an administrative role, and the surviving letters of his attorney, Dymmok, indicate that he only visited Ludlow from time to time (we don't even know for sure that he was at Ludlow when he heard of King Edward's death). I don't think, therefore, that he would have been in dereliction of duty in leaving Edward V with his normal carers at Stony Stratford for one night.
Now that did surprise me! However, ff Rivers wasn't expected to spend all his time in Ludlow, do we know who was actually in charge of the day-to-day running of Edward's household? And if Rivers wasn't at Ludlow when Edward IV died, where was he? Oi! BTW, am I correct in presuming that, once Richard's party had met Edward's, it would have been expected that Richard would take over providing the new king's escort? Then there's Rivers failure to immediately arrange a meeting between the new King and his Constable uncle. Still, I'm definitely going to have to have a re-think about various parts of my Northampton scenario! It still seems strange to me that Rivers would want a meeting with Richard anytime before he, Rivers, had gotten to London with Edward.
5) Is it possible that the real reason why Richard and the Woovilles were so jittery about each other has to do with Clar ence's execution? I know some historians try to d eny it, but there is evidence that the Woodvilles were felt by many including Richard to have been responsible for pushing Edward IV to execute George. That being so, Richard would have been afraid that, without Edward IV's protection, they would now pick him off too, whilst the Woodvilles would have been afraid that Richard would try to take revenge on them for his brother's death.
I must also admit I hadn't given any thought to how both parties might have viewed each other regarding the events of George's execution, but it would emphasize again why both parties were so concerned to respectively retain or gain custody of Edward V, wouldn't it? It would also give the Woodvilles a reason to oppose an effective Protectorate. Richard as Protector, a king in all but name, would have been a dismaying prospect, regardless of whether the Woodvilles had pushed for George's execution or not. For Richard, if he suspected the Woodvilles of urging George's execution, an Edward V advised and counseled by the Woodvilles, might literally be his death warrant. Thus, custody of the young king's person, could represent either party's only form of life insurance.
6) There are no surviving council records for Edward and Richard's reigns, so that would explain why the letter to the council to which Mancini refers has been lost.
Which means we have no way of knowing how accurate the quotation really is. Why am I not surprised?
7) The autumn rebellion had originally been intended to restore Edward V until word got round that he and his brother were dead. Crowland is quite clear about that..... He also claims that Buckingham only came in at a late stage in the preparations. The rebellion may have failed in large measure because of the resulting confusion about its aims.
So we have the rebellion being planned to restore Edward V with Buckingham a definite participant, but not the originator. Then the rumors spread and seemingly killed any chances of success. I suppose it may just be coincidence, but still... looks like it's back to that darn rumor and who started it!
Doug
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London to Ludlow via the routes then available was 141 miles, and I would assume that the messenger wouldn't divert another 20 miles through Grafton (unless Anthony was there and he had to be told)? Most of the route, if you go via the Thames Valley and Oxford/Banbury is quite good. The tortuous bit is from Kidderminster to Ludlow - I know it well, my car excitingly broke down on bend there. So I would say no more than two days if delivered by a lone messenger who changed horses. Or, if they used the courier system, just over a day. No retinue of course. But it would also depend on what things the Woodvilles in London would want to put in place before the news became widespread - and the stroppy teenager was invited to have his say. H
On Tuesday, 13 February 2018, 13:39:37 GMT, A J Hibbard ajhibbard@... [] <> wrote:
Yes, I know that. I thought the question was how long it would have taken to deliver the news of K. Edward's death to Ludlow. That needn't have involved a large retinue. I was proposing that the time for a single messenger - with a few attendants? - to deliver urgent news might have been similar to the time it took Sir Richard Ratcliffe to travel from London to York in 1483. The question is how urgent was the news considered.
A J
On Tue, Feb 13, 2018 at 4:42 AM, Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... [] <> wrote:
Hi AJ, the messenger service could make it so much faster because it was like a relay - I recall men and horses changed every 20 miles (Ross) - 200 miles in 2 days York to London. So yes it would take longer, depending presumably whether there were frequent changes of horse - but I doubt that for a retinue of 250. About 4 days I would have thought, if they were proceeding with some urgency. H
On Monday, 12 February 2018, 16:13:18 GMT, A J Hibbard ajhibbard@... [] <@ yahoogroups.com> wrote:
Regarding travel times.. According to Crowland the posting system developed by Edward & Richard to stay in touch during the Scottish campaign could cover 200 miles in two days. However, a more realistic time frame appears to be the example of Sir Richard Ratcliffe carrying urgent messages from Richard to York when he averaged 50 miles a day for 4 days.
Regarding the Order of the Garter, the Statues of the Order obliged members to observe the Feast Day by wearing their regalia wherever they were. I do not think that the Feast was observed on behalf of the Order at York in 1483. Reasons are
1. The surviving records of the Order's chapters before the Tudor era show perhaps one example of the Order's Great Feast not being observed at Windsor.
2. Rous says "On the morrow of St George's day, after the accustomed service of the Knights of the Garter had been solemnly celebrated at Ludlow after the English habit, concluding with a splendid banquet, the young king removed towards London.." (Alison Hanham's translation). This looks like an individual member of the Order observing the occasion since3. Anstis's translation of the Black Book of the Order states:
On May 24, 1483, the Order of the Garter observed St George's Feast at Windsor.. Anstis's translation of the Black Book reads(In the First Year of King Edward the Fifth, a Youth of a Disposition truly Royal, on the twenty fourth Day of May, Lord Dudeley empowered by the Authority of the King's Highness and Commission, held the accustomed Solemnity at Wyndesor, having Sir John Astheley to join with him.(The Sovereign was absent, being intent on the Solemnity of his Coronation and other weighty Affairs of the Kingdom.(The other Knights of this most excellent Order were not there, being either secured by the King's Protection, or probably hindered by other Affairs.
A J
On Mon, Feb 12, 2018 at 9:32 AM, Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... [] <@ yahoogroups.com> wrote:
Wow Doug It just makes one ask more and more questions, doesn't it?
I know we're now not sure on what day Edward actually died but around 9 April seems to be accepted. So I agree, why 4 days, when a messenger (albeit well-practised) could get to York in 2 days? And I agree, who was accompanying young Edward - Haute and Vaughan? What worries me is that this wasn't a four-year old they were escorting it was a stroppy teenager. What would they have done if he'd said he wanted them to carry on to London? If Rivers wasn't with him it all seems highly risky. Was Rivers gathering in Northants the extra troops that Hastings reckoned he's dissuaded EW from requesting? He was supposed to have Welshmen in tow, so they would be from Ludlow?
Can I throw another one in, this time about the October rebellions?. John Rushe is obviously an associate of William Stonor, Gyles Wellesbourne is Stonor's ward. Stonor decides to rebel, presumably to support EW whom he knows? So why is Rushe, one of the few people plotting with Buckingham and Morton at Brecon, and why do Gyles and his brother play a part in hunting down and delivering Buckingham? And Gyles and brother get rewarded by Richard. It's like one of the Logic exercises that I once had to do which seemingly reaches no logical conclusion. H
On Monday, 12 February 2018, 06:09:43 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <@ yahoogroups.com> wrote:
Marie,
First off, thank you for taking the time to put all this together! Of course, I do have some questions...
Marie wrote:
1) Regarding the date when news of Edward IV's death reached Ludlow. This was 14 April - we know this because Edward V wrote to King's Lynn on the 16th with the news, which he said "was shewed unto us the xiiiith daye of this present moneth."
Have you any idea why it would take four days for a messenger to get the news to Ludlow? Especially in view of the fact that it apparently took Edward's party four or five days to get to the vicinity of Northampton (25 April to 28/29 April)? I admit to being at sea in trying to explain it unless it was the time needed to prepare and hold a requiem mass?
2) The Garter Statutes made it mandatory for members to stay put on St. George's Day to observe the feast in their regalia. Richard appears to have done the same thing at York.
Couldn't the required celebrations be attended to while en route? The Garter regalia itself could have been brought along, couldn't it? I'm presuming the St. George's Day observances included religious services, but were there any special requirements that couldn't be met during a journey? Requirements that would prevent them from just stopping wherever they were on the 23rd and carrying out the observance the next day?
3) The Northampton route from Ludlow to London is actually only about 14 miles longer than the southern route - if you check google maps, you'll see that Ludlow is actually slightly further north than Northampton. It was also a route which would take them through areas where Rivers had lands and influence and the ability to call on men. I imagine it was the route Rivers normally took if he was heading for London from Ludlow, and certainly a road he would have known well as the one linking Ludlow with his East Midlands estates.
I'm a bit embarrassed to admit I didn't think of Watling Street passing through the Midlands, even though I knew Rivers had properties there! So it's possible Edward's escort grew in size after departing Ludlow. Likely, in fact, as it would make no sense to send a fairly large body of men in one direction one day, only to have them return via the same route only a day or so later......
4) Rivers was not young Edward's hands-on carer. His was an administrative role, and the surviving letters of his attorney, Dymmok, indicate that he only visited Ludlow from time to time (we don't even know for sure that he was at Ludlow when he heard of King Edward's death). I don't think, therefore, that he would have been in dereliction of duty in leaving Edward V with his normal carers at Stony Stratford for one night.
Now that did surprise me! However, ff Rivers wasn't expected to spend all his time in Ludlow, do we know who was actually in charge of the day-to-day running of Edward's household? And if Rivers wasn't at Ludlow when Edward IV died, where was he? Oi! BTW, am I correct in presuming that, once Richard's party had met Edward's, it would have been expected that Richard would take over providing the new king's escort? Then there's Rivers failure to immediately arrange a meeting between the new King and his Constable uncle. Still, I'm definitely going to have to have a re-think about various parts of my Northampton scenario! It still seems strange to me that Rivers would want a meeting with Richard anytime before he, Rivers, had gotten to London with Edward.
5) Is it possible that the real reason why Richard and the Woovilles were so jittery about each other has to do with Clar ence's execution? I know some historians try to d eny it, but there is evidence that the Woodvilles were felt by many including Richard to have been responsible for pushing Edward IV to execute George. That being so, Richard would have been afraid that, without Edward IV's protection, they would now pick him off too, whilst the Woodvilles would have been afraid that Richard would try to take revenge on them for his brother's death.
I must also admit I hadn't given any thought to how both parties might have viewed each other regarding the events of George's execution, but it would emphasize again why both parties were so concerned to respectively retain or gain custody of Edward V, wouldn't it? It would also give the Woodvilles a reason to oppose an effective Protectorate. Richard as Protector, a king in all but name, would have been a dismaying prospect, regardless of whether the Woodvilles had pushed for George's execution or not. For Richard, if he suspected the Woodvilles of urging George's execution, an Edward V advised and counseled by the Woodvilles, might literally be his death warrant. Thus, custody of the young king's person, could represent either party's only form of life insurance.
6) There are no surviving council records for Edward and Richard's reigns, so that would explain why the letter to the council to which Mancini refers has been lost.
Which means we have no way of knowing how accurate the quotation really is. Why am I not surprised?
7) The autumn rebellion had originally been intended to restore Edward V until word got round that he and his brother were dead. Crowland is quite clear about that...... He also claims that Buckingham only came in at a late stage in the preparations. The rebellion may have failed in large measure because of the resulting confusion about its aims.
So we have the rebellion being planned to restore Edward V with Buckingham a definite participant, but not the originator. Then the rumors spread and seemingly killed any chances of success. I suppose it may just be coincidence, but still... looks like it's back to that darn rumor and who started it!
Doug
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Mary
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Hilary wrote:
I know we're now not sure on what day Edward actually died but around 9 April seems to be accepted. So I agree, why 4 days, when a messenger (albeit well-practised) could get to York in 2 days? And I agree, who was accompanying young Edward - Haute and Vaughan? What worries me is that this wasn't a four-year old they were escorting it was a stroppy teenager. What would they have done if he'd said he wanted them to carry on to London? If Rivers wasn't with him it all seems highly risky. Was Rivers gathering in Northants the extra troops that Hastings reckoned he's dissuaded EW from requesting? He was supposed to have Welshmen in tow, so they would be from Ludlow?
Can I throw another one in, this time about the October rebellions?. John Rushe is obviously an associate of William Stonor, Gyles Wellesbourne is Stonor's ward. Stonor decides to rebel, presumably to support EW whom he knows? So why is Rushe, one of the few people plotting with Buckingham and Morton at Brecon, and why do Gyles and his brother play a part in hunting down and delivering Buckingham? And Gyles and brother get rewarded by Richard. It's like one of the Logic exercises that I once had to do which seemingly reaches no logical conclusion.
Marie here:1) Edward IV does seem to have died on the 9th. If More is to be believed, the death took place at night, and that may be so as the heralds' account of his obsequies and funeral says he died on the 10th (there was no agreed method for what time of day to change the date at).2) I worked out, once in the past, that a messenger setting out on 10th would have travelled 35-40 miles a day in order to reach Ludlow on the 14th. The post-horse system had only been set up to bring news to Westminster from the Scottish war front, so was probably not available to the messenger heading to Ludlow. It would hardly have been good form for the messenger to York to have travelled faster than the one heading for the new king. A messenger doing the same sorts of speeds would have reached York on 16th or 17th, which accords with the notice in the town records (on the assumption that the clerk accidentally missed the x off the date).3) Wherever Rivers was when Edward died (his last known whereabouts were Walsingham on 25 March), it's likely he went to take charge of the new king at Ludlow as soon as he heard of Edward IV's death, but perhaps the sources need rereading. The Dymmok papers suggest he wasn't often at Grafton, although he was having some building work done there. His manor of Middleton in Norfolk seems to have been a favourite, and he also paid visits to King Lynn and Norwich.4) Is it possible that Rivers felt he simply had to meet Richard at Northampton in order to prevent him smelling a rat and chasing after the royal party and overtaking it? According to Mancini Richard actually told the council when he got to London that Rivers & Co had plotted to ambush him (I can look up the exact wording if you like).According to both Crowland and Mancini, Rivers set out from Northampton with Richard and Buckingham in the morning, and was arrested with Vaughan and Grey. Richard and Buckingham then returned with the young king and the prisoners to Northampton (we know that is correct, even though it is only in Mancini and More, because Edward V wrote an extant letter to Cardinal Bourchier from Northampton).It is only later writers who have Richard place Rivers under house arrest in Northampton the night before the arrests at Stony Stratford.If there was an ambush, then it looks as though it had been Rivers' final task to lead Richard into it.5) It is only Christopher Wellesbourne who is known to have helped Richard during Buckingham's Rebellion. No known involvement by Giles, and no reward.
---In , <hjnatdat@...> wrote :
Wow Doug It just makes one ask more and more questions, doesn't it?
I know we're now not sure on what day Edward actually died but around 9 April seems to be accepted. So I agree, why 4 days, when a messenger (albeit well-practised) could get to York in 2 days? And I agree, who was accompanying young Edward - Haute and Vaughan? What worries me is that this wasn't a four-year old they were escorting it was a stroppy teenager. What would they have done if he'd said he wanted them to carry on to London? If Rivers wasn't with him it all seems highly risky. Was Rivers gathering in Northants the extra troops that Hastings reckoned he's dissuaded EW from requesting? He was supposed to have Welshmen in tow, so they would be from Ludlow?
Can I throw another one in, this time about the October rebellions?. John Rushe is obviously an associate of William Stonor, Gyles Wellesbourne is Stonor's ward. Stonor decides to rebel, presumably to support EW whom he knows? So why is Rushe, one of the few people plotting with Buckingham and Morton at Brecon, and why do Gyles and his brother play a part in hunting down and delivering Buckingham? And Gyles and brother get rewarded by Richard. It's like one of the Logic exercises that I once had to do which seemingly reaches no logical conclusion. H
On Monday, 12 February 2018, 06:09:43 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Marie,
First off, thank you for taking the time to put all this together! Of course, I do have some questions...
Marie wrote:
1) Regarding the date when news of Edward IV's death reached Ludlow. This was 14 April - we know this because Edward V wrote to King's Lynn on the 16th with the news, which he said "was shewed unto us the xiiiith daye of this present moneth."
Have you any idea why it would take four days for a messenger to get the news to Ludlow? Especially in view of the fact that it apparently took Edward's party four or five days to get to the vicinity of Northampton (25 April to 28/29 April)? I admit to being at sea in trying to explain it unless it was the time needed to prepare and hold a requiem mass?
2) The Garter Statutes made it mandatory for members to stay put on St. George's Day to observe the feast in their regalia. Richard appears to have done the same thing at York.
Couldn't the required celebrations be attended to while en route? The Garter regalia itself could have been brought along, couldn't it? I'm presuming the St. George's Day observances included religious services, but were there any special requirements that couldn't be met during a journey? Requirements that would prevent them from just stopping wherever they were on the 23rd and carrying out the observance the next day?
3) The Northampton route from Ludlow to London is actually only about 14 miles longer than the southern route - if you check google maps, you'll see that Ludlow is actually slightly further north than Northampton. It was also a route which would take them through areas where Rivers had lands and influence and the ability to call on men. I imagine it was the route Rivers normally took if he was heading for London from Ludlow, and certainly a road he would have known well as the one linking Ludlow with his East Midlands estates.
I'm a bit embarrassed to admit I didn't think of Watling Street passing through the Midlands, even though I knew Rivers had properties there! So it's possible Edward's escort grew in size after departing Ludlow. Likely, in fact, as it would make no sense to send a fairly large body of men in one direction one day, only to have them return via the same route only a day or so later..
4) Rivers was not young Edward's hands-on carer. His was an administrative role, and the surviving letters of his attorney, Dymmok, indicate that he only visited Ludlow from time to time (we don't even know for sure that he was at Ludlow when he heard of King Edward's death). I don't think, therefore, that he would have been in dereliction of duty in leaving Edward V with his normal carers at Stony Stratford for one night.
Now that did surprise me! However, ff Rivers wasn't expected to spend all his time in Ludlow, do we know who was actually in charge of the day-to-day running of Edward's household? And if Rivers wasn't at Ludlow when Edward IV died, where was he? Oi! BTW, am I correct in presuming that, once Richard's party had met Edward's, it would have been expected that Richard would take over providing the new king's escort? Then there's Rivers failure to immediately arrange a meeting between the new King and his Constable uncle. Still, I'm definitely going to have to have a re-think about various parts of my Northampton scenario! It still seems strange to me that Rivers would want a meeting with Richard anytime before he, Rivers, had gotten to London with Edward.
5) Is it possible that the real reason why Richard and the Woovilles were so jittery about each other has to do with Clar ence's execution? I know some historians try to d eny it, but there is evidence that the Woodvilles were felt by many including Richard to have been responsible for pushing Edward IV to execute George. That being so, Richard would have been afraid that, without Edward IV's protection, they would now pick him off too, whilst the Woodvilles would have been afraid that Richard would try to take revenge on them for his brother's death.
I must also admit I hadn't given any thought to how both parties might have viewed each other regarding the events of George's execution, but it would emphasize again why both parties were so concerned to respectively retain or gain custody of Edward V, wouldn't it? It would also give the Woodvilles a reason to oppose an effective Protectorate. Richard as Protector, a king in all but name, would have been a dismaying prospect, regardless of whether the Woodvilles had pushed for George's execution or not. For Richard, if he suspected the Woodvilles of urging George's execution, an Edward V advised and counseled by the Woodvilles, might literally be his death warrant. Thus, custody of the young king's person, could represent either party's only form of life insurance.
6) There are no surviving council records for Edward and Richard's reigns, so that would explain why the letter to the council to which Mancini refers has been lost.
Which means we have no way of knowing how accurate the quotation really is. Why am I not surprised?
7) The autumn rebellion had originally been intended to restore Edward V until word got round that he and his brother were dead. Crowland is quite clear about that.. He also claims that Buckingham only came in at a late stage in the preparations. The rebellion may have failed in large measure because of the resulting confusion about its aims.
So we have the rebellion being planned to restore Edward V with Buckingham a definite participant, but not the originator. Then the rumors spread and seemingly killed any chances of success. I suppose it may just be coincidence, but still... looks like it's back to that darn rumor and who started it!
Doug
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
1) In 1462, Edward IV appointed John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester as Lord High
Constable: to have, occupy and occupy that office in all and singular that pertains to the same office for as long as it shall please us. (p.33)
2) In 1467, Edward appointed Richard Wydeville, Earl Rivers and his ostensible father-in-law, to the role in the same form of words, with reversion to Rivers' son Anthony, also for life.
3) In 1469, Rivers and his son John were captured on the day of Edgecote by Warwick-inspired rebels and executed hours later at Coventry. These beheadings did not carry Edward's authority, nor was the Lancastrian faction in a position to order them therefore Rivers was still Constable at the time and really did serve for life.
4) Anthony Wydeville refused the office and the teenage Duke of Gloucester was appointed for life instead (TNA C 66/525, see also Carson's Appendix III).
5) In 1470, the more experienced Tiptoft was briefly reappointed but Henry VI's readeption followed. The Earl of Oxford was made Constable and Tiptoft was executed.
6) In 1471, Edward IV was restored and Gloucester's appointment was reactivated.
In conclusion, a Lord High Constable served until death, resignation or replacement thus Gloucester remained in continuous office after Edward IV's death, as chapter 5 and the appendices will also confirm.
QED.
Sent from Mail for Windows 10
From: Paul Trevor Bale bale.paul-trevor@... []
Sent: 03 February 2018 17:47
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Richard remained Constable, and the important thing to remember is that between the death of the king and the coronation of the next the most powerful man in the land was the Constable. So any attempt to remove him from his position, or his life, was high treason! The Woodville were well aware of this, in spite of Dorset's ridiculous statement.
Paul
Envoyé de mon iPad
Le 3 févr. 2018 à 17:35, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> a écrit :
Stephen wrote:
"Carson has written a whole book on Richard's two appointments as Lord High
Constable and Lord Protector and Defender of the Realm. It is clear from the
precedents quoted in this that a person appointed for life to such a
position serves until death or active disappointment so Richard remained
Constable until, ironically, appointing his own successor."
Doug here:
I'm presuming that "active disappointment" means the king revoking the
grant? So, until/unless Edward V revoked his father's grant, Richard would
continue as Constable of England - and able to exercise its powers.
Doug
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
1. The surviving records of the Order's chapters before the Tudor era show perhaps one example of the Order's Great Feast not being observed at Windsor.
2. Rous says "On the morrow of St George's day, after the accustomed service of the Knights of the Garter had been solemnly celebrated at Ludlow after the English habit, concluding with a splendid banquet, the young king removed towards London." (Alison Hanham's translation). This looks like an individual member of the Order observing the occasion since 3. Anstis's translation of the Black Book of the Order states:
On May 24, 1483, the Order of the Garter observed St George's Feast at Windsor. Anstis's translation of the Black Book reads(In the First Year of King Edward the Fifth, a Youth of a Disposition truly Royal, on the twenty fourth Day of May, Lord Dudeley empowered by the Authority of the King's Highness and Commission, held the accustomed Solemnity at Wyndesor, having Sir John Astheley to join with him.(The Sovereign was absent, being intent on the Solemnity of his Coronation and other weighty Affairs of the Kingdom.(The other Knights of this most excellent Order were not there, being either secured by the King's Protection, or probably hindered by other Affairs.
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Well, we have Edward at Ludlow on 24 April and at Stony Stratford sometime on the 29th, so he and his escort seem to have managed around 20 miles a day. Now I'm starting to wonder just when those 2,000 men joined him!
As for his stroppiness, having never met the fellow, I can't say...
Doug
Paul wrote:
Has anybody mentioned the fact that royalty always travelled with an entourage, servants, soldiers, advisors, courtiers, hangers on, carriages as well as horses. That lot would never manage 50 miles a day, more like 10. Maybe.
And the main guy from Ludlow was a stroppy teenager who now thought he was the boss!
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
The 2,000 men were probably added along the way, as AW passed through the midlands where he was influential. If this was an unusually large entourage by the time it reached Northampton, it could have been one of a number of things that aroused suspicion that something wasn't right. As for Edward V's baby sitter, it was probably Vaughan, as he was based at Ludlow with day to day contact and responsibility for him, whereas Woodville and Grey had responsibilities elsewhere and their contact with E5 would have been more occasional.
Nico
http://yba.llgc.org.uk/en/s-VAUG-THO-1483.html
On Thursday, 15 February 2018, 15:47:00 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
AJ, 50 miles a day for a single rider sounds quite reasonable, especially as the rider would only be traveling during daylight hours and would have to stop and rest his horse (and himself) a couple of times during that period. Which also means that, presuming Edward left Ludlow on 25 April, he and his party averaged just over 25 miles a day. If those 2,000 men were with Edward from the start of his journey, they must have been pushing it to travel that far each day! Why was there another celebration of St. George's Day at Windsor if Edward had already celebrated St. George's Day in Ludlow? Is Windsor where the celebration is supposed to be held? I know St. George's Day can be celebrated on a day other than 23/24 April, but I understood that was only when the celebration of Easter interfered. Doug AJ wrote Regarding travel times. According to Crowland the posting system developed by Edward & Richard to stay in touch during the Scottish campaign could cover 200 miles in two days. However, a more realistic time frame appears to be the example of Sir Richard Ratcliffe carrying urgent messages from Richard to York when he averaged 50 miles a day for 4 days. Regarding the Order of the Garter, the Statues of the Order obliged members to observe the Feast Day by wearing their regalia wherever they were. I do not think that the Feast was observed on behalf of the Order at York in 1483. Reasons are
1. The surviving records of the Order's chapters before the Tudor era show perhaps one example of the Order's Great Feast not being observed at Windsor.
2. Rous says "On the morrow of St George's day, after the accustomed service of the Knights of the Garter had been solemnly celebrated at Ludlow after the English habit, concluding with a splendid banquet, the young king removed towards London." (Alison Hanham's translation). This looks like an individual member of the Order observing the occasion since 3. Anstis's translation of the Black Book of the Order states:
On May 24, 1483, the Order of the Garter observed St George's Feast at Windsor. Anstis's translation of the Black Book reads(In the First Year of King Edward the Fifth, a Youth of a Disposition truly Royal, on the twenty fourth Day of May, Lord Dudeley empowered by the Authority of the King's Highness and Commission, held the accustomed Solemnity at Wyndesor, having Sir John Astheley to join with him.(The Sovereign was absent, being intent on the Solemnity of his Coronation and other weighty Affairs of the Kingdom.(The other Knights of this most excellent Order were not there, being either secured by the King's Protection, or probably hindered by other Affairs.
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Now Coventry, by old routes, is about 70 miles from Ludlow; that's roughly half the distance of London to Ludlow and the London end is much faster. On 11 June 1481 Prince Edward (Rivers) wrote to the Mayor of Coventry asking the city to provide soldiers for the King on his Scottish campaign. The City Council met and replied on 14 June and the Prince wrote back accepting their reply on the same day. Of course we have to rely on the letter's transcriber getting the date correct but it would indicate, I would have thought, that the messenger system, or something akin to it, was in operation before the Scottish campaign began and that news could be disseminated very quickly if needed?
Whilst we're talking about Rivers a couple of other points. How much do we think Edward IV actually liked him?
I raise this for a couple of reasons. Firstly, as Carson mentions, he should have succeeded his father as Constable, if Precedent were to have been followed. And secondly, there's quite a bit of correspondence about riots in Coventry in the 1480s dealt with, as they should be, by Prince Edward (Rivers). On each occasion King Edward intervenes and lays down a much harder line - so the Prince has to write again acknowledging this. I wonder if this is the same tactic that Edward used to undermine Clarence?
A few more interesting scraps. In 1474 EW writes to the City in the King's absence (where?) sending it some venison and thanking it for the support of her son. Rivers's trusted messenger to Coventry is one John Isham. The Ishams are Northants gentry which shows that the Woodvilles did not lose track of their root support and no doubt the network of that root support. Finally, when the Edward IV asked for troops for the Scottish campaign he clearly at that point intended to go personally - it's virtually the same wording as he used for the French campaign. Does this endorse the assumption that it was illness that held him back? H
On Thursday, 15 February 2018, 15:47:00 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
AJ, 50 miles a day for a single rider sounds quite reasonable, especially as the rider would only be traveling during daylight hours and would have to stop and rest his horse (and himself) a couple of times during that period. Which also means that, presuming Edward left Ludlow on 25 April, he and his party averaged just over 25 miles a day. If those 2,000 men were with Edward from the start of his journey, they must have been pushing it to travel that far each day! Why was there another celebration of St. George's Day at Windsor if Edward had already celebrated St. George's Day in Ludlow? Is Windsor where the celebration is supposed to be held? I know St. George's Day can be celebrated on a day other than 23/24 April, but I understood that was only when the celebration of Easter interfered. Doug AJ wrote Regarding travel times. According to Crowland the posting system developed by Edward & Richard to stay in touch during the Scottish campaign could cover 200 miles in two days. However, a more realistic time frame appears to be the example of Sir Richard Ratcliffe carrying urgent messages from Richard to York when he averaged 50 miles a day for 4 days. Regarding the Order of the Garter, the Statues of the Order obliged members to observe the Feast Day by wearing their regalia wherever they were. I do not think that the Feast was observed on behalf of the Order at York in 1483. Reasons are
1. The surviving records of the Order's chapters before the Tudor era show perhaps one example of the Order's Great Feast not being observed at Windsor.
2. Rous says "On the morrow of St George's day, after the accustomed service of the Knights of the Garter had been solemnly celebrated at Ludlow after the English habit, concluding with a splendid banquet, the young king removed towards London." (Alison Hanham's translation). This looks like an individual member of the Order observing the occasion since 3. Anstis's translation of the Black Book of the Order states:
On May 24, 1483, the Order of the Garter observed St George's Feast at Windsor. Anstis's translation of the Black Book reads(In the First Year of King Edward the Fifth, a Youth of a Disposition truly Royal, on the twenty fourth Day of May, Lord Dudeley empowered by the Authority of the King's Highness and Commission, held the accustomed Solemnity at Wyndesor, having Sir John Astheley to join with him.(The Sovereign was absent, being intent on the Solemnity of his Coronation and other weighty Affairs of the Kingdom.(The other Knights of this most excellent Order were not there, being either secured by the King's Protection, or probably hindered by other Affairs.
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion andthe Precontract
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From: Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... []
Sent: 19 February 2018 11:32
To:
Subject: Re: RE: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion andthe Precontract
FWIW I've been looking again at the Coventry Leet books because I recalled that there was quite a lot of correspondence between the City and Edward Prince of Wales (Rivers) after he became their Lord on the death of Clarence. I thought if I looked at the dates of the letters and the replies to urgent ones it might give us a clue as to journey times.
Now Coventry, by old routes, is about 70 miles from Ludlow; that's roughly half the distance of London to Ludlow and the London end is much faster. On 11 June 1481 Prince Edward (Rivers) wrote to the Mayor of Coventry asking the city to provide soldiers for the King on his Scottish campaign. The City Council met and replied on 14 June and the Prince wrote back accepting their reply on the same day. Of course we have to rely on the letter's transcriber getting the date correct but it would indicate, I would have thought, that the messenger system, or something akin to it, was in operation before the Scottish campaign began and that news could be disseminated very quickly if needed?
Whilst we're talking about Rivers a couple of other points. How much do we think Edward IV actually liked him?
I raise this for a couple of reasons. Firstly, as Carson mentions, he should have succeeded his father as Constable, if Precedent were to have been followed. And secondly, there's quite a bit of correspondence about riots in Coventry in the 1480s dealt with, as they should be, by Prince Edward (Rivers). On each occasion King Edward intervenes and lays down a much harder line - so the Prince has to write again acknowledging this. I wonder if this is the same tactic that Edward used to undermine Clarence?
A few more interesting scraps. In 1474 EW writes to the City in the King's absence (where?) sending it some venison and thanking it for the support of her son. Rivers's trusted messenger to Coventry is one John Isham. The Ishams are Northants gentry which shows that the Woodvilles did not lose track of their root support and no doubt the network of that root support. Finally, when the Edward IV asked for troops for the Scottish campaign he clearly at that point intended to go personally - it's virtually the same wording as he used for the French campaign. Does this endorse the assumption that it was illness that held him back? H
On Thursday, 15 February 2018, 15:47:00 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
AJ,
50 miles a day for a single rider sounds quite reasonable, especially as the rider would only be traveling during daylight hours and would have to stop and rest his horse (and himself) a couple of times during that period. Which also means that, presuming Edward left Ludlow on 25 April, he and his party averaged just over 25 miles a day. If those 2,000 men were with Edward from the start of his journey, they must have been pushing it to travel that far each day!
Why was there another celebration of St. George's Day at Windsor if Edward had already celebrated St. George's Day in Ludlow? Is Windsor where the celebration is supposed to be held? I know St. George's Day can be celebrated on a day other than 23/24 April, but I understood that was only when the celebration of Easter interfered.
Doug
AJ wrote
Regarding travel times. According to Crowland the posting system developed by Edward & Richard to stay in touch during the Scottish campaign could cover 200 miles in two days. However, a more realistic time frame appears to be the example of Sir Richard Ratcliffe carrying urgent messages from Richard to York when he averaged 50 miles a day for 4 days.
Regarding the Order of the Garter, the Statues of the Order obliged members to observe the Feast Day by wearing their regalia wherever they were. I do not think that the Feast was observed on behalf of the Order at York in 1483. Reasons are
1. The surviving records of the Order's chapters before the Tudor era show perhaps one example of the Order's Great Feast not being observed at Windsor.
2. Rous says "On the morrow of St George's day, after the accustomed service of the Knights of the Garter had been solemnly celebrated at Ludlow after the English habit, concluding with a splendid banquet, the young king removed towards London." (Alison Hanham's translation). This looks like an individual member of the Order observing the occasion since
3. Anstis's translation of the Black Book of the Order states:
On May 24, 1483, the Order of the Garter observed St George's Feast at Windsor. Anstis's translation of the Black Book reads(In the First Year of King Edward the Fifth, a Youth of a Disposition truly Royal, on the twenty fourth Day of May, Lord Dudeley empowered by the Authority of the King's Highness and Commission, held the accustomed Solemnity at Wyndesor, having Sir John Astheley to join with him.(The Sovereign was absent, being intent on the Solemnity of his Coronation and other weighty Affairs of the Kingdom.(The other Knights of this most excellent Order were not there, being either secured by the King's Protection, or probably hindered by other Affairs.
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion andthe Precontract
On Monday, 19 February 2018, 17:03:02 GMT, Stephen stephenmlark@... [] <> wrote:
Anthony would have succeeded his father as Constable but refused the title as Carson points out (p.35).
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From: Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... []
Sent: 19 February 2018 11:32
To:
Subject: Re: RE: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion andthe Precontract
FWIW I've been looking again at the Coventry Leet books because I recalled that there was quite a lot of correspondence between the City and Edward Prince of Wales (Rivers) after he became their Lord on the death of Clarence. I thought if I looked at the dates of the letters and the replies to urgent ones it might give us a clue as to journey times.
Now Coventry, by old routes, is about 70 miles from Ludlow; that's roughly half the distance of London to Ludlow and the London end is much faster.. On 11 June 1481 Prince Edward (Rivers) wrote to the Mayor of Coventry asking the city to provide soldiers for the King on his Scottish campaign. The City Council met and replied on 14 June and the Prince wrote back accepting their reply on the same day. Of course we have to rely on the letter's transcriber getting the date correct but it would indicate, I would have thought, that the messenger system, or something akin to it, was in operation before the Scottish campaign began and that news could be disseminated very quickly if needed?
Whilst we're talking about Rivers a couple of other points. How much do we think Edward IV actually liked him?
I raise this for a couple of reasons. Firstly, as Carson mentions, he should have succeeded his father as Constable, if Precedent were to have been followed. And secondly, there's quite a bit of correspondence about riots in Coventry in the 1480s dealt with, as they should be, by Prince Edward (Rivers). On each occasion King Edward intervenes and lays down a much harder line - so the Prince has to write again acknowledging this. I wonder if this is the same tactic that Edward used to undermine Clarence?
A few more interesting scraps. In 1474 EW writes to the City in the King's absence (where?) sending it some venison and thanking it for the support of her son. Rivers's trusted messenger to Coventry is one John Isham. The Ishams are Northants gentry which shows that the Woodvilles did not lose track of their root support and no doubt the network of that root support. Finally, when the Edward IV asked for troops for the Scottish campaign he clearly at that point intended to go personally - it's virtually the same wording as he used for the French campaign. Does this endorse the assumption that it was illness that held him back? H
On Thursday, 15 February 2018, 15:47:00 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
AJ,
50 miles a day for a single rider sounds quite reasonable, especially as the rider would only be traveling during daylight hours and would have to stop and rest his horse (and himself) a couple of times during that period. Which also means that, presuming Edward left Ludlow on 25 April, he and his party averaged just over 25 miles a day. If those 2,000 men were with Edward from the start of his journey, they must have been pushing it to travel that far each day!
Why was there another celebration of St. George's Day at Windsor if Edward had already celebrated St. George's Day in Ludlow? Is Windsor where the celebration is supposed to be held? I know St. George's Day can be celebrated on a day other than 23/24 April, but I understood that was only when the celebration of Easter interfered.
Doug
AJ wrote
Regarding travel times. According to Crowland the posting system developed by Edward & Richard to stay in touch during the Scottish campaign could cover 200 miles in two days. However, a more realistic time frame appears to be the example of Sir Richard Ratcliffe carrying urgent messages from Richard to York when he averaged 50 miles a day for 4 days.
Regarding the Order of the Garter, the Statues of the Order obliged members to observe the Feast Day by wearing their regalia wherever they were. I do not think that the Feast was observed on behalf of the Order at York in 1483. Reasons are
1. The surviving records of the Order's chapters before the Tudor era show perhaps one example of the Order's Great Feast not being observed at Windsor.
2. Rous says "On the morrow of St George's day, after the accustomed service of the Knights of the Garter had been solemnly celebrated at Ludlow after the English habit, concluding with a splendid banquet, the young king removed towards London." (Alison Hanham's translation). This looks like an individual member of the Order observing the occasion since
3. Anstis's translation of the Black Book of the Order states:
On May 24, 1483, the Order of the Garter observed St George's Feast at Windsor. Anstis's translation of the Black Book reads(In the First Year of King Edward the Fifth, a Youth of a Disposition truly Royal, on the twenty fourth Day of May, Lord Dudeley empowered by the Authority of the King's Highness and Commission, held the accustomed Solemnity at Wyndesor, having Sir John Astheley to join with him.(The Sovereign was absent, being intent on the Solemnity of his Coronation and other weighty Affairs of the Kingdom.(The other Knights of this most excellent Order were not there, being either secured by the King's Protection, or probably hindered by other Affairs.
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion andthe Precontract
Mary
Re: Buckingham's Rebellionandthe Precontract
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From: Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... []
Sent: 19 February 2018 17:07
To:
Subject: Re: RE: RE: Re: Buckingham's Rebellionandthe Precontract
She doesn't say when or why, just one sentence. Doesn't surprise me though. He dodged pursuing Fauconburg. Anything that involved work! Though Ross writes a eulogy on his virtues :) Besides it might be uncomfortable having to pursue some of your old friends. H
On Monday, 19 February 2018, 17:03:02 GMT, Stephen stephenmlark@... [] <> wrote:
Anthony would have succeeded his father as Constable but refused the title as Carson points out (p.35).
Sent from Mail for Windows 10
From: Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... []
Sent: 19 February 2018 11:32
To:
Subject: Re: RE: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion andthe Precontract
FWIW I've been looking again at the Coventry Leet books because I recalled that there was quite a lot of correspondence between the City and Edward Prince of Wales (Rivers) after he became their Lord on the death of Clarence. I thought if I looked at the dates of the letters and the replies to urgent ones it might give us a clue as to journey times.
Now Coventry, by old routes, is about 70 miles from Ludlow; that's roughly half the distance of London to Ludlow and the London end is much faster.. On 11 June 1481 Prince Edward (Rivers) wrote to the Mayor of Coventry asking the city to provide soldiers for the King on his Scottish campaign. The City Council met and replied on 14 June and the Prince wrote back accepting their reply on the same day. Of course we have to rely on the letter's transcriber getting the date correct but it would indicate, I would have thought, that the messenger system, or something akin to it, was in operation before the Scottish campaign began and that news could be disseminated very quickly if needed?
Whilst we're talking about Rivers a couple of other points. How much do we think Edward IV actually liked him?
I raise this for a couple of reasons. Firstly, as Carson mentions, he should have succeeded his father as Constable, if Precedent were to have been followed. And secondly, there's quite a bit of correspondence about riots in Coventry in the 1480s dealt with, as they should be, by Prince Edward (Rivers). On each occasion King Edward intervenes and lays down a much harder line - so the Prince has to write again acknowledging this. I wonder if this is the same tactic that Edward used to undermine Clarence?
A few more interesting scraps. In 1474 EW writes to the City in the King's absence (where?) sending it some venison and thanking it for the support of her son. Rivers's trusted messenger to Coventry is one John Isham. The Ishams are Northants gentry which shows that the Woodvilles did not lose track of their root support and no doubt the network of that root support. Finally, when the Edward IV asked for troops for the Scottish campaign he clearly at that point intended to go personally - it's virtually the same wording as he used for the French campaign. Does this endorse the assumption that it was illness that held him back? H
On Thursday, 15 February 2018, 15:47:00 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
AJ,
50 miles a day for a single rider sounds quite reasonable, especially as the rider would only be traveling during daylight hours and would have to stop and rest his horse (and himself) a couple of times during that period. Which also means that, presuming Edward left Ludlow on 25 April, he and his party averaged just over 25 miles a day. If those 2,000 men were with Edward from the start of his journey, they must have been pushing it to travel that far each day!
Why was there another celebration of St. George's Day at Windsor if Edward had already celebrated St. George's Day in Ludlow? Is Windsor where the celebration is supposed to be held? I know St. George's Day can be celebrated on a day other than 23/24 April, but I understood that was only when the celebration of Easter interfered.
Doug
AJ wrote
Regarding travel times. According to Crowland the posting system developed by Edward & Richard to stay in touch during the Scottish campaign could cover 200 miles in two days. However, a more realistic time frame appears to be the example of Sir Richard Ratcliffe carrying urgent messages from Richard to York when he averaged 50 miles a day for 4 days.
Regarding the Order of the Garter, the Statues of the Order obliged members to observe the Feast Day by wearing their regalia wherever they were. I do not think that the Feast was observed on behalf of the Order at York in 1483. Reasons are
1. The surviving records of the Order's chapters before the Tudor era show perhaps one example of the Order's Great Feast not being observed at Windsor.
2. Rous says "On the morrow of St George's day, after the accustomed service of the Knights of the Garter had been solemnly celebrated at Ludlow after the English habit, concluding with a splendid banquet, the young king removed towards London." (Alison Hanham's translation). This looks like an individual member of the Order observing the occasion since
3. Anstis's translation of the Black Book of the Order states:
On May 24, 1483, the Order of the Garter observed St George's Feast at Windsor. Anstis's translation of the Black Book reads(In the First Year of King Edward the Fifth, a Youth of a Disposition truly Royal, on the twenty fourth Day of May, Lord Dudeley empowered by the Authority of the King's Highness and Commission, held the accustomed Solemnity at Wyndesor, having Sir John Astheley to join with him.(The Sovereign was absent, being intent on the Solemnity of his Coronation and other weighty Affairs of the Kingdom.(The other Knights of this most excellent Order were not there, being either secured by the King's Protection, or probably hindered by other Affairs.
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion andthe Precontract
On Monday, 19 February 2018, 18:48:07 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
I don't know if Edward didn't like Rivers maybe it was more that he didn't rate him in any leading roles. Did Rivers actually fight in any battles? If I remember rightly he said he was going on a pilgrimage when some battle was taking place and then he didn't actually go. I think he was involved in tournaments but presumably that wouldn't have set him up as a warrior knight.
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's
I still can't come up with a reason for Rivers to voluntarily seek a meeting with Richard before he'd gotten Edward to London because I can't imagine Rivers not realizing that if he met Richard, Richard would automatically take over as Edward's escort...Which leads me to think that it was Rivers failure to immediately arrange a meeting between Edward and Richard that made Richard suspicious I think AW would have definitely have preferred to avoid a meeting with Richard. He probably wanted to get all his troops together, meet with allies then move onto London to sort out the coronation, ensuring that he never lost custody of E5. I would assume that Richard would have assumed custody of E5 immediately as he was Royalty and Protector, and it would be natural to assume that a meeting between the too would be arranged as soon as possible. It must have looked strange for Richard to find AW taking care of business in Northampton surrounded by an excess of troops, with E5 and Vaughan in Stony Stratford. Since Richard was coming from York, AW could have assumed that he would stop in Northampton and that he might have to see him, but he would need to ensure that E5 was not around. These things alone look suspicious, but Richard and Buckingham may also have noticed something evasive about AW's manner when they met him.
Nico
On Thursday, 22 February 2018, 01:28:39 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Nico wrote: The 2,000 men were probably added along the way, as AW passed through the midlands where he was influential. If this was an unusually large entourage by the time it reached Northampton, it could have been one of a number of things that aroused suspicion that something wasn't right. As for Edward V's baby sitter, it was probably Vaughan, as he was based at Ludlow with day to day contact and responsibility for him, whereas Woodville and Grey had responsibilities elsewhere and their contact with E5 would have been more occasional. Doug here: In a post on the 14th, Marie has Rivers at Walsingham on 25 March and we know he was in Northampton on 29 April, but just where he was during the period between those two dates isn't known. We do know he had a manor at Grafton Regis and another at Middleton in Norfolk, so it's possible that he sat down and waited at Grafton Regis for Edward's party to arrive. Then again, it may have been that, while Rivers rode to Ludlow to personally escort Edward, he designated Northampton/Grafton Regis as a meeting point for a further contingent of his men; perhaps from his Norfolk properties? I still can't come up with a reason for Rivers to voluntarily seek a meeting with Richard before he'd gotten Edward to London because I can't imagine Rivers not realizing that if he met Richard, Richard would automatically take over as Edward's escort. And once Edward was with Richard, how would the Woodvilles reclaim custody? Which leads me to think that it was Rivers failure to immediately arrange a meeting between Edward and Richard that made Richard suspicious. At all costs, Rivers had to retain custody of Edward until after Edward was crowned. Thus Rivers' stalling tactics when he did meet Richard on 29 April. Williamson's account has Rivers telling Richard that he (Richard) could see Edward the next day at Stony Stratford and I think that was what originally made Richard suspicious; why the delay? Then there'd be those 2,000 men scattered about between Towcester and Stony Stratford, raising questions. Why, in peacetime, did Rivers think Edward needed such a large escort? At he link you provided I noted that Vaughan was Edward's Chamberlain at Ludlow which, if that position was anything like the King's Chamberlain, meant Vaughan had control over who saw Edward nice. Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's
Annette, if I've interpreted it correctly, says that Rivers had been given responsibility for the prince's 'tutela', which also involved being responsible for his person. I would have thought that it was really not a good time to be away from him. In fact it must have been something very pressing which made Rivers linger from going straight to the new king. And Richard must have thought that too!
FWIW whilst chasing distances and Gyles Wellesbourne from original sources I've twice come across EW dispensing largesse on her own. Once is to Stonor (who was then a 'friend') but the other was to the City of Coventry in 1474 when she clearly wrote to them before her husband knew, thanked them profusely for supporting Prince Edward and her other children and authorised the City Council to help itself to venison. This, of course, was at the time when the City 'reported into' Clarence.
I do wonder how many other people and cities had been wooed in this way? We only know about it because these records have survived. Had the Woodvilles covertly been building up support for some time, particularly amongst those disaffected from York but hoping the Queen would be on their side? H
On Thursday, 22 February 2018, 12:27:02 GMT, Nicholas Brown nico11238@... [] <> wrote:
Marie has Rivers at Walsingham on 25 March and we know he
was in Northampton on 29 April, but just where he was during the period between
those two dates isn't knownAW's Norfolk trip makes me wonder if he ever returned to Ludlow at all. He would have been at Walsingham for the Pilgrimage. March 25, The Feast of the Annunciation, was the beginning of the calendar year in the 15th century. I don't know whether there were New Year celebrations as such, but it sounds like a festive time when people might not rush back to work. Both Walsingham and Middleton are in North Norfolk, not far from King's Lynn. AW may have planned a few days to sort things out in Middleton, then move on to Grafton Regis and the Midlands, then onto Ludlow, if a trip to Ludlow was actually planned. I had always thought AW was based there, but it seems his visits were more sporadic. He could also have gone to London, and been there when E4 died, and then moved on to Northampton, and designated that as a place for everyone to meet, including men from his Norfolk estates to make up the unusually large number of troops, while Vaughan escorted E5 from Ludlow meeting AW at Northampton, then moved onto Stony Stratford.
I
still can't come up with a reason for Rivers to voluntarily seek a
meeting with Richard before he'd gotten Edward to London because I can't imagine
Rivers not realizing that if he met Richard, Richard would automatically take
over as Edward's escort...Which
leads me to think that it was Rivers failure to immediately arrange a
meeting between Edward and Richard that made Richard suspicious I think AW would have definitely have preferred to avoid a meeting with Richard. He probably wanted to get all his troops together, meet with allies then move onto London to sort out the coronation, ensuring that he never lost custody of E5. I would assume that Richard would have assumed custody of E5 immediately as he was Royalty and Protector, and it would be natural to assume that a meeting between the too would be arranged as soon as possible. It must have looked strange for Richard to find AW taking care of business in Northampton surrounded by an excess of troops, with E5 and Vaughan in Stony Stratford. Since Richard was coming from York, AW could have assumed that he would stop in Northampton and that he might have to see him, but he would need to ensure that E5 was not around. These things alone look suspicious, but Richard and Buckingham may also have noticed something evasive about AW's manner when they met him.
Nico
On Thursday, 22 February 2018, 01:28:39 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Nico wrote: The 2,000 men were probably added along the way, as AW passed through the midlands where he was influential. If this was an unusually large entourage by the time it reached Northampton, it could have been one of a number of things that aroused suspicion that something wasn't right. As for Edward V's baby sitter, it was probably Vaughan, as he was based at Ludlow with day to day contact and responsibility for him, whereas Woodville and Grey had responsibilities elsewhere and their contact with E5 would have been more occasional. Doug here: In a post on the 14th, Marie has Rivers at Walsingham on 25 March and we know he was in Northampton on 29 April, but just where he was during the period between those two dates isn't known. We do know he had a manor at Grafton Regis and another at Middleton in Norfolk, so it's possible that he sat down and waited at Grafton Regis for Edward's party to arrive. Then again, it may have been that, while Rivers rode to Ludlow to personally escort Edward, he designated Northampton/Grafton Regis as a meeting point for a further contingent of his men; perhaps from his Norfolk properties? I still can't come up with a reason for Rivers to voluntarily seek a meeting with Richard before he'd gotten Edward to London because I can't imagine Rivers not realizing that if he met Richard, Richard would automatically take over as Edward's escort. And once Edward was with Richard, how would the Woodvilles reclaim custody? Which leads me to think that it was Rivers failure to immediately arrange a meeting between Edward and Richard that made Richard suspicious. At all costs, Rivers had to retain custody of Edward until after Edward was crowned. Thus Rivers' stalling tactics when he did meet Richard on 29 April. Williamson's account has Rivers telling Richard that he (Richard) could see Edward the next day at Stony Stratford and I think that was what originally made Richard suspicious; why the delay? Then there'd be those 2,000 men scattered about between Towcester and Stony Stratford, raising questions. Why, in peacetime, did Rivers think Edward needed such a large escort? At he link you provided I noted that Vaughan was Edward's Chamberlain at Ludlow which, if that position was anything like the King's Chamberlain, meant Vaughan had control over who saw Edward nice. Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's
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From: 'Doug Stamate' destama@... []
Sent: 22 February 2018 16:21
To:
Subject: Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Hilary,
Regarding a messenger system; wouldn't it be possible, in order to meet special needs, to require the messenger to make as much speed as possible without having a regular messenger system set up? It would help, of course, if one either owned properties along the way or had access to remounts from friends.
As for Rivers not being made Constable when his father died; could that have been more that Richard was then 17? Richard Woodville was appointed to that position when Richard was only 15, so perhaps his being appointed Constable was more on the order of being an interim appointment? With Richard being planned for that position whenever Richard Woodville died? Well, Edward seems to have trusted Rivers enough to place his son in his care, so there's that. I wonder if Edward didn't possibly view Rivers' apparently mild responses to the riots as an attempt to curry favor with the citizens of Coventry? If so, then Edward requiring a harder line might simply be an example of the king wanting the laws enforced. With the side benefit of showing Rivers not only who was boss, but that Edward expected Rivers to be impartial?
Doug
Hilary wrote:
FWIW I've been looking again at the Coventry Leet books because I recalled that there was quite a lot of correspondence between the City and Edward Prince of Wales (Rivers) after he became their Lord on the death of Clarence. I thought if I looked at the dates of the letters and the replies to urgent ones it might give us a clue as to journey times.
Now Coventry, by old routes, is about 70 miles from Ludlow; that's roughly half the distance of London to Ludlow and the London end is much faster. On 11 June 1481 Prince Edward (Rivers) wrote to the Mayor of Coventry asking the city to provide soldiers for the King on his Scottish campaign. The City Council met and replied on 14 June and the Prince wrote back accepting their reply on the same day. Of course we have to rely on the letter's transcriber getting the date correct but it would indicate, I would have thought, that the messenger system, or something akin to it, was in operation before the Scottish campaign began and that news could be disseminated very quickly if needed?
Whilst we're talking about Rivers a couple of other points. How much do we think Edward IV actually liked him?
I raise this for a couple of reasons. Firstly, as Carson mentions, he should have succeeded his father as Constable, if Precedent were to have been followed. And secondly, there's quite a bit of correspondence about riots in Coventry in the 1480s dealt with, as they should be, by Prince Edward (Rivers). On each occasion King Edward intervenes and lays down a much harder line - so the Prince has to write again acknowledging this. I wonder if this is the same tactic that Edward used to undermine Clarence?
A few more interesting scraps. In 1474 EW writes to the City in the King's absence (where?) sending it some venison and thanking it for the support of her son. Rivers's trusted messenger to Coventry is one John Isham. The Ishams are Northants gentry which shows that the Woodvilles did not lose track of their root support and no doubt the network of that root support. Finally, when the Edward IV asked for troops for the Scottish campaign he clearly at that point intended to go personally - it's virtually the same wording as he used for the French campaign. Does this endorse the assumption that it was illness that held him back?
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's
What the tone of the Coventry correspondence shows very clearly is who is boss. Edward doesn't even want the two ringleaders imprisoned at Ludlow (which Rivers had done) but sent to him to be dealt with more strongly. Given that this is 1481 it shows a King on the top of his game, not someone given over to laziness. Of the letters written to Coventry by three kings, Edward, Richard and HT, Richard's is by far the most cordial; though still firm. It shows a king more in tune with the Council and people, honed no doubt from many years looking after York. H
On Thursday, 22 February 2018, 16:21:37 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary, Regarding a messenger system; wouldn't it be possible, in order to meet special needs, to require the messenger to make as much speed as possible without having a regular messenger system set up? It would help, of course, if one either owned properties along the way or had access to remounts from friends. As for Rivers not being made Constable when his father died; could that have been more that Richard was then 17? Richard Woodville was appointed to that position when Richard was only 15, so perhaps his being appointed Constable was more on the order of being an interim appointment? With Richard being planned for that position whenever Richard Woodville died? Well, Edward seems to have trusted Rivers enough to place his son in his care, so there's that. I wonder if Edward didn't possibly view Rivers' apparently mild responses to the riots as an attempt to curry favor with the citizens of Coventry? If so, then Edward requiring a harder line might simply be an example of the king wanting the laws enforced. With the side benefit of showing Rivers not only who was boss, but that Edward expected Rivers to be impartial? Doug Hilary wrote: FWIW I've been looking again at the Coventry Leet books because I recalled that there was quite a lot of correspondence between the City and Edward Prince of Wales (Rivers) after he became their Lord on the death of Clarence. I thought if I looked at the dates of the letters and the replies to urgent ones it might give us a clue as to journey times. Now Coventry, by old routes, is about 70 miles from Ludlow; that's roughly half the distance of London to Ludlow and the London end is much faster. On 11 June 1481 Prince Edward (Rivers) wrote to the Mayor of Coventry asking the city to provide soldiers for the King on his Scottish campaign. The City Council met and replied on 14 June and the Prince wrote back accepting their reply on the same day. Of course we have to rely on the letter's transcriber getting the date correct but it would indicate, I would have thought, that the messenger system, or something akin to it, was in operation before the Scottish campaign began and that news could be disseminated very quickly if needed? Whilst we're talking about Rivers a couple of other points. How much do we think Edward IV actually liked him? I raise this for a couple of reasons. Firstly, as Carson mentions, he should have succeeded his father as Constable, if Precedent were to have been followed. And secondly, there's quite a bit of correspondence about riots in Coventry in the 1480s dealt with, as they should be, by Prince Edward (Rivers). On each occasion King Edward intervenes and lays down a much harder line - so the Prince has to write again acknowledging this. I wonder if this is the same tactic that Edward used to undermine Clarence? A few more interesting scraps. In 1474 EW writes to the City in the King's absence (where?) sending it some venison and thanking it for the support of her son. Rivers's trusted messenger to Coventry is one John Isham. The Ishams are Northants gentry which shows that the Woodvilles did not lose track of their root support and no doubt the network of that root support. Finally, when the Edward IV asked for troops for the Scottish campaign he clearly at that point intended to go personally - it's virtually the same wording as he used for the French campaign. Does this endorse the assumption that it was illness that held him back?
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's
"As Carson says, quoting the National Archives, the Constableship was
granted to the first Earl Rivers for life in 1467 with remainder to his son
Anthony for life. Rivers lost his life and tenure simultaneously on 12
August 1469 in Coventry. Edward IV remained as King throughout that year but
Anthony disclaimed the position by October so he obviously had no
inclination for the duties and responsibilities."
Doug here:
If I recall the situation correctly, late 1469 wasn't exactly calm and
peaceful; had Rivers retained the Constableship, he would almost certainly
have become deeply involved, or expected to become deeply involved, in
military and political affairs, which really don't seem to be his forte, do
they? Edward making Rivers head of his son's household, on the other hand,
would have apparently been an administrative/oversight position.
Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's
Whether this was his decision or Edward's, we don't know yet.
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From: 'Doug Stamate' destama@... []
Sent: 23 February 2018 15:38
To:
Subject: Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Stephen wrote:
"As Carson says, quoting the National Archives, the Constableship was
granted to the first Earl Rivers for life in 1467 with remainder to his son
Anthony for life. Rivers lost his life and tenure simultaneously on 12
August 1469 in Coventry. Edward IV remained as King throughout that year but
Anthony disclaimed the position by October so he obviously had no
inclination for the duties and responsibilities."
Doug here:
If I recall the situation correctly, late 1469 wasn't exactly calm and
peaceful; had Rivers retained the Constableship, he would almost certainly
have become deeply involved, or expected to become deeply involved, in
military and political affairs, which really don't seem to be his forte, do
they? Edward making Rivers head of his son's household, on the other hand,
would have apparently been an administrative/oversight position.
Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: {Disarmed} Re:
"There are no surviving council records for Edward and Richard's reigns, so that would explain why the letter to the council to which Mancini refers has been lost."
Carol responds:
The question for me is why they are missing. (Surely such records were kept, and Richard would not have destroyed them.) I can't see them just getting lost or misplaced, and there are no fires that would have destroyed only Yorkist records. That leaves HT or one of his underlings. (Polydore Vergil, who complained about the dearth of records for the period, would not have dared to destroy such recent records himself. It would have been a betrayal of the trust placed in him.) My vote is for Robert Morton, who was Master of the Rolls under the Edwards and Richard but lost his post after his uncle rebelled against Richard in September 1483. Henry VII reinstated him. Who better to know exactly where and what the records were, not to mention that he would have a personal grudge against Richard?
I can't prove it, of course. Just a theory. But a letter to the council would have been part of the council records and destroyed along with the proceedings of the council meetings.
Carol
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum] Re
Nico concluded: I think AW would have definitely have preferred to avoid a meeting with Richard. He probably wanted to get all his tronotops together, meet with allies then move onto London to sort out the coronation, ensuring that he never lost custody of E5. I would assume that Richard would have assumed custody of E5 immediately as he was Royalty and Protector, and it would be natural to assume that a meeting between the too would be arranged as soon as possible. It must have looked strange for Richard to find AW taking care of business in Northampton surrounded by an excess of troops, with E5 and Vaughan in Stony Stratford. Since Richard was coming from York, AW could have assumed that he would stop in Northampton and that he might have to see him, but he would need to ensure that E5 was not around. These things alone look suspicious, but Richard and Buckingham may also have noticed something evasive about AW's manner when they met him. Doug here: Further thoughts on Rivers have led me to consider reversing my original idea that Rivers wouldn't have wanted to meet Richard prior to Edward V's arrival in London and his almost-immediate coronation. It's those 2,000 men Rivers had gathered. Could Rivers' plan from the beginning been to capture or kill Richard? After all, 2,000 is greater than 250 by a factor of eight, and even I would consider odds of 8-1 in my favor to likely be decisive if it came to any fighting. We know Richard arrested Rivers on 30 April, but we don't know where all those men were stationed, do we? We also know there have been rumor for centuries about a planned ambush and we also know Richard justified his actions at Northampton/Stony Stratford to the Council by stating there had been a plan to capture/kill him and Buckingham. How long would it take for Rivers to arrange for everyone, including Richard, to meet together at Northampton and then proceed together to London? Would those days when nobody seemed to be doing anything be enough? There'd certainly be time enough to alert Dorset of his plans, wouldn't there? So, while Edward in Wales and Richard in York are making preparations for requiem masses and their respective trips to Northampton to meet Rivers, and neither planning on departing until 26 April; Rivers is at Northampton gathering together men from his properties in the Midlands and Norfolk. Richard arrives in Northampton on 29 April only to discover that Edward isn't there, but instead is at Stony Stratford, over ten miles away. So the first question forms in Richard's mind: Why isn't Edward at Northampton? Not because the king should be where Richard could meet him, but because wasn't that where they all, including Edward, supposed to meet? Which again brings up the question of those 2,000 men. Presuming they weren't in Northampton, if only because of the ease at which Richard arrested Rivers on 30 April, where were they? Could they have been strung out along the road Richard, and Buckingham, would be expected to take as they made their way to that meeting with Edward in Stony Stratford? Nor would it be expected that Richard and Buckingham be accompanied by their escorts. They would be calling on the king and would, of course, be accompanied by some men from their escorts, but not likely all of them. We have Edward at Stony Stratford with an unknown number of men, but possibly only those who'd made the entire journey with him from Wales. We have Richard and Buckingham in Northampton with their respective escorts, number together around no more than 500 men. This part is conjectural, but I think Rivers was also in Northampton and likely not accompanied by those 2,000 men. Why? Because of the ease with which Richard arrested him. There's no mention of any fighting; not even of Rivers putting up any resistance at all. With 2,000 within call? I've read many descriptions of Rivers, both laudatory and not, and cowardly wasn't among the adjectives. Which is why I conclude those 2,000 men weren't anywhere where they could help Rivers. Now this is also conjecture, but if there was anything close to 2,000 men in the vicinity of Northampton, the people of that town would know it. Especially if men had been trickling in over the previous week to ten days. They'd also likely know where those men were. And I can't see Richard, his suspicions aroused by Edward being at some small village instead of a town more suited to his rank, not quickly finding out how many of Rivers' men were in the area and, at least roughly, where they were. All that would be required would be to ask the innkeeper of wherever he and Buckingham were staying. With the result that Rivers' plan to ambush Richard and Buckingham in the morning is foiled because, rather than setting off down what is now the A 508, Richard and Buckingham, likely accompanied by their entire escorts, went directly to wherever Rivers was in Northampton on the morning of 30 April and arrested him. With noone to tell them what to do, Rivers' men did nothing. Thus allowing Richard to arrest Scales and Vaughan as well and then proceed to assume the escort of his nephew. I think this all holds together... Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum] Re
Having really looked at the geography from Northampton to Stony Stratford it is an area ripe for an ambush - from those side roads that you pointed out. I think Richard was telling the truth (didn't he always anyway).
The 2,000 retinue is a red herring and I think even Ross had second thoughts when he put the 250 ducal escort footnote. We know that EW wanted AW to come with a large army but Hastings and others dissuaded her. Another thought; if Rivers was coming direct from Ludlow why didn't he divert slightly through Coventry? You'd get by far the biggest army from there - they sent 500 to the Scottish wars. And the young King was its overlord with a special relationship with it. Odd, don't you think, seeing as they appeared to be in no hurry There is no record in the Coventry Leet of Rivers or the King passing through Coventry on that occasion. Like you, I think AW thought Northants 'safer territory' to recruit, with less spies perhaps? H
On Saturday, 24 February 2018, 19:46:40 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Nico wrote: AW's Norfolk trip makes me wonder if he ever returned to Ludlow at all. He would have been at Walsingham for the Pilgrimage. March 25, The Feast of the Annunciation, was the beginning of the calendar year in the 15th century. I don't know whether there were New Year celebrations as such, but it sounds like a festive time when people might not rush back to work. Both Walsingham and Middleton are in North Norfolk, not far from King's Lynn. AW may have planned a few days to sort things out in Middleton, then move on to Grafton Regis and the Midlands, then onto Ludlow, if a trip to Ludlow was actually planned. I had always thought AW was based there, but it seems his visits were more sporadic. He could also have gone to London, and been there when E4 died, and then moved on to Northampton, and designated that as a place for everyone to meet, including men from his Norfolk estates to make up the unusually large number of troops, while Vaughan escorted E5 from Ludlow meeting AW at Northampton, then moved onto Stony Stratford. Doug here: Well, we know it took Edward V's party four days to get to the Northampton area and, unless he was moving much faster, the same likely would apply the other way around. Then add, say, another two days travel from wherever Rivers was in Norfolk to Northampton and he could have arrived in Ludlow about a week after hearing of Edward IV's death. If we allow a minimum of two days for him to receive that news, then the earliest Rivers could have been in Ludlow would have been 17/18 April. Which would have given him a week to arrange things before starting out on the trip back to London. However, everyone concerned, Richard as well as Edward's party, seems to have stayed in place between hearing of Edward IV's death and St. George's Day. Would preparations for requiem masses, and the celebration of them, have taken that much time? I know of nothing that would have prevented preparations for the journey to London being made simultaneously with any requiem mass/es being arranged and celebrated. Even allowing a week for such celebrations, I'm missing 7-10 days that, in my opinion at least, should have seen Edward's party already in London. What do you think of the idea that, at least in regards to Rivers & Co., those missing days were spent in making arrangements as to where everyone would meet? Or, as Richard also didn't leave until after St. George's Day, perhaps I'm simply under-estimating the time it took to arrange a properly escorted trip? FWIW, it's also those missing days that have led me to believe that the Woodvilles were caught as flat-footed by the death of Edward IV as was everyone else. Even allowing for incompetence on Rivers' part, if there were any hints Edward's over-all health wasn't good, why weren't plans in place to cover the possibility of Edward's death?
Nico concluded: I think AW would have definitely have preferred to avoid a meeting with Richard. He probably wanted to get all his tronotops together, meet with allies then move onto London to sort out the coronation, ensuring that he never lost custody of E5. I would assume that Richard would have assumed custody of E5 immediately as he was Royalty and Protector, and it would be natural to assume that a meeting between the too would be arranged as soon as possible. It must have looked strange for Richard to find AW taking care of business in Northampton surrounded by an excess of troops, with E5 and Vaughan in Stony Stratford. Since Richard was coming from York, AW could have assumed that he would stop in Northampton and that he might have to see him, but he would need to ensure that E5 was not around. These things alone look suspicious, but Richard and Buckingham may also have noticed something evasive about AW's manner when they met him. Doug here: Further thoughts on Rivers have led me to consider reversing my original idea that Rivers wouldn't have wanted to meet Richard prior to Edward V's arrival in London and his almost-immediate coronation. It's those 2,000 men Rivers had gathered. Could Rivers' plan from the beginning been to capture or kill Richard? After all, 2,000 is greater than 250 by a factor of eight, and even I would consider odds of 8-1 in my favor to likely be decisive if it came to any fighting. We know Richard arrested Rivers on 30 April, but we don't know where all those men were stationed, do we? We also know there have been rumor for centuries about a planned ambush and we also know Richard justified his actions at Northampton/Stony Stratford to the Council by stating there had been a plan to capture/kill him and Buckingham. How long would it take for Rivers to arrange for everyone, including Richard, to meet together at Northampton and then proceed together to London? Would those days when nobody seemed to be doing anything be enough? There'd certainly be time enough to alert Dorset of his plans, wouldn't there? So, while Edward in Wales and Richard in York are making preparations for requiem masses and their respective trips to Northampton to meet Rivers, and neither planning on departing until 26 April; Rivers is at Northampton gathering together men from his properties in the Midlands and Norfolk. Richard arrives in Northampton on 29 April only to discover that Edward isn't there, but instead is at Stony Stratford, over ten miles away.. So the first question forms in Richard's mind: Why isn't Edward at Northampton? Not because the king should be where Richard could meet him, but because wasn't that where they all, including Edward, supposed to meet? Which again brings up the question of those 2,000 men. Presuming they weren't in Northampton, if only because of the ease at which Richard arrested Rivers on 30 April, where were they? Could they have been strung out along the road Richard, and Buckingham, would be expected to take as they made their way to that meeting with Edward in Stony Stratford? Nor would it be expected that Richard and Buckingham be accompanied by their escorts. They would be calling on the king and would, of course, be accompanied by some men from their escorts, but not likely all of them. We have Edward at Stony Stratford with an unknown number of men, but possibly only those who'd made the entire journey with him from Wales. We have Richard and Buckingham in Northampton with their respective escorts, number together around no more than 500 men. This part is conjectural, but I think Rivers was also in Northampton and likely not accompanied by those 2,000 men. Why? Because of the ease with which Richard arrested him. There's no mention of any fighting; not even of Rivers putting up any resistance at all. With 2,000 within call? I've read many descriptions of Rivers, both laudatory and not, and cowardly wasn't among the adjectives. Which is why I conclude those 2,000 men weren't anywhere where they could help Rivers. Now this is also conjecture, but if there was anything close to 2,000 men in the vicinity of Northampton, the people of that town would know it. Especially if men had been trickling in over the previous week to ten days. They'd also likely know where those men were. And I can't see Richard, his suspicions aroused by Edward being at some small village instead of a town more suited to his rank, not quickly finding out how many of Rivers' men were in the area and, at least roughly, where they were.. All that would be required would be to ask the innkeeper of wherever he and Buckingham were staying. With the result that Rivers' plan to ambush Richard and Buckingham in the morning is foiled because, rather than setting off down what is now the A 508, Richard and Buckingham, likely accompanied by their entire escorts, went directly to wherever Rivers was in Northampton on the morning of 30 April and arrested him. With noone to tell them what to do, Rivers' men did nothing. Thus allowing Richard to arrest Scales and Vaughan as well and then proceed to assume the escort of his nephew. I think this all holds together... Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum] Re
Mary.
Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum] Re
There is an additional piece of the jigsaw puzzle to be taken into account when considering the movements of people and accommodation, which may touch on Hilary's interest in the wool trade.
If I have followed it correctly, the BHOL for Northampton says that an annual fair was held in spring. St George's fair appears to have been held over 8 days beginning on 23rd.
The borough of Northampton: Introduction | British History Online The borough of Northampton: Introduction | British History Online
I am not sure how such fairs would be conducted, but it would certainly have made the town busy. It may also have affected the roads to and from town, with traders bringing and taking goods.
It is certainly a factor that needs to be considered. It may already have been included in the article mentioned by Mary.
Kind regardsDavid
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On Sat, 24 Feb 2018 at 19:46, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... []<> wrote:
Nico wrote: AW's Norfolk trip makes me wonder if he ever returned to Ludlow at all. He would have been at Walsingham for the Pilgrimage. March 25, The Feast of the Annunciation, was the beginning of the calendar year in the 15th century. I don't know whether there were New Year celebrations as such, but it sounds like a festive time when people might not rush back to work. Both Walsingham and Middleton are in North Norfolk, not far from King's Lynn. AW may have planned a few days to sort things out in Middleton, then move on to Grafton Regis and the Midlands, then onto Ludlow, if a trip to Ludlow was actually planned. I had always thought AW was based there, but it seems his visits were more sporadic. He could also have gone to London, and been there when E4 died, and then moved on to Northampton, and designated that as a place for everyone to meet, including men from his Norfolk estates to make up the unusually large number of troops, while Vaughan escorted E5 from Ludlow meeting AW at Northampton, then moved onto Stony Stratford. Doug here: Well, we know it took Edward V's party four days to get to the Northampton area and, unless he was moving much faster, the same likely would apply the other way around. Then add, say, another two days travel from wherever Rivers was in Norfolk to Northampton and he could have arrived in Ludlow about a week after hearing of Edward IV's death. If we allow a minimum of two days for him to receive that news, then the earliest Rivers could have been in Ludlow would have been 17/18 April. Which would have given him a week to arrange things before starting out on the trip back to London. However, everyone concerned, Richard as well as Edward's party, seems to have stayed in place between hearing of Edward IV's death and St. George's Day. Would preparations for requiem masses, and the celebration of them, have taken that much time? I know of nothing that would have prevented preparations for the journey to London being made simultaneously with any requiem mass/es being arranged and celebrated. Even allowing a week for such celebrations, I'm missing 7-10 days that, in my opinion at least, should have seen Edward's party already in London. What do you think of the idea that, at least in regards to Rivers & Co., those missing days were spent in making arrangements as to where everyone would meet? Or, as Richard also didn't leave until after St. George's Day, perhaps I'm simply under-estimating the time it took to arrange a properly escorted trip? FWIW, it's also those missing days that have led me to believe that the Woodvilles were caught as flat-footed by the death of Edward IV as was everyone else. Even allowing for incompetence on Rivers' part, if there were any hints Edward's over-all health wasn't good, why weren't plans in place to cover the possibility of Edward's death?
Nico concluded: I think AW would have definitely have preferred to avoid a meeting with Richard. He probably wanted to get all his tronotops together, meet with allies then move onto London to sort out the coronation, ensuring that he never lost custody of E5. I would assume that Richard would have assumed custody of E5 immediately as he was Royalty and Protector, and it would be natural to assume that a meeting between the too would be arranged as soon as possible. It must have looked strange for Richard to find AW taking care of business in Northampton surrounded by an excess of troops, with E5 and Vaughan in Stony Stratford. Since Richard was coming from York, AW could have assumed that he would stop in Northampton and that he might have to see him, but he would need to ensure that E5 was not around. These things alone look suspicious, but Richard and Buckingham may also have noticed something evasive about AW's manner when they met him. Doug here: Further thoughts on Rivers have led me to consider reversing my original idea that Rivers wouldn't have wanted to meet Richard prior to Edward V's arrival in London and his almost-immediate coronation. It's those 2,000 men Rivers had gathered. Could Rivers' plan from the beginning been to capture or kill Richard? After all, 2,000 is greater than 250 by a factor of eight, and even I would consider odds of 8-1 in my favor to likely be decisive if it came to any fighting. We know Richard arrested Rivers on 30 April, but we don't know where all those men were stationed, do we? We also know there have been rumor for centuries about a planned ambush and we also know Richard justified his actions at Northampton/Stony Stratford to the Council by stating there had been a plan to capture/kill him and Buckingham. How long would it take for Rivers to arrange for everyone, including Richard, to meet together at Northampton and then proceed together to London? Would those days when nobody seemed to be doing anything be enough? There'd certainly be time enough to alert Dorset of his plans, wouldn't there? So, while Edward in Wales and Richard in York are making preparations for requiem masses and their respective trips to Northampton to meet Rivers, and neither planning on departing until 26 April; Rivers is at Northampton gathering together men from his properties in the Midlands and Norfolk. Richard arrives in Northampton on 29 April only to discover that Edward isn't there, but instead is at Stony Stratford, over ten miles away.. So the first question forms in Richard's mind: Why isn't Edward at Northampton? Not because the king should be where Richard could meet him, but because wasn't that where they all, including Edward, supposed to meet? Which again brings up the question of those 2,000 men. Presuming they weren't in Northampton, if only because of the ease at which Richard arrested Rivers on 30 April, where were they? Could they have been strung out along the road Richard, and Buckingham, would be expected to take as they made their way to that meeting with Edward in Stony Stratford? Nor would it be expected that Richard and Buckingham be accompanied by their escorts. They would be calling on the king and would, of course, be accompanied by some men from their escorts, but not likely all of them. We have Edward at Stony Stratford with an unknown number of men, but possibly only those who'd made the entire journey with him from Wales. We have Richard and Buckingham in Northampton with their respective escorts, number together around no more than 500 men. This part is conjectural, but I think Rivers was also in Northampton and likely not accompanied by those 2,000 men. Why? Because of the ease with which Richard arrested him. There's no mention of any fighting; not even of Rivers putting up any resistance at all. With 2,000 within call? I've read many descriptions of Rivers, both laudatory and not, and cowardly wasn't among the adjectives. Which is why I conclude those 2,000 men weren't anywhere where they could help Rivers. Now this is also conjecture, but if there was anything close to 2,000 men in the vicinity of Northampton, the people of that town would know it. Especially if men had been trickling in over the previous week to ten days. They'd also likely know where those men were. And I can't see Richard, his suspicions aroused by Edward being at some small village instead of a town more suited to his rank, not quickly finding out how many of Rivers' men were in the area and, at least roughly, where they were.. All that would be required would be to ask the innkeeper of wherever he and Buckingham were staying. With the result that Rivers' plan to ambush Richard and Buckingham in the morning is foiled because, rather than setting off down what is now the A 508, Richard and Buckingham, likely accompanied by their entire escorts, went directly to wherever Rivers was in Northampton on the morning of 30 April and arrested him. With noone to tell them what to do, Rivers' men did nothing. Thus allowing Richard to arrest Scales and Vaughan as well and then proceed to assume the escort of his nephew. I think this all holds together... Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's
"It wasn't an ideal time but Carson has shown that Anthony disclaimed the
title of Constable between 12 August and 31 October 1469.
Whether this was his decision or Edward's, we don't know yet."
Doug here:
FWIW, the more I learn about Rivers, the more I'm inclined to believe
Rivers' decision wasn't his alone. Although we have no definite proof, I
tend towards the view of Edward offering Rivers the position, while
simultaneously "encouraging" him to turn it down.
Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum] Re
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's
Sent from Mail for Windows 10
From: 'Doug Stamate' destama@... []
Sent: 25 February 2018 17:51
To:
Subject: Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Stephen wrote:
"It wasn't an ideal time but Carson has shown that Anthony disclaimed the
title of Constable between 12 August and 31 October 1469.
Whether this was his decision or Edward's, we don't know yet."
Doug here:
FWIW, the more I learn about Rivers, the more I'm inclined to believe
Rivers' decision wasn't his alone. Although we have no definite proof, I
tend towards the view of Edward offering Rivers the position, while
simultaneously "encouraging" him to turn it down.
Doug
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Mary
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On Sunday, 25 February 2018, 17:17:24 GMT, Durose David daviddurose2000@... [] <> wrote:
Doug, Nico and Hilary,
There is an additional piece of the jigsaw puzzle to be taken into account when considering the movements of people and accommodation, which may touch on Hilary's interest in the wool trade.
If I have followed it correctly, the BHOL for Northampton says that an annual fair was held in spring. St George's fair appears to have been held over 8 days beginning on 23rd.
The borough of Northampton: Introduction | British History Online The borough of Northampton: Introduction | British History Online
I am not sure how such fairs would be conducted, but it would certainly have made the town busy. It may also have affected the roads to and from town, with traders bringing and taking goods.
It is certainly a factor that needs to be considered. It may already have been included in the article mentioned by Mary.
Kind regardsDavid
Sent from Yahoo Mail on Android
On Sat, 24 Feb 2018 at 19:46, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... []<> wrote:
Nico wrote: AW's Norfolk trip makes me wonder if he ever returned to Ludlow at all. He would have been at Walsingham for the Pilgrimage. March 25, The Feast of the Annunciation, was the beginning of the calendar year in the 15th century. I don't know whether there were New Year celebrations as such, but it sounds like a festive time when people might not rush back to work. Both Walsingham and Middleton are in North Norfolk, not far from King's Lynn. AW may have planned a few days to sort things out in Middleton, then move on to Grafton Regis and the Midlands, then onto Ludlow, if a trip to Ludlow was actually planned. I had always thought AW was based there, but it seems his visits were more sporadic. He could also have gone to London, and been there when E4 died, and then moved on to Northampton, and designated that as a place for everyone to meet, including men from his Norfolk estates to make up the unusually large number of troops, while Vaughan escorted E5 from Ludlow meeting AW at Northampton, then moved onto Stony Stratford. Doug here: Well, we know it took Edward V's party four days to get to the Northampton area and, unless he was moving much faster, the same likely would apply the other way around. Then add, say, another two days travel from wherever Rivers was in Norfolk to Northampton and he could have arrived in Ludlow about a week after hearing of Edward IV's death. If we allow a minimum of two days for him to receive that news, then the earliest Rivers could have been in Ludlow would have been 17/18 April. Which would have given him a week to arrange things before starting out on the trip back to London. However, everyone concerned, Richard as well as Edward's party, seems to have stayed in place between hearing of Edward IV's death and St. George's Day. Would preparations for requiem masses, and the celebration of them, have taken that much time? I know of nothing that would have prevented preparations for the journey to London being made simultaneously with any requiem mass/es being arranged and celebrated. Even allowing a week for such celebrations, I'm missing 7-10 days that, in my opinion at least, should have seen Edward's party already in London. What do you think of the idea that, at least in regards to Rivers & Co., those missing days were spent in making arrangements as to where everyone would meet? Or, as Richard also didn't leave until after St. George's Day, perhaps I'm simply under-estimating the time it took to arrange a properly escorted trip? FWIW, it's also those missing days that have led me to believe that the Woodvilles were caught as flat-footed by the death of Edward IV as was everyone else. Even allowing for incompetence on Rivers' part, if there were any hints Edward's over-all health wasn't good, why weren't plans in place to cover the possibility of Edward's death?
Nico concluded: I think AW would have definitely have preferred to avoid a meeting with Richard. He probably wanted to get all his tronotops together, meet with allies then move onto London to sort out the coronation, ensuring that he never lost custody of E5. I would assume that Richard would have assumed custody of E5 immediately as he was Royalty and Protector, and it would be natural to assume that a meeting between the too would be arranged as soon as possible. It must have looked strange for Richard to find AW taking care of business in Northampton surrounded by an excess of troops, with E5 and Vaughan in Stony Stratford. Since Richard was coming from York, AW could have assumed that he would stop in Northampton and that he might have to see him, but he would need to ensure that E5 was not around. These things alone look suspicious, but Richard and Buckingham may also have noticed something evasive about AW's manner when they met him. Doug here: Further thoughts on Rivers have led me to consider reversing my original idea that Rivers wouldn't have wanted to meet Richard prior to Edward V's arrival in London and his almost-immediate coronation. It's those 2,000 men Rivers had gathered. Could Rivers' plan from the beginning been to capture or kill Richard? After all, 2,000 is greater than 250 by a factor of eight, and even I would consider odds of 8-1 in my favor to likely be decisive if it came to any fighting. We know Richard arrested Rivers on 30 April, but we don't know where all those men were stationed, do we? We also know there have been rumor for centuries about a planned ambush and we also know Richard justified his actions at Northampton/Stony Stratford to the Council by stating there had been a plan to capture/kill him and Buckingham. How long would it take for Rivers to arrange for everyone, including Richard, to meet together at Northampton and then proceed together to London? Would those days when nobody seemed to be doing anything be enough? There'd certainly be time enough to alert Dorset of his plans, wouldn't there? So, while Edward in Wales and Richard in York are making preparations for requiem masses and their respective trips to Northampton to meet Rivers, and neither planning on departing until 26 April; Rivers is at Northampton gathering together men from his properties in the Midlands and Norfolk. Richard arrives in Northampton on 29 April only to discover that Edward isn't there, but instead is at Stony Stratford, over ten miles away... So the first question forms in Richard's mind: Why isn't Edward at Northampton? Not because the king should be where Richard could meet him, but because wasn't that where they all, including Edward, supposed to meet? Which again brings up the question of those 2,000 men. Presuming they weren't in Northampton, if only because of the ease at which Richard arrested Rivers on 30 April, where were they? Could they have been strung out along the road Richard, and Buckingham, would be expected to take as they made their way to that meeting with Edward in Stony Stratford? Nor would it be expected that Richard and Buckingham be accompanied by their escorts. They would be calling on the king and would, of course, be accompanied by some men from their escorts, but not likely all of them. We have Edward at Stony Stratford with an unknown number of men, but possibly only those who'd made the entire journey with him from Wales. We have Richard and Buckingham in Northampton with their respective escorts, number together around no more than 500 men. This part is conjectural, but I think Rivers was also in Northampton and likely not accompanied by those 2,000 men. Why? Because of the ease with which Richard arrested him. There's no mention of any fighting; not even of Rivers putting up any resistance at all. With 2,000 within call? I've read many descriptions of Rivers, both laudatory and not, and cowardly wasn't among the adjectives. Which is why I conclude those 2,000 men weren't anywhere where they could help Rivers. Now this is also conjecture, but if there was anything close to 2,000 men in the vicinity of Northampton, the people of that town would know it. Especially if men had been trickling in over the previous week to ten days. They'd also likely know where those men were. And I can't see Richard, his suspicions aroused by Edward being at some small village instead of a town more suited to his rank, not quickly finding out how many of Rivers' men were in the area and, at least roughly, where they were... All that would be required would be to ask the innkeeper of wherever he and Buckingham were staying. With the result that Rivers' plan to ambush Richard and Buckingham in the morning is foiled because, rather than setting off down what is now the A 508, Richard and Buckingham, likely accompanied by their entire escorts, went directly to wherever Rivers was in Northampton on the morning of 30 April and arrested him. With noone to tell them what to do, Rivers' men did nothing. Thus allowing Richard to arrest Scales and Vaughan as well and then proceed to assume the escort of his nephew. I think this all holds together... Doug
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According to Wikipedia, although there is no source cited, the news that E4 had died reached E5 at Ludlow on April 14. That is probably estimated from the distance between London and Ludlow being 155 miles, rather than anything that is actually known. The problem with AW's position is that we don't know where he was when Edward died. If he was still in Norfolk, then he would have received the news there about the same time; in the Midlands, a day or two earlier, but if in London, more or less immediately. If AW was not in Ludlow at the time, then he would have to consider whether to go to Ludlow, or meet up with E5's party and everyone else in the central location of Northampton. If he had gone to Ludlow, that would have added days, especially if he delayed his departure. A properly arranged trip would have required organization, but I don't know how much. It can't have been the first time E5 had travelled outside of Ludlow, so it can't have required that much more planning. However, if you are combining the trip with plans for an ambush that might take some extra time. AW and anyone else involved such as Richard Grey would have had to meet to plan the strategy, then arrange for the excess of troops, although it is possible that Vaughan was not in on the plot. Some would have been from Ludlow, but if others were coming from the Midlands, he would have to arrange that too. If AW returned to Ludlow late, it may have been because he was co-ordinating troops from his other properties
FWIW, it's also those missing days that have led me to believe that the Woodvilles were caught as flat-footed by the death of Edward IV as was everyone else. Even allowing for incompetence on Rivers' part, if there were any hints Edward's over-all health wasn't good, why weren't plans in place to cover the possibility of Edward's death?
While there may have been real concerns about E4's health, anyone around him would have to be careful about how the approached it. AW's letter earlier in 1483 regarding young E5's guardianship that Collins mentioned does indicate that there was some cause for concern. However, E4 may have been an optimist about his health and unwilling to discuss the possibility of him dying before E5 came of age. The problem with pushing the subject was the it could have led to accusations of imagining the King's death, so AW had to be extremely careful.
Further thoughts on Rivers have led me to consider reversing my original idea that Rivers wouldn't have wanted to meet Richard prior to Edward V's arrival in London and his almost-immediate coronation. It's those 2,000 men Rivers had gathered...Could Rivers' plan from the beginning been to capture or kill Richard? After all, 2,000 is greater than 250 by a factor of eight, and even I would consider odds of 8-1 in my favor to likely be decisive if it came to any fighting...Which again brings up the question of those 2,000 men. Presuming they weren't in Northampton, if only because of the ease at which Richard arrested Rivers on 30 April, where were they? Could they have been strung out along the road Richard, and Buckingham, would be expected to take as they made their way to that meeting with Edward in Stony Stratford?
The more I think about it, I think that the ambush would have been planned from the outset, possibly with private discussions what to do between AW and Richard Grey even before E4 died. I can't see any reason for so many troops, especially in peacetime, and AW probably felt very confident of success if Richard were outnumbered by 8-1. Some troops may have been in Northampton, and some with E5 in Stony Stratford, but I suspect the majority were stationed deep in Woodville territory around Grafton Regis, the most likely location for the ambush. You are right to point out that if so many were in Northampton, arresting AW would have been more difficult, especially if the men had been recruited from his estates. Also, Northampton would have been overwhelmed by the numbers in a way that would have attracted some contemporary comment. AW would have anticipated meeting with Richard regarding E5, so he needed to get his charge out of the way to stop Richard taking control as guardian. To find E5 in Stony Stratford, Richard and Buckingham would most likely take the direct route through Grafton Regis, and if the troops were concentrated around there, they would have very little chance against them.
For me, this incident highlights so much about AW's personality - arrogant and ambitious to the point of clumsiness. What he missed out was realizing that even the best planned ambush requires that the person you intend to ambush reaches the desired place. He completely underestimated the fact that placing E5 in such a strange location, and already making plans for an early coronation would raise a red flag. You wouldn't even need to be a distinguished military leader like Richard to see something wasn't right. At best, it was a breach of protocol and downright rude, but AW wasn't counting on ever having to justify his bad manners.
Nico
On Monday, 26 February 2018, 09:38:13 GMT, Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... [] <> wrote:
That's very interesting. Thanks David H
On Sunday, 25 February 2018, 17:17:24 GMT, Durose David daviddurose2000@... [] <> wrote:
Doug, Nico and Hilary,
There is an additional piece of the jigsaw puzzle to be taken into account when considering the movements of people and accommodation, which may touch on Hilary's interest in the wool trade.
If I have followed it correctly, the BHOL for Northampton says that an annual fair was held in spring. St George's fair appears to have been held over 8 days beginning on 23rd.
The borough of Northampton: Introduction | British History Online The borough of Northampton: Introduction | British History Online
I am not sure how such fairs would be conducted, but it would certainly have made the town busy. It may also have affected the roads to and from town, with traders bringing and taking goods.
It is certainly a factor that needs to be considered. It may already have been included in the article mentioned by Mary.
Kind regardsDavid
Sent from Yahoo Mail on Android
On Sat, 24 Feb 2018 at 19:46, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... []<> wrote:
Nico wrote: AW's Norfolk trip makes me wonder if he ever returned to Ludlow at all. He would have been at Walsingham for the Pilgrimage. March 25, The Feast of the Annunciation, was the beginning of the calendar year in the 15th century. I don't know whether there were New Year celebrations as such, but it sounds like a festive time when people might not rush back to work. Both Walsingham and Middleton are in North Norfolk, not far from King's Lynn. AW may have planned a few days to sort things out in Middleton, then move on to Grafton Regis and the Midlands, then onto Ludlow, if a trip to Ludlow was actually planned. I had always thought AW was based there, but it seems his visits were more sporadic. He could also have gone to London, and been there when E4 died, and then moved on to Northampton, and designated that as a place for everyone to meet, including men from his Norfolk estates to make up the unusually large number of troops, while Vaughan escorted E5 from Ludlow meeting AW at Northampton, then moved onto Stony Stratford. Doug here: Well, we know it took Edward V's party four days to get to the Northampton area and, unless he was moving much faster, the same likely would apply the other way around. Then add, say, another two days travel from wherever Rivers was in Norfolk to Northampton and he could have arrived in Ludlow about a week after hearing of Edward IV's death. If we allow a minimum of two days for him to receive that news, then the earliest Rivers could have been in Ludlow would have been 17/18 April. Which would have given him a week to arrange things before starting out on the trip back to London. However, everyone concerned, Richard as well as Edward's party, seems to have stayed in place between hearing of Edward IV's death and St. George's Day. Would preparations for requiem masses, and the celebration of them, have taken that much time? I know of nothing that would have prevented preparations for the journey to London being made simultaneously with any requiem mass/es being arranged and celebrated. Even allowing a week for such celebrations, I'm missing 7-10 days that, in my opinion at least, should have seen Edward's party already in London. What do you think of the idea that, at least in regards to Rivers & Co., those missing days were spent in making arrangements as to where everyone would meet? Or, as Richard also didn't leave until after St. George's Day, perhaps I'm simply under-estimating the time it took to arrange a properly escorted trip? FWIW, it's also those missing days that have led me to believe that the Woodvilles were caught as flat-footed by the death of Edward IV as was everyone else. Even allowing for incompetence on Rivers' part, if there were any hints Edward's over-all health wasn't good, why weren't plans in place to cover the possibility of Edward's death?
Nico concluded: I think AW would have definitely have preferred to avoid a meeting with Richard. He probably wanted to get all his tronotops together, meet with allies then move onto London to sort out the coronation, ensuring that he never lost custody of E5. I would assume that Richard would have assumed custody of E5 immediately as he was Royalty and Protector, and it would be natural to assume that a meeting between the too would be arranged as soon as possible. It must have looked strange for Richard to find AW taking care of business in Northampton surrounded by an excess of troops, with E5 and Vaughan in Stony Stratford. Since Richard was coming from York, AW could have assumed that he would stop in Northampton and that he might have to see him, but he would need to ensure that E5 was not around. These things alone look suspicious, but Richard and Buckingham may also have noticed something evasive about AW's manner when they met him. Doug here: Further thoughts on Rivers have led me to consider reversing my original idea that Rivers wouldn't have wanted to meet Richard prior to Edward V's arrival in London and his almost-immediate coronation. It's those 2,000 men Rivers had gathered. Could Rivers' plan from the beginning been to capture or kill Richard? After all, 2,000 is greater than 250 by a factor of eight, and even I would consider odds of 8-1 in my favor to likely be decisive if it came to any fighting. We know Richard arrested Rivers on 30 April, but we don't know where all those men were stationed, do we? We also know there have been rumor for centuries about a planned ambush and we also know Richard justified his actions at Northampton/Stony Stratford to the Council by stating there had been a plan to capture/kill him and Buckingham. How long would it take for Rivers to arrange for everyone, including Richard, to meet together at Northampton and then proceed together to London? Would those days when nobody seemed to be doing anything be enough? There'd certainly be time enough to alert Dorset of his plans, wouldn't there? So, while Edward in Wales and Richard in York are making preparations for requiem masses and their respective trips to Northampton to meet Rivers, and neither planning on departing until 26 April; Rivers is at Northampton gathering together men from his properties in the Midlands and Norfolk. Richard arrives in Northampton on 29 April only to discover that Edward isn't there, but instead is at Stony Stratford, over ten miles away.... So the first question forms in Richard's mind: Why isn't Edward at Northampton? Not because the king should be where Richard could meet him, but because wasn't that where they all, including Edward, supposed to meet? Which again brings up the question of those 2,000 men. Presuming they weren't in Northampton, if only because of the ease at which Richard arrested Rivers on 30 April, where were they? Could they have been strung out along the road Richard, and Buckingham, would be expected to take as they made their way to that meeting with Edward in Stony Stratford? Nor would it be expected that Richard and Buckingham be accompanied by their escorts. They would be calling on the king and would, of course, be accompanied by some men from their escorts, but not likely all of them. We have Edward at Stony Stratford with an unknown number of men, but possibly only those who'd made the entire journey with him from Wales. We have Richard and Buckingham in Northampton with their respective escorts, number together around no more than 500 men. This part is conjectural, but I think Rivers was also in Northampton and likely not accompanied by those 2,000 men. Why? Because of the ease with which Richard arrested him. There's no mention of any fighting; not even of Rivers putting up any resistance at all. With 2,000 within call? I've read many descriptions of Rivers, both laudatory and not, and cowardly wasn't among the adjectives. Which is why I conclude those 2,000 men weren't anywhere where they could help Rivers. Now this is also conjecture, but if there was anything close to 2,000 men in the vicinity of Northampton, the people of that town would know it. Especially if men had been trickling in over the previous week to ten days. They'd also likely know where those men were. And I can't see Richard, his suspicions aroused by Edward being at some small village instead of a town more suited to his rank, not quickly finding out how many of Rivers' men were in the area and, at least roughly, where they were.... All that would be required would be to ask the innkeeper of wherever he and Buckingham were staying. With the result that Rivers' plan to ambush Richard and Buckingham in the morning is foiled because, rather than setting off down what is now the A 508, Richard and Buckingham, likely accompanied by their entire escorts, went directly to wherever Rivers was in Northampton on the morning of 30 April and arrested him. With noone to tell them what to do, Rivers' men did nothing. Thus allowing Richard to arrest Scales and Vaughan as well and then proceed to assume the escort of his nephew. I think this all holds together... Doug
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum] Re
We know EV got the news of his father's death in 14th because he wrote to kings Lynn to tell them.
You should be able to find that info plus my calculations re the messenger's travel speeds in a much earlier post of mine.
Whilst it's true that the woodvilles wanted a very early coronation, It would still take time to organise and probably couldn't have been scheduled for any earlier than 4 May. I think they would have avoided having EV arrive in London before the start of the coronation proceedings since until he was crowned Woodville ascendancy would be at risk. Hence, I believe, delaying the journey so as to arrive in London 2 May, the day before the royal procession from the Tower to Westminster.
Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III Society Forum] Re: Buckingham's
"It was Edward, in the 1467 document, that had remaindered the title to
Anthony on his father's death. Could the king have changed his mind so
quickly?"
Doug here:
But the political situation changed drastically between 1567 and late
summer/early autumn 1469. If I understand it correctly, one of the reasons
for the rebellion against Edward in the late summer of 1469 was the rapid
rise of his Woodville relations. Could it be that Edward realized that and,
once he regained his freedom, decided it would be better for the Constable
to be someone other than Anthony Woodville, if only as a matter of "public
relations"? Obviously neither Warwick nor Edward's brother George would do.
Richard, OTOH, was of royal blood, trustworthy and, most importantly, NOT a
Woodville.
Anyway, that's the best I can come up with!
Doug
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On Monday, 26 February 2018, 15:00:10 GMT, mariewalsh2003 <[email protected]> wrote:
Think last message lost.
We know EV got the news of his father's death in 14th because he wrote to kings Lynn to tell them.
You should be able to find that info plus my calculations re the messenger's travel speeds in a much earlier post of mine.
Whilst it's true that the woodvilles wanted a very early coronation, It would still take time to organise and probably couldn't have been scheduled for any earlier than 4 May. I think they would have avoided having EV arrive in London before the start of the coronation proceedings since until he was crowned Woodville ascendancy would be at risk. Hence, I believe, delaying the journey so as to arrive in London 2 May, the day before the royal procession from the Tower to Westminster.
Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III So
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So imagine Rivers knowing he's still got to go ahead with this, but without the support he was expecting. He must have been incredibly jittery. In fact could that be why he put Edward elsewhere? And if he was jittery, then even more reason for Richard to smell a rat.
What about Buckingham in all this? Do you reckon he was 'doing a Stanley'? Had he heard on the Woodville grapevine that something like this might happen so made sure he was where the action was to step in and lend support to the winning side? I still can't think of any other real reason for his being there. H
On Monday, 26 February 2018, 16:34:54 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <> wrote:
Hilary, I agree with you to the extent that whether Rivers actually had 2,000 men isn't, I think, the question and it's what he intended to do with the men he did have. I do think he had an unusually large number for the circumstances, however; perhaps twice as much as Richard's and Buckingham's combined escorts. And we don't know exactly how many men they had, either. They may, or may not, each have had the 250 men constituting the usual escort. FWIW, I think the Woodvilles' original plan was to assemble a large army to both escort Edward to London and over-awe any opposition. We have Dorset claiming the Woodvilles are in the driver's seat, even though from its' actions it's obvious they don't control the Council. Why would Dorset say what he's alleged to have said unless he believed he and his Woodville relations had the means to negate the wishes of the current Council? And the most obvious means would be a large body of armed men accompanying a king who would be willing to carry out their wishes. However, the Council stuck its' collective nose in and forced a reduction in men to that 2,000. Which means Rivers may not be in a position to over-come opposition in London by force should it develop. Most importantly, in order to retain their places at the top of the political pyramid, Rivers has to retain custody of Edward until after the coronation and the reshaping of the Council. Of course, if Rivers had had any sense, he'd have had all his men with him in Northampton and arrested Richard and Buckingham at that meeting. Personally, I think he didn't because he wanted some form of plausible denial. If Richard, and Buckingham, go trotting off down the medieval A 508 to meet the king, they wouldn't be going with their entire escorts. Because, and this is the most important part, once Richard and Buckingham are dead, any story that gets out will be Rivers' version with no one to say otherwise. Robbery? Mistaken identity? Richard planned to kill Edward? It wouldn't matter. What would matter was that the two men who could serve as centers of opposition to the Woodvilles would be dead. As for not availing himself of any aid from Coventry, perhaps that was due to Rivers simply not wanting to involve Edward? Other than as bait, that is. Doug Hilary wrote: Doug, this is how I see it too. Having really looked at the geography from Northampton to Stony Stratford it is an area ripe for an ambush - from those side roads that you pointed out.. I think Richard was telling the truth (didn't he always anyway). The 2,000 retinue is a red herring and I think even Ross had second thoughts when he put the 250 ducal escort footnote. We know that EW wanted AW to come with a large army but Hastings and others dissuaded her. Another thought; if Rivers was coming direct from Ludlow why didn't he divert slightly through Coventry? You'd get by far the biggest army from there - they sent 500 to the Scottish wars. And the young King was its overlord with a special relationship with it. Odd, don't you think, seeing as they appeared to be in no hurry There is no record in the Coventry Leet of Rivers or the King passing through Coventry on that occasion. Like you, I think AW thought Northants 'safer territory' to recruit, with less spies perhaps?
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Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III So
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III So
Hi, Mary & All
I'm sorry I missed the beginning of this discussion. Are you referring to Annette Carson's book on Richard as Constable and Lord High Protector, rather than The Maligned King. I have the latter (of course), not the former, but I see it is available for only $5.10 for kindle in Canada a bargain, I am sure!
Johanne
From: [mailto:]
Sent: February 27, 2018 7:08 AM
To:
Subject: Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
That thought about Hasting having to be got rid of has occurred to me. We know from Annette's book that things were not good between the Woodvilles and Hastings even before Edward's death and then he tries to pre-empt their plot to get Edward V to London and have him crowned as soon as possible. Possibly they thought that they could kill two birds with one stone, persuade Hastings to kill Richard and then execute Hastings for having killed the Protector and Lord Constable.
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III So
On Tuesday, 27 February 2018, 11:08:12 GMT, maryfriend@... [] <> wrote:
That thought about Hasting having to be got rid of has occurred to me. We know from Annette's book that things were not good between the Woodvilles and Hastings even before Edward's death and then he tries to pre-empt their plot to get Edward V to London and have him crowned as soon as possible. Possibly they thought that they could kill two birds with one stone, persuade Hastings to kill Richard and then execute Hastings for having killed the Protector and Lord Constable.
Mary
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Mary
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Sent from Mail for Windows 10
From: Johanne Tournier jltournier60@... []
Sent: 27 February 2018 12:36
To:
Subject: RE: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard IIISociety Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Hi, Mary & All
I'm sorry I missed the beginning of this discussion. Are you referring to Annette Carson's book on Richard as Constable and Lord High Protector, rather than The Maligned King. I have the latter (of course), not the former, but I see it is available for only $5.10 for kindle in Canada a bargain, I am sure!
Johanne
From: [mailto:]
Sent: February 27, 2018 7:08 AM
To:
Subject: Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
That thought about Hasting having to be got rid of has occurred to me. We know from Annette's book that things were not good between the Woodvilles and Hastings even before Edward's death and then he tries to pre-empt their plot to get Edward V to London and have him crowned as soon as possible. Possibly they thought that they could kill two birds with one stone, persuade Hastings to kill Richard and then execute Hastings for having killed the Protector and Lord Constable.
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard IIISoc
Thanks, Stephen
It must be an interesting book. I know the discussion around it has been going on for quite a while. I kept reading things like in Carson's book (etc.) but never caught the title. But I figured it must be the newer book rather than her classic Maligned King. 😊
Thanks!
Johanne
From: [mailto:]
Sent: February 27, 2018 9:51 AM
To:
Subject: RE: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard IIISociety Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Yes, we are.
Sent from Mail for Windows 10
From: Johanne Tournier jltournier60@... []
Sent: 27 February 2018 12:36
To:
Subject: RE: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard IIISociety Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Hi, Mary & All
I'm sorry I missed the beginning of this discussion. Are you referring to Annette Carson's book on Richard as Constable and Lord High Protector, rather than The Maligned King. I have the latter (of course), not the former, but I see it is available for only
$5.10 for kindle in Canada a bargain, I am sure!
Johanne
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That thought about Hasting having to be got rid of has occurred to me. We know from Annette's book that things were not good between the Woodvilles and Hastings even before Edward's death and then he tries to pre-empt their plot to get Edward V to London and
have him crowned as soon as possible. Possibly they thought that they could kill two birds with one stone, persuade Hastings to kill Richard and then execute Hastings for having killed the Protector and Lord Constable.
Mary
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Thanks, Stephen
It must be an interesting book. I know the discussion around it has been going on for quite a while. I kept reading things like in Carson's book (etc.) but never caught the title. But I figured it must be the newer book rather than her classic Maligned King. =
Thanks!
Johanne
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Yes, we are.
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Subject: RE: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard IIISociety Forum] Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Hi, Mary & All
I'm sorry I missed the beginning of this discussion. Are you referring to Annette Carson's book on Richard as Constable and Lord High Protector, rather than The Maligned King. I have the latter (of course), not the former, but I see it is available for only $5.10 for kindle in Canada a bargain, I am sure!
Johanne
From: [mailto:]
Sent: February 27, 2018 7:08 AM
To:
Subject: Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
That thought about Hasting having to be got rid of has occurred to me. We know from Annette's book that things were not good between the Woodvilles and Hastings even before Edward's death and then he tries to pre-empt their plot to get Edward V to London and have him crowned as soon as possible. Possibly they thought that they could kill two birds with one stone, persuade Hastings to kill Richard and then execute Hastings for having killed the Protector and Lord Constable.
Mary
Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: RE: [Richard III So
Hi, Mary
Well, judging from what you and Stephen have written perhaps it's both books?
I just ordered the Constableship one to be instantly delivered to my kindle, and I am looking forward to it. And I may review Maligned King, too, because it's been a while since I read that one.
Thanks muchly to both you and Stephen! 😊
Johanne
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No Johane, Maligned King. Annette says that Hastings and the Woodvilles weren't exactly on the best of terms before Edward died.
Mary
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On Feb 27, 2018 5:15 AM, "Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... []" <> wrote:
You know the one thing that doesn't fit with all this is that we know that Rivers was, shall we say, risk averse. He'd usually got a pilgrimage up his sleeve when asked to do anything where he might possibly come to harm. Personally I think this smacks of Lady Macbeth (otherwise known as EW) and he had to do it because she'd got no-one else. And she was Queen. So she'd probably promised him those extra troops (which is why he didn't stop off at Coventry) and then, due to Hastings, it all fell through. Gives a real motive to get rid of Hastings doesn't it?
So imagine Rivers knowing he's still got to go ahead with this, but without the support he was expecting. He must have been incredibly jittery. In fact could that be why he put Edward elsewhere? And if he was jittery, then even more reason for Richard to smell a rat.
What about Buckingham in all this? Do you reckon he was 'doing a Stanley'? Had he heard on the Woodville grapevine that something like this might happen so made sure he was where the action was to step in and lend support to the winning side? I still can't think of any other real reason for his being there. H
On Monday, 26 February 2018, 16:34:54 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <@ yahoogroups.com> wrote:
Hilary, I agree with you to the extent that whether Rivers actually had 2,000 men isn't, I think, the question and it's what he intended to do with the men he did have. I do think he had an unusually large number for the circumstances, however; perhaps twice as much as Richard's and Buckingham's combined escorts. And we don't know exactly how many men they had, either. They may, or may not, each have had the 250 men constituting the usual escort. FWIW, I think the Woodvilles' original plan was to assemble a large army to both escort Edward to London and over-awe any opposition. We have Dorset claiming the Woodvilles are in the driver's seat, even though from its' actions it's obvious they don't control the Council. Why would Dorset say what he's alleged to have said unless he believed he and his Woodville relations had the means to negate the wishes of the current Council? And the most obvious means would be a large body of armed men accompanying a king who would be willing to carry out their wishes. However, the Council stuck its' collective nose in and forced a reduction in men to that 2,000. Which means Rivers may not be in a position to over-come opposition in London by force should it develop. Most importantly, in order to retain their places at the top of the political pyramid, Rivers has to retain custody of Edward until after the coronation and the reshaping of the Council. Of course, if Rivers had had any sense, he'd have had all his men with him in Northampton and arrested Richard and Buckingham at that meeting. Personally, I think he didn't because he wanted some form of plausible denial. If Richard, and Buckingham, go trotting off down the medieval A 508 to meet the king, they wouldn't be going with their entire escorts. Because, and this is the most important part, once Richard and Buckingham are dead, any story that gets out will be Rivers' version with no one to say otherwise. Robbery? Mistaken identity? Richard planned to kill Edward? It wouldn't matter. What would matter was that the two men who could serve as centers of opposition to the Woodvilles would be dead. As for not availing himself of any aid from Coventry, perhaps that was due to Rivers simply not wanting to involve Edward? Other than as bait, that is. Doug Hilary wrote: Doug, this is how I see it too. Having really looked at the geography from Northampton to Stony Stratford it is an area ripe for an ambush - from those side roads that you pointed out.. I think Richard was telling the truth (didn't he always anyway). The 2,000 retinue is a red herring and I think even Ross had second thoughts when he put the 250 ducal escort footnote. We know that EW wanted AW to come with a large army but Hastings and others dissuaded her. Another thought; if Rivers was coming direct from Ludlow why didn't he divert slightly through Coventry? You'd get by far the biggest army from there - they sent 500 to the Scottish wars. And the young King was its overlord with a special relationship with it. Odd, don't you think, seeing as they appeared to be in no hurry There is no record in the Coventry Leet of Rivers or the King passing through Coventry on that occasion. Like you, I think AW thought Northants 'safer territory' to recruit, with less spies perhaps?
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I am not sure how such fairs
would be conducted, but it would certainly have made the town busy. It may also
have affected the roads to and from town, with traders bringing and taking
goods.
It is certainly a factor that
needs to be considered. It may already have been included in the article
mentioned by Mary.
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According to Wikipedia, although there is no source cited, the news that E4 had died reached E5 at Ludlow on April 14. That is probably estimated from the distance between London and Ludlow being 155 miles, rather than anything that is actually known. The problem with AW's position is that we don't know where he was when Edward died. If he was still in Norfolk, then he would have received the news there about the same time; in the Midlands, a day or two earlier, but if in London, more or less immediately. If AW was not in Ludlow at the time, then he would have to consider whether to go to Ludlow, or meet up with E5's party and everyone else in the central location of Northampton. If he had gone to Ludlow, that would have added days, especially if he delayed his departure. A properly arranged trip would have required organization, but I don't know how much. It can't have been the first time E5 had travelled outside of Ludlow, so it can't have required that much more planning. However, if you are combining the trip with plans for an ambush that might take some extra time. AW and anyone else involved such as Richard Grey would have had to meet to plan the strategy, then arrange for the excess of troops, although it is possible that Vaughan was not in on the plot. Some would have been from Ludlow, but if others were coming from the Midlands, he would have to arrange that too. If AW returned to Ludlow late, it may have been because he was co-ordinating troops from his other properties
FWIW, it's also those missing days that have led me to believe that the Woodvilles were caught as flat-footed by the death of Edward IV as was everyone else. Even allowing for incompetence on Rivers' part, if there were any hints Edward's over-all health wasn't good, why weren't plans in place to cover the possibility of Edward's death?
While there may have been real concerns about E4's health, anyone around him would have to be careful about how the approached it. AW's letter earlier in 1483 regarding young E5's guardianship that Collins mentioned does indicate that there was some cause for concern. However, E4 may have been an optimist about his health and unwilling to discuss the possibility of him dying before E5 came of age. The problem with pushing the subject was the it could have led to accusations of imagining the King's death, so AW had to be extremely careful.
Further thoughts on Rivers have led me to consider reversing my original idea that Rivers wouldn't have wanted to meet Richard prior to Edward V's arrival in London and his almost-immediate coronation. It's those 2,000 men Rivers had gathered...Could Rivers' plan from the beginning been to capture or kill Richard? After all, 2,000 is greater than 250 by a factor of eight, and even I would consider odds of 8-1 in my favor to likely be decisive if it came to any fighting...Which again brings up the question of those 2,000 men. Presuming they weren't in Northampton, if only because of the ease at which Richard arrested Rivers on 30 April, where were they? Could they have been strung out along the road Richard, and Buckingham, would be expected to take as they made their way to that meeting with Edward in Stony Stratford?
The more I think about it, I think that the ambush would have been planned from the outset, possibly with private discussions what to do between AW and Richard Grey even before E4 died.. I can't see any reason for so many troops, especially in peacetime, and AW probably felt very confident of success if Richard were outnumbered by 8-1. Some troops may have been in Northampton, and some with E5 in Stony Stratford, but I suspect the majority were stationed deep in Woodville territory around Grafton Regis, the most likely location for the ambush.. You are right to point out that if so many were in Northampton, arresting AW would have been more difficult, especially if the men had been recruited from his estates. Also, Northampton would have been overwhelmed by the numbers in a way that would have attracted some contemporary comment. AW would have anticipated meeting with Richard regarding E5, so he needed to get his charge out of the way to stop Richard taking control as guardian. To find E5 in Stony Stratford, Richard and Buckingham would most likely take the direct route through Grafton Regis, and if the troops were concentrated around there, they would have very little chance against them.
For me, this incident highlights so much about AW's personality - arrogant and ambitious to the point of clumsiness. What he missed out was realizing that even the best planned ambush requires that the person you intend to ambush reaches the desired place. He completely underestimated the fact that placing E5 in such a strange location, and already making plans for an early coronation would raise a red flag. You wouldn't even need to be a distinguished military leader like Richard to see something wasn't right. At best, it was a breach of protocol and downright rude, but AW wasn't counting on ever having to justify his bad manners.
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On Tuesday, February 27, 2018, 2:40 pm, Karen O karenoder4@... [] <> wrote:
Maybe he put Edward elsewhere to avoid him.snitching him out. You wouldn't trust a thirteen year old,would you?
On Feb 27, 2018 5:15 AM, "Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... []" <> wrote:
You know the one thing that doesn't fit with all this is that we know that Rivers was, shall we say, risk averse. He'd usually got a pilgrimage up his sleeve when asked to do anything where he might possibly come to harm. Personally I think this smacks of Lady Macbeth (otherwise known as EW) and he had to do it because she'd got no-one else. And she was Queen. So she'd probably promised him those extra troops (which is why he didn't stop off at Coventry) and then, due to Hastings, it all fell through. Gives a real motive to get rid of Hastings doesn't it?
So imagine Rivers knowing he's still got to go ahead with this, but without the support he was expecting. He must have been incredibly jittery. In fact could that be why he put Edward elsewhere? And if he was jittery, then even more reason for Richard to smell a rat.
What about Buckingham in all this? Do you reckon he was 'doing a Stanley'? Had he heard on the Woodville grapevine that something like this might happen so made sure he was where the action was to step in and lend support to the winning side? I still can't think of any other real reason for his being there. H
On Monday, 26 February 2018, 16:34:54 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <@ yahoogroups.com> wrote:
Hilary, I agree with you to the extent that whether Rivers actually had 2,000 men isn't, I think, the question and it's what he intended to do with the men he did have. I do think he had an unusually large number for the circumstances, however; perhaps twice as much as Richard's and Buckingham's combined escorts. And we don't know exactly how many men they had, either. They may, or may not, each have had the 250 men constituting the usual escort. FWIW, I think the Woodvilles' original plan was to assemble a large army to both escort Edward to London and over-awe any opposition. We have Dorset claiming the Woodvilles are in the driver's seat, even though from its' actions it's obvious they don't control the Council. Why would Dorset say what he's alleged to have said unless he believed he and his Woodville relations had the means to negate the wishes of the current Council? And the most obvious means would be a large body of armed men accompanying a king who would be willing to carry out their wishes. However, the Council stuck its' collective nose in and forced a reduction in men to that 2,000. Which means Rivers may not be in a position to over-come opposition in London by force should it develop. Most importantly, in order to retain their places at the top of the political pyramid, Rivers has to retain custody of Edward until after the coronation and the reshaping of the Council. Of course, if Rivers had had any sense, he'd have had all his men with him in Northampton and arrested Richard and Buckingham at that meeting. Personally, I think he didn't because he wanted some form of plausible denial. If Richard, and Buckingham, go trotting off down the medieval A 508 to meet the king, they wouldn't be going with their entire escorts. Because, and this is the most important part, once Richard and Buckingham are dead, any story that gets out will be Rivers' version with no one to say otherwise. Robbery? Mistaken identity? Richard planned to kill Edward? It wouldn't matter. What would matter was that the two men who could serve as centers of opposition to the Woodvilles would be dead. As for not availing himself of any aid from Coventry, perhaps that was due to Rivers simply not wanting to involve Edward? Other than as bait, that is. Doug Hilary wrote: Doug, this is how I see it too. Having really looked at the geography from Northampton to Stony Stratford it is an area ripe for an ambush - from those side roads that you pointed out.. I think Richard was telling the truth (didn't he always anyway). The 2,000 retinue is a red herring and I think even Ross had second thoughts when he put the 250 ducal escort footnote. We know that EW wanted AW to come with a large army but Hastings and others dissuaded her. Another thought; if Rivers was coming direct from Ludlow why didn't he divert slightly through Coventry? You'd get by far the biggest army from there - they sent 500 to the Scottish wars. And the young King was its overlord with a special relationship with it. Odd, don't you think, seeing as they appeared to be in no hurry There is no record in the Coventry Leet of Rivers or the King passing through Coventry on that occasion. Like you, I think AW thought Northants 'safer territory' to recruit, with less spies perhaps?
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Is it the Lynda Pigeon article that you read? That gave me a negative vibe about Anthony Woodville when I read it the first time a few years ago, and when I reread it yesterday, I have to say that 'poser' is a fair description of him. I'm not convinced either that he returned to Ludlow. The Norfolk and Midlands properties did seem to take up a lot of his time, and Northampton would be a good central point. If he spent most of his time on his estates, the less familiar he would have been with both E4 and E5. At one point, the author questions whether E4 actually liked AW. Maybe he didn't really like him that much, because for all his faults, I get the impression that E4 would know a lightweight when he saw one, and AW may have been indulged to please EW, but was actually much further outside the E4's inner circle than is generally thought. His involvement with E5 appears to have been more of a courtesy title, with Vaughan being closest to the Prince. As E4's chamberlain, Hastings had the power to keep him as far away as possible. The more peripheral he was in relation to the Royal Family, the less awareness he would have had about E4's health. It was interesting how AW did enlarge his relatively modest wealth with other people's property. He may well have seen his position as E5's guardian as an opportunity to do more of this, and the letter he wrote in early 1483 may have been aimed at defining his role giving him closer contact with E5. If he had managed to secure some property in Ludlow and the Marches, that would have given him a power base stretching across the Midlands.
The 8 day fair that David mentioned would have been an excellent distraction for a plot, because people would have been coming and going for over a week, and no-one would have connected the influx with a plot. As the men arrived in Northampton, most would be sent to that area around Grafton. E5 would be sent out of reach to Stony Stratford, and the murder/capture of Richard and Buckingham would be covered up in AW's favour. The troops would then be used to keep order in London for the coronation. However, what would have happened if the ambush was successful, but the council/parliament would not comply with AW and EW's plans, and who would have been in line to comprise their council? Rotherham would probably have been supportive, but I can't see who else would have been a likely backer of the Woodvilles.
Of course, AW may not have seriously considered that even at a late stage his plans could be opposed. As you say, the Woodvilles did have a way of throwing their weight around associated with the 'nouveau riche,' particularly the elite of some third world kleptocracies. Russian oligarchs and their children also come to mind. I would speculate that the Richard and Jacquetta Woodville were an egotistical couple who raised their children with a sense of entitlement. However you look at the Sir Thomas Cook incident, ransacking his home and helping themselves to his belongings hardly shows them in a pleasant light, nor does AW's probable cheating at jousts. However, AW does not appear to be an initiator, so it is unlikely that he would have been the insitgator of the conspiracy. That much more likely came from EW, who knew she would be sidelined, as she had been removed as an executor of E4's will. She probably wanted to be regent, and the other Woodvilles stood to benefit from than if she was, and had a lot to lose if she wasn't.
Nico
One more thing: Lynda Pigeon says that was involved in keeping Fauconberg out of London. Other sources suggest he wasn't. Which one is correct?
On Tuesday, 27 February 2018, 20:03:35 GMT, Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... [] <> wrote:
Hi Karen. Well if you look back at Edward III I certainly wouldn't. H
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On Tuesday, February 27, 2018, 2:40 pm, Karen O karenoder4@... [] <> wrote:
Maybe he put Edward elsewhere to avoid him.snitching him out. You wouldn't trust a thirteen year old,would you?
On Feb 27, 2018 5:15 AM, "Hilary Jones hjnatdat@... []" <> wrote:
You know the one thing that doesn't fit with all this is that we know that Rivers was, shall we say, risk averse. He'd usually got a pilgrimage up his sleeve when asked to do anything where he might possibly come to harm. Personally I think this smacks of Lady Macbeth (otherwise known as EW) and he had to do it because she'd got no-one else. And she was Queen. So she'd probably promised him those extra troops (which is why he didn't stop off at Coventry) and then, due to Hastings, it all fell through. Gives a real motive to get rid of Hastings doesn't it?
So imagine Rivers knowing he's still got to go ahead with this, but without the support he was expecting. He must have been incredibly jittery. In fact could that be why he put Edward elsewhere? And if he was jittery, then even more reason for Richard to smell a rat.
What about Buckingham in all this? Do you reckon he was 'doing a Stanley'? Had he heard on the Woodville grapevine that something like this might happen so made sure he was where the action was to step in and lend support to the winning side? I still can't think of any other real reason for his being there. H
On Monday, 26 February 2018, 16:34:54 GMT, 'Doug Stamate' destama@... [] <@ yahoogroups.com> wrote:
Hilary, I agree with you to the extent that whether Rivers actually had 2,000 men isn't, I think, the question and it's what he intended to do with the men he did have. I do think he had an unusually large number for the circumstances, however; perhaps twice as much as Richard's and Buckingham's combined escorts. And we don't know exactly how many men they had, either. They may, or may not, each have had the 250 men constituting the usual escort. FWIW, I think the Woodvilles' original plan was to assemble a large army to both escort Edward to London and over-awe any opposition. We have Dorset claiming the Woodvilles are in the driver's seat, even though from its' actions it's obvious they don't control the Council. Why would Dorset say what he's alleged to have said unless he believed he and his Woodville relations had the means to negate the wishes of the current Council? And the most obvious means would be a large body of armed men accompanying a king who would be willing to carry out their wishes. However, the Council stuck its' collective nose in and forced a reduction in men to that 2,000. Which means Rivers may not be in a position to over-come opposition in London by force should it develop. Most importantly, in order to retain their places at the top of the political pyramid, Rivers has to retain custody of Edward until after the coronation and the reshaping of the Council. Of course, if Rivers had had any sense, he'd have had all his men with him in Northampton and arrested Richard and Buckingham at that meeting. Personally, I think he didn't because he wanted some form of plausible denial. If Richard, and Buckingham, go trotting off down the medieval A 508 to meet the king, they wouldn't be going with their entire escorts. Because, and this is the most important part, once Richard and Buckingham are dead, any story that gets out will be Rivers' version with no one to say otherwise. Robbery? Mistaken identity? Richard planned to kill Edward? It wouldn't matter. What would matter was that the two men who could serve as centers of opposition to the Woodvilles would be dead. As for not availing himself of any aid from Coventry, perhaps that was due to Rivers simply not wanting to involve Edward? Other than as bait, that is. Doug Hilary wrote: Doug, this is how I see it too. Having really looked at the geography from Northampton to Stony Stratford it is an area ripe for an ambush - from those side roads that you pointed out.. I think Richard was telling the truth (didn't he always anyway). The 2,000 retinue is a red herring and I think even Ross had second thoughts when he put the 250 ducal escort footnote. We know that EW wanted AW to come with a large army but Hastings and others dissuaded her. Another thought; if Rivers was coming direct from Ludlow why didn't he divert slightly through Coventry? You'd get by far the biggest army from there - they sent 500 to the Scottish wars. And the young King was its overlord with a special relationship with it. Odd, don't you think, seeing as they appeared to be in no hurry There is no record in the Coventry Leet of Rivers or the King passing through Coventry on that occasion. Like you, I think AW thought Northants 'safer territory' to recruit, with less spies perhaps?
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Mary
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http://www.richardiii.net/downloads/Ricardian/2005_vol15_Earl_Desmond_Execution.pdf
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There was the story that EW was responsible for the death of the Earl of Desmond. I can't remember exactly ( I am sure that someone will) I think that he made a disparaging remark about her called her the King's Grey mare. So the story goes that, while Edward was away, she took the seal from which ever Archbishop was in charge at the time and allowed John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, to execute the Earl of Desmond. There is a theory that he also executed Desmond's young son too. I don't think EW would flinch from using what she saw as her authority as Queen. Though as I understand it from the posts on here, after Edward's death she didn't have any authority. There was also a story that she made Cecily kneel before her and kept her kneeling for quite some time. It is some time since I read about this so I may not be absolutely accurate.
Mary
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"With a small army at his back, Rivers would have had no problems arresting Richard but, because of the Council's request, with the more limited numbers at his disposal, a direct confrontation wasn't as sure a thing. Thus the idea of an ambush."
Carol responds:
"Capture" Richard, maybe. He had neither authority nor cause to arrest him. I suspect that the ambush idea came from EW, assuming that Richard really did write her "soothing" letters assuring her of his loyalty and imminent arrival, as Croyland states. She would want Anthony to preempt him. Just how Anthony would have explained his actions to the Council and Parliament had he succeeded, I don't know.
The fact that he wrote a poem on the Wheel of Fortune before his death suggests that he accepted his fate and bore no grudge against Richard--whom he made his executor. I almost think that he knew he was doomed whether the ambush succeeded or failed.
Carol
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"With a small army at his back, Rivers would have had no problems arresting Richard but, because of the Council's request, with the more limited numbers at his disposal, a direct confrontation wasn't as sure a thing. Thus the idea of an ambush."
Carol responded:
"Capture" Richard, maybe. He had neither authority nor cause to arrest him. I suspect that the ambush idea came from EW, assuming that Richard really did write her "soothing" letters assuring her of his loyalty and imminent arrival, as Croyland states. She would want Anthony to preempt him. Just how Anthony would have explained his actions to the Council and Parliament had he succeeded, I don't know.
The fact that he wrote a poem on the Wheel of Fortune before his death suggests that he accepted his fate and bore no grudge against Richard--whom he made his executor. I almost think that he knew he was doomed whether the ambush succeeded or failed.
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Doug wrote:If, as I currently think, the original plan was to over-awe, not only London, but members of the Council with that small army escorting Edward, that tells me that the Council didn't necessarily lack enough votes to act against the Woodville attempt to control the new king and his government, but it did lack someone of sufficient stature and ability as the head of that opposition. I also think the Woodvilles realized that Richard would step into that role should he get to London.
I hadn't been sure where Grey fitted in, but since Mancini says that he came to Northampton from London that gives a strong indication of the conspiracy originating there with EW, Grey and Dorset, and they relied on Rivers to carry through with the ambush at Grafton. Dorset's 'we are so powerful' comments have some resonance here, especially if he thought that E5 being escorted by an army of men would sway the council. Perhaps that was what he was referring to. It was ambitious thinking at the best of times, but they would have known that Richard would have been effective opposition, so it was essential for them to ensure that he did not reach London.
FWIW, I don't think EW proposed any particular plan, but I wouldn't be surprised if she had stressed the importance of retaining custody of Edward.. Possibly even using the medieval equivalent of At all costs. However, going by his past actions, Rivers doesn't seem to be someone with very much experience in making plans and carrying them through. So he devises an ambush, using Edward as bait, expects Richard to do exactly what Rivers wants him to and has no fall-back plan if Richard doesn't cooperate. Rivers didn't even have enough men with him to prevent his own arrest by Richard!
There were a lot of holes in the plot in the plot may be due to AW's lack of conviction in it. I even wonder if he felt pushed into it by the others. From what we know about his life and character, I can't see him dreaming it up himself. Far from the noble intellectual of popular myth, he comes across as a dilettante who floats through life, snapping up some properties here and there (often other people's), carrying out occasional duties that went with a courtesy title and making modest contributions to literature, but not instigating anything that would distinguish him individually. While not averse to a bit of dishonesty here and there, he was way out of his depth in a scheme like this, but he owed it to EW who had spent years advancing him. If she and Dorset hadn't been active participants, I can't see why they would have rushed into sanctuary. As for AW himself, his will and the resignation revealed by the poem about the wheel of fortune appear to be almost an admission of his guilt where he is taking some responsibility for his actions.
With displeasure/To my grievance/And no insurance/Of remedy;/Lo, in this trance,/Now in substance, Such is my dance/Willing to die.If he had been wrongly accused, I think he would have been showing more resistance.
Do we have anything that suggests EW, during Edward IV's reign, was an active political player? Personally, I can't think of any occasion where she was recorded as being so, but I could certainly have missed it! Lacking that, it seems more likely to me that she fully recognized her family's position and power rested entirely on their relationship to the king; regardless of whether the king was Edward IV or Edward V. So her fears wouldn't have so much about her losing any direct power, so much as losing the power to influence the person who did have that power. I think that makes sense?
I don't think that EW could have been politically active, but she may have put pressure on E4 behind the scenes to make decisions that would advance her family. The David Baldwin biography of her is good, but it is hard to really get an intimate portrait of her because the information is scarce. If she had been an active political player then surely there would be more records on her activities. However, some things can be surmised from events, such as the socially significant marriages that her sisters made. Also, there was the strange suggestion that AW marry Mary of Burgundy. Was E4 pretending to appease a deluded EW? Such a marriage had no benefit to Burgundy and since AW was not royal, the idea was rather insulting. If the Earl of Desmond incident was true, (imho it could be) that would reveal a very controlling personality.
However, sometimes 'the power to influence the person who did have the power' can be addictive. If E4 had lived a few more years, then she would have had that with E5, but when E4 died unexpectedly, she was set to lose that control to Richard, who she probably feared would distance E5 from her and her family. So, what it looks like is that she and her sons panicked and came up with a very badly thought out plan. It is unclear whether Richard intended to consign the Woodvilles to oblivion, but if they had meddled and pushed for Clarence's execution, they had every reason to fear him. Also, Hastings would oppose them taking any control and would try to push AW off the council. If the worst happened for them, Dorset and AW had enough land to carry on with a privileged, but more anonymous life although Dorset would have probably resented not being able to trade on his royal connections. AW could still have carried on touting himself as an intellectual. Grey's loss of positions would affect him more, because as younger son he wasn't independently wealthy. For that reason, I think that EW and her sons were the authors of the Northampton/Stony Stratford debacle, with AW as the organizer.
Nico
On Thursday, 1 March 2018, 22:05:49 GMT, justcarol67@... [] <> wrote:
Doug wrote:
"With a small army at his back, Rivers
would have had no problems arresting Richard but, because of the Council's
request, with the more limited numbers at his disposal, a direct confrontation
wasn't as sure a thing. Thus the idea of an ambush."
Carol responds:
"Capture" Richard, maybe. He had neither authority nor cause to arrest him. I suspect that the ambush idea came from EW, assuming that Richard really did write her "soothing" letters assuring her of his loyalty and imminent arrival, as Croyland states. She would want Anthony to preempt him. Just how Anthony would have explained his actions to the Council and Parliament had he succeeded, I don't know.
The fact that he wrote a poem on the Wheel of Fortune before his death suggests that he accepted his fate and bore no grudge against Richard--whom he made his executor. I almost think that he knew he was doomed whether the ambush succeeded or failed.
Carol
Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Disarmed} Re: {Dis
With displeasure/To my grievance/And no insurance/Of remedy;/Lo, in this trance,/Now in substance, Such is my dance/Willing to die. If he had been wrongly accused, I think he would have been showing more resistance. Doug here: FWIW, I put the flaws in the Rivers' plot down to the flaws in Rivers himself. He appears to not have been someone who actually accomplished much, even if he did have varied interests. As you say, a dilettante. I've never really stopped and considered EW's motives for rushing into sanctuary; presuming, I imagine, that she looked on sanctuary simply as placing herself (and her children) out of reach until things settled down. However, and considering what happened to Rivers & Co., she may have more deeply involved in plotting against Richard. If I understand the treason laws of the time, even knowledge of an attempt on Richard's life without any other active participation on her part could result in a death penalty; or at least an Attainder. Nico concluded: I don't think that EW could have been politically active, but she may have put pressure on E4 behind the scenes to make decisions that would advance her family. The David Baldwin biography of her is good, but it is hard to really get an intimate portrait of her because the information is scarce. If she had been an active political player then surely there would be more records on her activities. However, some things can be surmised from events, such as the socially significant marriages that her sisters made. Also, there was the strange suggestion that AW marry Mary of Burgundy. Was E4 pretending to appease a deluded EW? Such a marriage had no benefit to Burgundy and since AW was not royal, the idea was rather insulting. If the Earl of Desmond incident was true, (imho it could be) that would reveal a very controlling personality. However, sometimes 'the power to influence the person who did have the power' can be addictive. If E4 had lived a few more years, then she would have had that with E5, but when E4 died unexpectedly, she was set to lose that control to Richard, who she probably feared would distance E5 from her and her family. So, what it looks like is that she and her sons panicked and came up with a very badly thought out plan. It is unclear whether Richard intended to consign the Woodvilles to oblivion, but if they had meddled and pushed for Clarence's execution, they had every reason to fear him. Also, Hastings would oppose them taking any control and would try to push AW off the council. If the worst happened for them, Dorset and AW had enough land to carry on with a privileged, but more anonymous life although Dorset would have probably resented not being able to trade on his royal connections. AW could still have carried on touting himself as an intellectual. Grey's loss of positions would affect him more, because as younger son he wasn't independently wealthy. For that reason, I think that EW and her sons were the authors of the Northampton/Stony Stratford debacle, with AW as the organizer. Doug here: However, sometimes the power to influence the person who did have the power' can be addictive. Perhaps that's the most likely way to view EW and her various actions, both those we can verify and those attributed to her. Being adept at getting people to do what she wanted, while simultaneously not actually having any direct power, might cause one to believe such a method was the only one available. And she'd certainly realize that methods that worked with Edward IV, and would likely have worked with her son, wouldn't work with Richard. Possibly she was a frustrated version of her great-granddaughter, Elizabeth I? I hadn't know about the Burgundy marriage offer; and you're correct, it was insulting. Doug
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Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
In a post about John Rushe, you mentioned a book about London merchants where he wasn't listed. Is it a directory and what is the name of it? Possibly, it could be helpful with something else I have been working on.
Nico
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
On Friday, 13 April 2018, 14:21:17 BST, nico11238@... [] <> wrote:
Hi Hilary,
In a post about John Rushe, you mentioned a book about London merchants where he wasn't listed. Is it a directory and what is the name of it? Possibly, it could be helpful with something else I have been working on.
Nico
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
I just found on Amazon, a hard cover for $22.00 and paperback for $12.00.
From: <>
Sent: Friday, April 13, 2018 8:26 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Yep Nico it's the Merchant Class of Medieval London by Sylvia L Thrupp. A very useful book. Can't remember how much it was but not extortionate. Cheers H
On Friday, 13 April 2018, 14:21:17 BST, nico11238@... [] <> wrote:
Hi Hilary,
In a post about John Rushe, you mentioned a book about London merchants where he wasn't listed. Is it a directory and what is the name of it? Possibly, it could be helpful with something else I have been working on.
Nico
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
On Friday, 13 April 2018, 15:22:29 GMT+1, Pamela Bain pbain@... [] <> wrote:
I just found on Amazon, a hard cover for $22.00 and paperback for $12.00.
From: <>
Sent: Friday, April 13, 2018 8:26 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Yep Nico it's the Merchant Class of Medieval London by Sylvia L Thrupp. A very useful book. Can't remember how much it was but not extortionate. Cheers H
On Friday, 13 April 2018, 14:21:17 BST, nico11238@... [] <> wrote:
Hi Hilary,
In a post about John Rushe, you mentioned a book about London merchants where he wasn't listed. Is it a directory and what is the name of it? Possibly, it could be helpful with something else I have been working on.
Nico
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
FWIW I actually think that the monarchy from EIV onwards faced a change compatible only with the Industrial Revolution of the eighteenth century. Before that the king had to be a warrior who took 'the lads' to war overseas, married a foreign princess and had a brace of sons. And the guilds and the clergy looked after the rest. Easy if you did it right - if you didn't you died.
From 1460, the lads had self-extinguished, there were few foreign opportunities, the Queen was an Englishwoman and it was getting difficult to have a brace of sons. Add to this the fact that the clergy had diversified into the Law, Education and Politics and the merchant class had found a new way of creating money and independence that didn't involve chasing round in suits of armour. So the challenge was immense. I reckon we underestimate the challenge to kings from this era who were brought up in the old tradition - and I would have to include HT. Anything which helps us understand the transition is useful.
But I do agree, if you're looking at Richard in isolation, then you won't find the detail you may seek. H
the a On Monday, 16 April 2018, 21:54:45 BST, mariewalsh2003 <[email protected]> wrote:
Just a warning on Thrupp- most of the merchants listed are slightly earlier than our period so it's not so useful for WotR era.
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
Re Thrupp, yes I'm sure it's invaluable as a sociological study. I have to be honest that isn't what I personally bought it for. I was hoping for potted biographies of individual London merchants I was encountering in my researches, and time and again, just like Russhe, they weren't there. I suppose it all depends what you want the book for.
Marie
Re: Buckingham's Rebellion and the Precontract
On Monday, 16 April 2018, 22:52:56 BST, mariewalsh2003 <[email protected]> wrote:
Hi Hilary,
Re Thrupp, yes I'm sure it's invaluable as a sociological study. I have to be honest that isn't what I personally bought it for. I was hoping for potted biographies of individual London merchants I was encountering in my researches, and time and again, just like Russhe, they weren't there. I suppose it all depends what you want the book for..
Marie